Schmalleningken: Life on the Northeast Prussian Border in the First Half of the 19th Century

Introduction. The article studies the problem of participation of nobility in charity in the Stavropol region in the 19th – early 20th centuries. It is noted that the content and features of the process of formation and evolution of the class structure and the nobility, in particular, in the region, along with the existing normative framework that consolidated its class status, were largely determined by a number of features. Those were the peculiarities of Russia advancement on the Caucasian borders, the history and peculiarities of colonization of the steppe preCaucasus, the special military-administrative and geopolitical status of Stavropol during the period under consideration. Materials and Methods. The principle of class structure in the regulatory framework for the charitable process in the Russian Empire and the problem of the history of noble charity in the context of the emergence of new social communities and the inevitable leveling of class differences logically predetermined special attention to clarifying the characteristics of classes. The list of characteristics of classes proposed by M.I. Lavitskaya and A.V. Melnikov was chosen as the basic one. It says that 1) each class has specific rights and social functions that are legally enshrined in custom or law; 2) class rights are inherited; 3) the presence of class corporate organizations that carry out class public administration; 4) a specific mentality and self-awareness of classes. The study was conducted using materials from the State Archives of the Stavropol Krai. It preconditioned the use of historical-genetic, periodization, typological and narrative methods. Analysis. Based on specific historical facts, it is shown how the relatively late entry of the region into the Empire predetermined the small number of hereditary nobility on its territory, and the active events of military colonization became the main source of formation of the local nobility. Nobles from the inner provinces of Russia, the Kingdom of Poland and western provinces began to move here, and that few of the nobles of Stavropol region had land holdings and the main source of their income was the civil service. In the course of modeling the features of subject-object relations in the charitable process on the territory of the region, limited capabilities of the Stavropol nobility for large and frequent charitable events as well as the relatively small scale of the base of potential objects of charity in relation to the inner provinces of Russia were taken into account. Results. Specifically, the historical picture, created on the basis of a wide range of sources, showed a relatively weak involvement of the nobility of the region in charitable practice in comparison to the all-Russian one. First of all, this is the popularization of the charitable participation of the population in the creation and care for the activities of educational institutions and the lives of poor students, the creation of rare medical and social institutions by those in power and by their own example. If there was no active expected response, the Stavropol (Caucasian) public charity order could be used to accumulate charitable proceeds for the solution of the above-mentioned problems over a long period of time. This is also one of the longest-lasting practices of leisure-time, caring, but not very wealthy representatives of the Stavropol nobility (usually women) visiting the poor with the aim of collecting and transmitting information about them to the provincial registers, as about individuals and families “whose pathetic situation deserves special attention.” This is the initiation and active participation of representatives of the nobility in the creation and work of charitable societies, expanding in scope and directions within the framework of bourgeois modernization processes launched by the reforms of the second half of the 19th century, when the prestige of the idea of public benefit, introduced into the ethics of the noble class back in the 18th century, is gradually gaining a new meaning in Russian culture, not bypassing the Stavropol region.

The article presents a selected genealogy of the descendants of Cossack elders of Hetmanate and Slobozhanshchyna, who in the second half of the 19th century held positions of governors or vice-governors in the Russian administration of the Kingdom of Poland. The aim of the work is to find those key moments in the history of the family who chose such a career and their proteges in the bureaucracy of the Russian Empire. Representatives of the Left-bank Ukraine were a notable group of 134 governors and vice-governors in the Kingdom of Poland, during the russified administration of the Kingdom by the Russian Empire (1867–1918). Thus, it was a larger group than the emigrants from the Rightbank Ukraine, Podolia and Volyn together. This observation may lead to a conclusion that this was the result of a specific relationship between the Russian Empire and the Cossack elite of the former Slobozhanshchyna and Hetmanate in the 19th century.

The presented volume considers sources from the so-called Taken Lands – former Polish lands incorporated into the Russian Empire – as well as from the area of the Duchy of Warsaw and then Kingdom of Poland. Its chronological scope encompasses the 19th and early 20th centuries, and its subject-matter stretches from homilies, to legal and bureaucratic sources, to those concerning the history of science and technology. The authors touch upon a number of themes relating to the technicalities, methodology and theory of source editing.

The article is devoted to a comparative analysis of the composition and dynamics of the development of the anti-epidemic response of state, scientific, medical and public institutions of the leading countries of Western Europe, the Russian and Ottoman empires during the five cholera pandemic waves in the 19th - early 20th centuries. The difference in the unique features of social, cultural, political life and, at the same time, a general orientation towards one vector of development (western trend) make the analysis possible and relevant. The actuality layed not only in the general scientific sense, but also applicable to the current anti-epidemic practice of the emerging covid-19 pandemic. The comparative study is based on a comprehensive analysis of Russian, American, English and Turkish historiography. The work proves that the development of an anti-epidemic strategy is always the product of the already established tendencies of perception and response to emergencies and extraordinary situations in society, formats or patterns of “responses” to a global “challenge”, which in the course of events are only subject to certain adjustments, additions, updates. Confidence in the chosen strategy or the search for a strategy, the harmony of the chosen path or its search for social trends, plays a huge role. So, the general situation in Western European countries with a set of social characteristics inherent in them by the beginning of the 19th century (secularism, the leading role science and its self-developing potential, the development of public life and civil society institutions) only reinforced the chosen direction of the search for anti-epidemic policy algorithms, despite the delayed result, led to positive shifts both in the fight against cholera and the development of medicine in society as a whole (health care system, social hygiene, sanitation, preventive vaccination, etc.). Irregularities in the development of these social signs, with a general orientation towards a search path similar to Western Europe, the inconsistency of the relationship between power, medicine and society in the Russian Empire, did not lead, despite noticeable successes in certain clusters, to the organization of a common national health system till the beginning of the XX century subject to the vast territorial extent of the country, the key to effective implementation of choleratic measures. The transition to the European principles of anti-epidemic response in the harsh conditions of constant foreign policy pressure, the almost complete absence of a social foundation for the accumulation of innovations, or its deliberately secondary nature for social dispositions, the unpreparedness of the social system to massively rigid introduction of new principles, institutions, methods, practices and rules in society, as happened with the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century, did not contribute, despite the creation of almost all links and the maintenance of their performance, the addition of a national health system capable of developing an effective anti-epidemic response system in the conditions of the Ottoman society.

Nowy Targ square is located in the eastern part of the Old Town in Wroclaw, in an area of long and varied history, bursting with rich relics of the past deposited in the form of cultural layers. A necessity of undertaking there excavations in 2010 resulted from the commencement of investment activities related to the construction of an underground car park. The location and size of the trench were determined by the construction project. The excavations covered an area of nearly 40 ares in the southern part of the square, obtaining previously unreachable scientific possibilities. The excavations were carried out in accordance with the principles of stratigraphic methods. It was assumed that the order of formation of excavated features was diachronic, and by their registration a modified and adapted to the nature of the site Edward Harris’s system was applied. To this method was subject the documentation scheme. The results illustrated several events or time breakthrough trends for the area in question, fixed by relevant material sources. We identify them as phases of land use, being aware of the arbitrariness of the term. A simplification introduced in this way will help to organize the description of the history of use of the area in question. The area is located on the left bank terrace of the Odra River, formed in this place by riverine sands covered with a layer of light brown alluvial soil with a thickness of 30 cm. The soil survived only in small portions and its top parts were mixed in the initial stage of land use. The level of its top was between 115.35–115.60 m above sea level, showing a slight inclination from the west to the east. Eight successive phases of use of this place (I–VIII) were determined. Phase I represents the beginnings of settlement on the left bank of the Odra River. Features related to it are mostly pits of indeterminate function – perhaps parts of semi-sunken buildings and postsholes – some with remains of wattle or log constructions. This phase is dated to the 11th–12th century. Phase II is a continuation of the development of the left bank settlement. In a related layer features and artefacts were recorded, which can be dated to the second half of the 12th and early 13th century. Phase III (proto-urban) is a stage in the development of settlement characterized by a considerable intensification of exploitation of land, reflected by the richness of a complex stratigraphic sequence. In the layer corresponding to this phase numerous pottery fragments and various metal items were found. The source material as well as the dendrochronological dates allow to date the phase to the 13th century – from its first decades to about the 1260s–1270s. Phase IV – associated with the liquidation of the built-up area and demarcation of Nowy Targ square, probably along with a regular grid of streets surrounding it – is dated to the second half of the 13th century. Phase V reflects an early stage of Nowy Targ square functioning, in layers associated with it wooden troughs and pipes for transport of water were found connected with wells built of laths. This phase is dated to the second half of the 13th and early 14th century. Phase VI represents the continuation of use of the market square in the 14th century. The corresponding layers contained remains of wooden structures (post, wattle constructions). Phase VII determines the period of the square use at the end of the 14th century. Remains of this stage are fragments of pottery, leather, animal bones, metal artefacts as well as relics of brick and wooden structures. Phase VIII corresponds to the period of the square use in Post-medieval period, between the 16th and 18th centuries. In layers associated with it relics of a Baroque fountain were recorded. This paper is a preliminary presentation of the results of excavations at Nowy Targ square in Wroclaw. Further analysis will allow to create clear conclusions concerning the beginnings of settlement and spatial changes in the area in question.

Make Rolf, Imperiale Herrschaft im Weichselland: Das Konigreich Polen im Russischen Imperium (1864-1915) (Imperial Rule in the Vistula Region: The Kingdom of Poland in the Russian Empire [1864-1917]). 532 pp. Oldenburg: De Gruyter, 2015. ISBN-13 978-3486781427. 54.95 [euro]. As the Polish historian Andrzej Nowak wrote almost a decade ago, interpretations of Russian imperial policies in the Polish lands in the 19th century have changed numerous times over the last hundred years. During the interwar period Polish historians presented the relationship between the empire and its Polish subjects as one of relentless confrontation--Poles against the empire, and the empire against the Poles. During the Soviet period they were forced to study revolutionary ties between Poles and Russians rather than the Russian imperial regime. Even though a number of significant works analyzing Russian policy in the Kingdom of Poland have appeared in recent decades, we still lack studies that take a complex approach to Russian policy in this region. (1) Malte Rolf's monograph is important because it fills this gap. Rolf analyzes how the Kingdom of Poland (or, as it was called from 1864, the Vistula Region) figured within the mental maps of Russian officialdom, as well as the policies that St. Petersburg pursued in the region after the Rebellion of 1863 and the impact of state policies on the region's population (chapters 2 and 5). At the center of the study lies the imperial elite of the area: above all, the governors-general (subchapter 5 is dedicated to their biographies) but also officials of the education district and the civilian governors. In addition to personalities, Rolf studies several policy areas as they applied to the region--namely, censorship and confessional policy (subchapters 7 and 8, respectively)--while education receives significantly less attention, underscoring the intense interaction that occurred between the imperial government and local society in Warsaw (chapter 3) and suggesting that many of the reforms implemented in the city were possible only because of close cooperation between the sides. (2) He even concludes that Petersburg's hegemony cannot be described simply as a hegemony of oppression and interference. Instead it was the product of a particular context, one that fundamentally affected local development (279). One particularly effective chapter focuses on Warsaw, the capital of the Vistula Region, to consider the formation of the Russian community in the city. This community, which was fairly large (approximately 40,000 people in the late imperial period), included a number of Russian professors at Warsaw University, many of whom, as Rolf notes, tended to support a far more radical pro-Russian nationalist policy in the region than the imperial administration (see, e.g., 288). Thus Rolf, like other researchers, tends to highlight the differences between government ideology and the nationalist views that were prevalent within local Russian society. (3) At the same time he notes the influence of Russian nationalism on the ruling elite (10, 32, 120, 318, 421) and ultimately concludes that the more the empire's ruling elite adopted a proRussian nationalist view that saw the empire as belonging to the Russians, the less likely its members were to find common ground with peoples of other nationalities--Poles, in the first instance (434). Rolf analyzes both the influence of Russian nationalism on the imperial bureaucracy and the various ways in which officialdom affected society. An important observation that flows from this approach is that several government measures either backfired and hurt the regime or simply did not work. Strict censorship, for example, meant that a certain share of Polish-language publishing ended up being transferred, ironically enough, to Habsburg Galicia (422), where Poles enjoyed far greater autonomy. Rolf also outlines areas of mutual influence between state policy and antistate Polish nationalism. …

We consider Tsna region territory in the late of 14th – early 17th century from the point of view frontier theory. We made a conclusion that about Tsna region of the first quarter of the 17th century, one can speak about the inner frontier, that is, as existing on the contact zone, where permanent Russian settlements interspersed in places of residence of the local autochthony population. Based on the sources analysis we identify ethnic composition of the population of Tsna region. In this study we raise the interaction problem of different ethnic groups in the border area. The study deals with the gradual formation of a local intercultural society within the inner frontier of Tsna region at the turn of the 14th – 17th centuries.

According to the decision by the Congress of Vienna in 1815, Austria, Prussia and Russia, which included parts of the territory of the Duchy of Warsaw, assumed mutual obligations to ensure the rights of the Polish population. In the Kingdom of Poland, established on Polish lands within the Russian Empire, which was granted a constitution, preserved state institutions and some political and civil liberties, the French Civil Code (Code Napoleon) and the French Commercial Code continued to apply. Thus, the Duchy of Warsaw and the Kingdom of Poland were involved in the process of systematising state and civil law, which took place in many European countries at the beginning of the nineteenth century. At the same time, from the end of the 1820s onwards, the legislation of the Kingdom of Poland was brought closer to that of the Empire. This process, especially after the suppression of the Polish Uprising of 1830-1831, accompanied by the restriction of political and civil liberties granted by the Constitution of 1815, favoured the incorporation of the Polish lands into the Russian state. At the same time, the 1809 incorporation of the French Commercial Code into the national legal system of the Duchy of Warsaw, which was also in force in the Kingdom of Poland, even after the creation of the independent Polish state in 1918, contributed to the creation of legal and economic unity, which was perceived as a manifestation of economic and political freedom under conditions of a significant restriction of national rights. The implementation of French legislation in the early nineteenth century had a significant impact on the systematisation of state and civil law in the Kingdom of Poland.

The article examines the phenomenon of unequal (morganatic) marriages in the Romanov dynasty, considered as a form of social deviation, which, despite its legal recognition, contradicted the established dynastic traditions of the Russian Empire. The relevance of the work is due to the insufficient study of the influence of morganatic marriages on intra–dynastic relations, the political stability of the monarchy and the perception of the imperial family in society, especially in the context of the crisis phenomena of the late 19th — early 20th century. In the scientific literature, this problem was mainly considered either in a biographical way or from the point of view of legal aspects, while a comprehensive analysis of the social consequences of such unions remained outside the field of view of researchers. The purpose of the article is to identify the historical causes of the institution of unequal marriage in Russia, to determine its significance in the dynastic politics of the House of Romanov and to analyze the social consequences of such unions for intra-dynastic relations and public perception of the imperial family. The methodological basis of the research includes a historical and genealogical analysis of marriage unions of members of the imperial house, a comparative legal method that allows assessing the evolution of legislation on unequal marriages, as well as a socio-cultural approach that allows identifying changes in the perception of such unions by Russian society. The source base includes legislative acts of the Russian Empire, diary entries, correspondence of representatives of the dynasty, as well as memoirs of contemporaries. The results of the study show that in the Russian Empire, the institution of dynastic marriage was established in the era of Peter the Great and was an important tool of foreign policy strategy, while unequal (morganatic) unions that appeared in the 19th century were initially perceived as an exception, but by the end of the century they had become widespread. Analyzing the dynamics of these processes, the author comes to the conclusion that the increase in the number of unequal marriages in the late 19th and early 20th centuries indicates the disintegration of the traditional model of dynastic marriage, which, in turn, reflected a deep ideological and social crisis within the imperial family. The conclusions of the study make it possible to clarify the nature of crisis phenomena in the Russian Empire on the eve of revolutionary upheavals, complementing the existing concepts of domestic political and ideological decline. The data obtained during the analysis confirm the hypothesis that unequal marriages became a marker of changes in the social identity of the Romanovs, which reduced their legitimacy in the eyes of society.

In this article, the authors investigate the reasons, process and consequences of the liquidation of the traditional institution of Khan power by the Russian Empire. At the beginning of the 19th century, the tsarist government began a unilateral elimination of the Khan's power in Kazakhstan, for which sufficient data, military resources and funds appeared in the Russian Empire. The Genghisids represented by the Khans and sultans, who personified the independence of the Kazakh Khanate, were discredited in the eyes of the nomads. The work was written on the basis of written and archival sources; the article contains documents from the Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire. In the 18th century, border settlements and trade were the main Russian interests in the Steppe, and to this end, Russian officials were ready to support Kazakh leaders who were loyal to the power of the Russian Empire in Kazakh lands. By the early 19th century, the growing influence of the Central Asian Khanates, as well as the Qing Empire, prompted the Russian authorities to actively establish a more direct form of government over the Kazakhs. Based on the available data, it can be argued that in the case of the display of the personality of Uali Khan in previous historical studies, stereotypes of public perception of the last ruler of the Middle Zhuz emerged, which were formed through the results of the liquidation of the Khan's power by the Russian Empire. In the course of an objective study of historical sources, scholarly historians still find out how much the existing work is fair in relation to a politician of the 18th and early 19th centuries.

Introduction. The purpose of the article is to find out the state of Jochi numismatics in the Russian Empire by the end of the 18th and beginning of the 19th centuries. The novelty of the research. For the first time in one work, the currently known information about the origin of the study of the coins of the Golden Horde in the 18th century is presented. The beginning of systematic coin collecting in Russia was laid by Peter I, who himself was one of the first Russian collectors and collected coins, including “Tatar” (i.e. Golden Horde) coins in his collection. Methods and materials. Numismatics is based on information from a number of human sciences: paleography, chronology, etc. Numismatics is characterized by a complex study of coins and attention to their role in historical processes. The materials for writing the article were mainly publications of the late 17th century – early 19th century, containing information about the coins of the Golden Horde. Analysis. In 1714, the Cabinet of Curiosities – the Kunstkamera – was founded in St. Petersburg. Before the emergence of the Hermitage, it was the Kunstkamera, which had its own Mintskabinet, that was the main numismatic treasury of Russia; coins from its collection later entered the Hermitage. There is evidence that Golden Horde coins were also stored in the Kunstkamera of the 18th century. The origin of private coin collecting in Russia, including Juchid coins (collections of Y.V. Bruce, A.P. Volynsky, P.I. Musin-Pushkin, etc.), belongs to the first half of the 18th century. Readings of inscriptions on coins (and, accordingly, definitions) were often erroneous. Rather, the exception is the activity of the orientalist Georg Jacob Kehr (1692–1740), who was in many ways ahead of the level of science of his time and who, judging by the surviving prints, made many correct definitions. Results. There was no systematic fixation of coin finds in the 18th century; only fragmentary information about the places of coin finds (Bolgar and Selitrennoe settlements, etc.) was preserved. At the same time, the base created in the 18th century (the development of private coin collecting, the Mintskabinet in the Kunstkamera, the activities of G.J. Kehr, etc.) contributed to bringing research to a qualitatively new level in the first half of the 19th century.

The specificity of cultural tradition of the Uniate Church in the Commonwealth [Republic] of Poland was the integration of elements of the Eastern and the Western Church tradition. This process intensified throughout the 18th century and was observable first of all in the church interiors as well as in architecture. The result of assimilation of Latin elements was inter alia similarities in the appearance of Uniate and Catholic churches - more often in the western and northern regions of the Metropolitan Archdiocese of Kiev. In the church interior, the iconostasis was replaced by a set of Baroque altars - the main and usually two side ones. Pews, pulpits, confessionals and even pipe organs appeared. In the Eastern-Church architecture the three-part layout (the chancel, nave, and women’s section) was replaced by the two-part layout (the chancel and the large rectangular nave covered by gabled roofs with an ave-bell turret). The richest form of the Latinized Uniate church body was the churches with the two-tower front facade (inter alia Buśno, Kodeniec, Dywin [Dzivin], Hołoby [Goloby], Olble). After the Partitions, new patterns of Orthodox Church architecture were introduced in the Russian partition, in particular after the liquidation of the Uniate Church (in the Russian Empire - 1839, in the Kingdom of Poland - 1875). Uniate churches were replaced by Orthodox churches built in the Russian “national” style. After the devastations caused by the two World Wars, after the practice of demolishing Orthodox churches in the Lublin region in 1938, and after demolishing them under the Soviet Union and People’s Poland, there are very few Uniate churches left. In order to have a complete picture of the Uniate religious tradition, archives have to be searched (records of inspections, and inventories). The inspection records of 1788 describe the Uniate church (built in 1751) in the village of Michale on the Bug as one with “three towers”. The records show a similar description of the no longer extant Uniate church in Wielka Hłusza (Velyka Hlusha) in Volhynia: according to a later description it had two towers with a prominent ave-bell turret. It could be assumed that the Uniate church in Michale had a similar appearance. This church, converted in 1881 in the Russian “national” style”, completely lost its former appearance.

The article examines the process of constructing the mythological image of the Russian Empire as a "saviour of Christians" who were resettled from the Crimean peninsula to the North Azov Sea region, which became the basis for the formation of a historical myth in the region. The paper uses the analysis of various sources: orders, letters, reports, rescripts, descriptive and statistical materials, messages, etc. to consider the main stages of creating and maintaining this image and its articulation at different levels. The author proves that the positioning of Russia's special mission to protect the Christian population of the peninsula began from the moment the Russian Empire decided to resettle Christians from the territory of the Crimean Khanate. The Russian Empire assumed a leading role in the protection of “co-religionists” justifying themselves by unbearable religious oppression and the difficult situation of the Greeks, Armenians, Georgians and all those who practiced Orthodox Christianity in a Muslim state. To strengthen its role and emphasize the importance of its “mission” the Russian Empire created and spread the image of the Crimean Khanate as a despotic state that oppressed the Christian population in every possible way and limited their religious and social rights almost to the point of destruction. Their extremely difficult situation forced the Crimean Christians to appeal to the Russian Empress to resettle them on the territory of the Orthodox Empire. This was the official version of the resettlement of the Christians used at all levels and became the basis for the construction of the myth.
 The official image of the empire as the “savior” of the Christians was actively spread at first through the works of priests and representatives of the church. The special role of the leader of the Crimean Christians – Metropolitan Ignatius of Gotfey and Kafay was constructed. His actions are compared with the actions of the Old Testament Prophet Moses. In the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries, this image was replicated by educators, doctors, and researchers of history. At this stage, the author observes the fixation of the official image of the Russian Empire as the “savior” of Christians. It was inconsistent with the memories of the Greeks and their descendants who survived the resettlement and strove to return to the Crimean Peninsula. At the same time, the “logical chain” of the regional myth about the founding of Mariupol by Metropolitan Ignatius and the first commemorative practices in his honor was built. All this laid the foundation for the final formation of the myth of the imperial city of Mariupol.

The prosperity of Kalecki’s childhood was illusory. Workers and their families had been badly affected by the protectionist trade policies of the government in Moscow and by technological progress that deskilled their work. Poverty and unemployment was endemic in Łodź. In a foretaste of what was to come, strikes and civil disturbances had broken out in 1892, culminating in anti-Semitic attacks on the Jewish population in central Łodź. Business conditions for Abram Kalecki’s textile factory deteriorated in the early years of the twentieth century, soon after his son’s birth. Demand for Polish products in the Russian empire stagnated. In the empire’s Polish territories, the situation was exacerbated in 1903 and 1904 by poor harvests, which drove up food prices. Few in the rural economy benefited from those higher prices because a large proportion of the rural labour force was landless. Out of a total population of 11 million in the Kingdom of Poland in 1905, around 10 per cent were landless labourers and their families.1 Another significant proportion had only small landholdings.

SUMMARY: During the 18 th and 19 th centuries when the Russian empire was engaged in virtually continuous conflicts over the acquisition of new territory, the question of the political and economic costs and benefits of imperial expansion was always extremely important. In this article E. Pravilova scrutinizes the emergence of discourse of the “economic burden of the empire” in governmental considerations, public and later parliamentary debates, which allows to trace the evolution of governmental perspectives on the nature of the imperial polity and nation-centered thinking about the economic relationship between the Russian ( Rossian ) empire and the Russian and non Russian nations. The author analyzes often contradictory assessments of the balance sheet of economic relationship between the imperial center and Transcaucasia, the Kingdom of Poland (and later Polish gubernias ), Turkestan and the Grand Duchy of Finland. While economic motivations for conquest and maintenance of the empire inevitably took a backseat to geopolitical considerations, the imperial government nonetheless recognized the enormous economic potential of its newly acquired territories and generally aimed to integrate them within the empire’s economic system and its broader processes of economic development. In devising its economic policies in the borderlands, the government’s actions were shaped by two basic concerns: the first was the urge to increase the return gained from these regions in order to make sure that they did not become a financial burden on the center; and the second was the need to respect the particularities of the national economies, revenue structures, and levels of economic development in the borderlands in order to guarantee political stability. Financial relations between center and periphery within the empire ultimately evolved on the basis of these two occasionally contradictory political and economic principles.