Russia’s challenge to US hegemony and the implications for Europe

Current events happening around the world, especially the 'humanitarian interventions' by NATO and the West within the context of the so-called Arab Spring, make the understanding of the role of spheres of influence in international politics absolutely critical. Hast explores the practical implications and applications of this theory, challenging the concept by using historical examples such as suzerainty and colonialism, as well as the emergence of a hierarchical international order. This study further connects the English School tradition, post-war international order, the Cold War and images of Russia with the concept of the sphere of influence to initiate debate and provide a fresh outlook on a concept which has little recent attention.

This article examines the emergence and transformation of Norway’s peace engagement in the context of changing international relations. Focusing on foreign policy discourses and practices, the article portrays peace engagement as a value-based effort to support resolution of distant intrastate conflicts, and a strategy to promote Norway’s interests and influence in international relations. The article also argues that changing international politics after the turn of the century has challenged and reoriented Norway’s peace engagement in a more realist direction. Foreign policy discourses and practices are increasingly based on a broad notion of interests that also include ideals of peace, democracy and development. This means that peace engagement can support a domestic political consensus on foreign policy, and simultaneously promote Norway’s standing, relevance and influence in international relations. Peace engagement has thus been institutionalized as a foreign policy that promotes peace while also addressing the challenges associated with smallness in international relations.

While the specifics of Europe's internal dimensions — its ultimate geographic boundaries and its future institutional design — have attracted much attention and caused considerable debate, the future role of the European Union in international relations by comparison has been neglected in terms of both public debate and scientific scrutiny. This is perhaps not surprising, given the massive enlargement of EU membership since the mid-1990s, which has absorbed much of Europe's political energies over the last years, and will undoubtedly continue to do so in the near future. At the same time, the European Union since 1990 has also seen its standing and its influence in international relations on balance increase rather substantially, even if this trend has been buffeted repeatedly by setbacks and crises. Indeed, it could be argued that European influence in international relations has grown not despite, but because of major crises which have forced the member states to focus on their shared interests and act accordingly. Whichever it may be, this trend has perhaps been most clearly observed from a distance: several prominent American observers even predicted that the twenty-first century would belong to the new superpower Europe (Kupchan, 2002; Rifkin, 2004).

The article notes that modern processes taking place in the world are causing the reformation of the system of international relations, forcing scientists to think about the conceptualization of the concept of "political influence". Any influence is a process whose goal is to change behavior, preferences, positions, feelings and emotions, beliefs, as well as group norms, mass attitudes, and social consciousness. Political influence is one of the varieties of social influence. Political influence is traditionally seen as a manifestation of power. In international relations, the concept of "political influence" is associated with the concepts of "state power", "state power". It is noted that influence in the international arena can be exercised using various means and mechanisms, in particular, using "hard" or "soft" power. At the same time, the same resources can act as "soft" or "hard" power, for example, economic, human, communication, etc. In the system of international relations, dialogic and authoritarian communication is used, which affects the results of influence. The article analyzes the means of influence, in particular, attention is paid to the classification of resources of political influence. It is noted that political influence in international relations depends on many factors: economic, social, informational. It is pointed out that there are various methods of political influence, the subjects of which are both individuals and large transnational corporations, international organizations and states. The effectiveness of political influence will depend on the specific characteristics of the subject and the object of influence, on their status in the international arena, prestige, will, etc., and the nature of the relationship between the participants. It is concluded that political influence in international relations is an integral part of them.

In recent years, both state and non-state religious actors have become important for understanding international outcomes in many parts of world. Fundamental norms of international relations were enshrined in the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) - particularly the notion of state restraint in religious matters. This encouraged belief that international relations discourse is predominantly secular. Religion now influences international outcomes involving international society. All religious actors’ influence in international relations is linked to their ability to exercise ‘soft power’. The chapter examines the theory and practice of religion’s involvement in international relations.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union five new states emerged in Central Asia: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Adjacent to China and traditionally being viewed as part of Russia’s sphere of influence, Central Asia not only has vast natural resources, but also occupies important geostrategic position, which lures the international powers to engage in the area’s affairs. By military presence emerged after September 11 event, the US found a way to counteract the influence of Russia and China in Central Asia. Consequently, Central Asia has become the focus of international politics. Applying a geopolitical and national interest approaches to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) established by Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan in 2001, the thesis examines the origins and prospects of the SCO as well as the economic and security cooperation within its framework. It is also explores how the national interests of Russia and other member states drive their policies towards the interaction within the SCO, in particular, of those Russia and China. The SCO serves as a useful forum for its member states in balancing interests between each other. As well as being an instrument for pursuing key interests between Russia and China, the SCO also functions as a consolidating factor in the Russian-Chinese relationship by offering a vehicle for managing their affairs. For Russia, the SCO provides an opportunity for strengthening its political, military and economic ties with Central Asian countries and for constraining the growth of China’s influence in the region while at the same time balancing US influence. Russia’s most important concern about possible future developments in the SCO is China’s policy of using the organization as a vehicle for the economic penetration of Central Asian countries. Russia will strive for a balanced distribution of power within the SCO, thus hindering China’s aspirations to win greater influence in Central Asia through the organization. It should be appealing for Russia to establish itself as a “bridge” between the SCO and Euro-Atlantic institutions, such as the EU or NATO, which have manifested their increasing interest in Central Asia. This move could serve to emphasize Russia’s unique geopolitical position as a link between Europe and Asia, and raise its standing within the SCO itself.

Narratives as tools of sociological imagination: a reply to ‘From discourse to legitimacy: narratives as instruments of influence in international relations’ by Armağan Gözkaman

In the 1980s, Robert W. Cox (considered the “father of Critical Theory” in IR) envisioned that a counter-hegemonic movement could arise in the future from the multilateral alliance of less privileged States, which could resist the dominance of the central powers of the system. Almost three decades later, the 2008 Financial Crisis, the decline of the US hegemony (propelled by its unilateralist actions) and the rise of emerging economies all over the world resulted in a scenario of transformation and redistribution of power in international relations. In that context, a reformist movement driven by developing countries (some of them located geographically distant from one another), especially by the BRICS nations, voiced new demands for democratization of global governance at the international level, contesting the US and Western hegemony in world affairs and the underrepresentation of less-privileged States in important multilateral organizations. From the analysis of the conceptual framing of Critical Theory to the context behind the inception of BRICS and its positions in international relations, this article aims to explore the elements that could possibly connect the group to the interpretations undertaken by Critical Theorists, showing that the group does hold certain positions that can allow such an association.

The formation of the Shanghai Five at the end of the XX century and its transformation into the Shanghai Cooperation Organization at the beginning of the XXI century is an important event in international relations. It created many opportunities for the development of foreign international and economic relations for Central Asian states within member states and also with dialogue partners. The development process of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization began with the establishment of confidence-building and the reduction of troops in the border areas of China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan. In this regard, the five countries signed agreements to establish mutual trust and reduce the number of troops. The SCO is the successor to the Shanghai Five, which was formed by the initiative of Kazakhstan between the People's Republic of China, Russia, and three Central Asian countries such as Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan. The main achievement of the Shanghai Five was the signing of the Treaty on Deepening Military Trust in Border Regions. But to date, only Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan among all the Central Asian states have been able to resolve the issue of delimitation of land borders with neighboring countries. The authors of the article state that the Shanghai Cooperation Organization has been used as a tool for balancing power by Russia and China over Central Asia. The geopolitical importance of Central Asia is highly appreciated not only by these countries but also by others, for example, the accession of Pakistan and India to the organization, and the new member Iran and the interest of Turkey will serve as a vivid example

US hegemony has been the most significant aspect of international relations since the fall of the Soviet Union. The past decade has seen the majority of the world shift under the cultural, economic and military influence of the US. This staggering and as yet unchecked power is in large part gained not through coercion but through persuasion. This ability to convince other actors in the world to act in a way that is beneficial to US interests is consistent with traditional Gramscian notions of hegemony. The content of the global media, as one of the primary disseminators of the hegemon's message inside civil society, should provide insight into the overall debate occurring within it. Thus an examination of the content of the global media leading up to the recent US invasion of Iraq could provide some insight into the relative strength of the global hegemon. The results of this study clearly suggest that the US’s “power to define” is in decline and that the hegemon is in the midst of a crisis of authority that could be a sign of its irreversible decay.

The concept of international relations is very broad. In its modern usage, it encompasses not only the relations between states but also includes the relations between states and intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, and other actors. As a result of the scientific and technological advancements witnessed by humanity, along with the accompanying economic, social, and cultural developments, the state is no longer the sole actor in international relations. There are other international actors who have emerged successively, in harmony and accordance with these advancements. The international stage is no longer exclusive to the state alone. Alongside the state, international individuals have emerged who possess the ability to act, perform, and influence in international relations. The latest addition to these international actors is the individual international actor.

The European Union has become an important shaping factor in international relations, but how and under what conditions it can exercise influence and contribute constructively to global order are still not well analysed. In fact, the EU's contribution may resemble more that of a force in physics than of a great power in the traditional sense of international relations (which the EU is not, and will not become in the near future), and its influence depends probably more on what the EU represents and how well it manages its own realm, rather than on what it can do externally. In this sense, European influence in international relations presently benefits from past achievements, and may therefore have peaked if the twin challenges of enlargement and national structural deficiencies are not addressed effectively. But even if the European Union does master those challenges successfully, and thus manages to sustain and perhaps even enhance its influence as a force in international relations, it will still have to proceed cautiously and clearly focus its attempts on shaping its external environment and contributing to a ‘concrete’ or ‘civilized’ global order. In a global setting that, despite appearances to the contrary, seems characterized by a diffusion rather than a concentration of power and by strong tendencies towards entropy rather than order, the EU can and will probably not remain America's principal ally in sustaining Pax Americana. Nor does it seem likely to become an equal partner in a constructive, balanced transatlantic relationship, let alone a great power capable of challenging, perhaps together with others, America's apparent pre-eminence. The most plausible assumption for the EU's future role in the new balance of global order is that of a ‘civilian force’ with a regional focus. It may best be able to contribute to global order by managing its own realm well, promoting the normative and institutional infrastructure for civilized international relations, not least in the sense of functioning statehood, and working towards effective multilateralism.

Global Civilization Initiative (GCI) was launched in Beijing on March 15, 2023, when China’s President Xi Jinping delivered a speech titled Join Hands on the Path Towards Modernization at the CPC in Dialogue with World Political Parties High-level Meeting. For the purpose of this article, we will analyse the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), since we understand this organization as one of the best examples of implementing the Global Civilization Initiative in practice. This paper argues that the SCO, through its emphasis on multilateralism, noninterference, and a shared vision of regional security and development, embodies key concepts of the GCI’s proposed framework for international relations. By analysing the SCO’s foundational principles, its evolving institutional mechanisms, and its responses to regional challenges, this paper demonstrates how the organization fosters a “new type of international relations” characterized by dialogue, mutual respect, and a rejection of zero-sum approaches. The paper highlights the SCO’s role in promoting cultural exchange and civilizational diversity, thereby offering a practical example of how the GCI seeks to build a more inclusive and harmonious global order. We structured our research in this direction for several reasons. First, China launched both the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Global Civilization Initiative. Second, both are rooted in Chinese values, norms, and interpretations of international relations, security order, modernization, and the idea of building a shared future. Third, the SCO and GCI promote a framework in which civilizational differences are seen as drivers of mutual learning and solidarity, rather than as fault lines to justify the imposition of one’s own values, political systems, or economic models, or to fuel ideological confrontation. In this sense, both the SCO and GCI embrace cooperation as a guiding principle in shaping international relations. Both initiatives demonstrate that a strong sense of equality among actors contributes directly to a shared sense of togetherness. Last but not least, we consider it significant that both also serve China’s broader strategic interests – diplomatic, economic, security-related, developmental, and political.

This research discusses the shift in global political dynamics from the European Union (EU) to the Shanghai Coopertation Organization (SCO) as a result of the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Over the years, the EU has been a significant global power, however, the Ukraine conflict has weakened its influence. This event became an important driver of the shift in political power, with the SCO emerging as one of the main players in response. A mixed research method is used, involving a multidisciplinary approach and critical analysis covering geopolitics, security, and international politics. The Regional Security Complex and Structural Power theories provide the theoretical foundation for this analysis. The results show that the Ukraine conflict has weakened the EU's global influence by exposing internal divisions in response to the conflict. The EU imposed economic sanctions on Russia in response to its annexation of Crimea and support for the insurgency in eastern Ukraine. However, the EU has also been active in diplomacy and mediation to find a political solution. Meanwhile, the SCO is emerging as a new force in global politics with a regional cooperation platform that is increasingly visible at the international level. The shift to the SCO could have a major impact on global political and security dynamics. This potential is driven by the SCO's large member population and the EU's internal problems. If the focus shifts to the SCO, it could shift the center of policy and diplomacy from Europe to Asia, creating a new paradigm in international relations. The SCO's growing influence could give Asian countries, especially SCO members, more of a role in shaping global policy.

Анотація. Процеси глобалізації у світовій економіці посилюють тенденції залежності бюджетних політики країн, у тому числі у сфері формування публічних видатків, від міжнародних відносин. У науковій літературі доволі ґрунтовно розкрито різноманітні механізми залежності публічних видатків від міжнародних відносин. Однак обґрунтовані наукові позиції щодо тих чи інших наслідків для видатків бюджетів різних країн не впорядковано в цілісну систему зовнішніх чинників. Метою статті є систематизація вчення про вплив міжнародних відносин, у яких бере участь країна, на видатки державного бюджету і розвиток теоретичних положень фінансової науки про зміни публічних видатків під впливом міжнародних відносин. Запропоновано згрупувати чинники, які впливають на публічні видатки, у чотири напрями: 1) геополітичні; 2) юридичні, 3) фінансово-кредитні; 4) інфраструктурні. Серед геополітичних чинників, які найбільше впливають на видатки держави, виокремлено військову агресію, ізоляцію, санкції, втручання у внутрішні справи країни тощо. Важливе значення для публічних видатків мають міжнародно-правові (юридичні) чинники, а саме: правові акти міжнародних інституцій, правомочність яких поширюється на державу; ухвали міжнародних судів; рішення міжнародних фінансових організацій. З-поміж чинників міжнародної фінансово-кредитної системи, від яких залежать видатки національних бюджетів, зазначено стан, динаміку, тенденції на міжнародних фінансових, валютних, кредитних ринках. Наслідки інфраструктурних чинників для публічних видатків проявляються через створення об’єктів глобальної інфраструктури, їхня модифікація і ліквідація. Одержані результати дають змогу чіткіше ідентифікувати міжнародні чинники, що впливають на публічні видатки, і більш ґрунтовно розуміти природу такого впливу. Ключові слова: публічні видатки, бюджет, бюджет держави, економічні санкції. Формул: 0; рис.: 1; табл.: 0; бібл.: 31.