Rural and Urban Industrialization: Part II

In the background of ongoing urbanization in China and prominent “dualistic” contradiction between urban and rural areas, rural revitalization is extremely urgent. Currently, common problems concerning industry, ecology and humanities exist in rural areas. This paper attempts to figure out the causes for differences in industrial development in rural areas on the basis of macro data analysis and industrial spatial distribution. Given the lack of quantitative analysis of the relationship between urban and rural development and industrial structure, this paper adopts SPSS statistical software to conduct regression analysis on the statistical data of Taiyuan City in the past ten years. Based on the relationship between industrial proportion and urban-rural income ratio, this paper proposes how the adjustment of urban industrial structure promotes the industrial development in surrounding rural areas and the narrowing of urban-rural income gap. From the perspective of rural industry undertaking or complementation with urban industry, this paper then puts forward the idea of undertaking the transfer industry within the scope of ensuring the aggregation effect of the city center and the carrying capacity of the ecological environment, proposing an industrial development path from agriculture to processing industry and then to culture, tourism and recreation industry for the villages in Taiyuan.

PurposeDuring the process of reform and opening-up, the structural transformations of the Chinese economy have two significant leaps forward and demonstrate a process of “rural area–industrialization (urban industry and rural industry)–urbanization” development powered by the main engine of economic growth.Design/methodology/approachThese two leaps forward resulted in transitions of economic structure in China. In the author’s view, structural transformations are closely related to China's economic reforms and can be divided into clear phases.FindingsThe structural transformations have two significant leaps forward and demonstrate a process of “rural area–industry (urban industry and rural industry)–urban area development” powered by the main engine of economic growth.Originality/valueThis paper reviews and summarizes the development and structural transformations in China’s economy over the last 40 years. The author believes that China’s economic miracle is accompanied by dramatic changes in its economic structure, which is particularly characterized by the ongoing process of transition from a traditional agricultural economy into a country with high industrial output, from industrialization into urbanization and from a planned economy into a market economy.

The fast growth of rural industry in China has generated regional development of large rural areas. What role does industrial linkages play in Chinese rural industrialization? This is a same question as the relation between industrial linkages and regional development which has been discussed for decades and no final conclusion reached. The paper pursues the discussion and focuses on rural areas in China with special reference to Henan Province. On the basis of data from an investigation on nearly 200 industrial enterprises, this study emphasizes that the linkages play a very important role in spreading development of industry in rural areas. It is recommended that the national policies should prompt industrial linkages to upgrade the technological level of rural industry and to integrate rural industry with urban industry.

This article examines the impact of power reliability and quality and the associated cost to rural customers, beginning with an examination of the technological changes in rural customers along with changes in the types of rural industries. The nature of rural industry has undergone significant changes since the 1940s. In addition to manufacturing, rural economies also depend on agriculture and mining. The agricultural and mining industries have also become heavy users of computers and power electronics. These technologies have been adopted to improve energy efficiency, operations, and safety that they offer. Although the feeder load densities and concentrations of industry are less in rural areas, rural industries still share in the technologies used by urban industry and therefore share the susceptibilities to power quality and reliability problems that urban industry has.

Balance development of urban and rural industries has become important foundation and momentum of forming a new pattern that integrates economic and social development in urban and rural areas, and the main way to optimize the urban and rural industrial structure in our country. Reasonable division and distribution of urban-rural industrial play an important part in promoting coordinated development of urban and rural industries. By setting indexes and using cluster analysis method, the factor intensity of thirty-eight industries was divided. According to the aggregation of urban space and dispersivity of rural space, this paper confirm that the knowledge intensive industries and capital intensive industries should be distributed in urban areas preferentially , and the labor intensive industries and land intensive industries should be distributed in rural areas preferentially.

Using a spatial statistical analysis we study the relation between rural industrial employment and distance to towns and access to communications in nineteenth century Sweden. Our results show that rural parishes with access to communications had a higher proportion of rural industrial workers than parishes without. In a region with few towns, the south-east of Sweden, parishes close to large towns had a higher proportion of industrial employees than distant parishes in 1850, while no significant correlation was observed in 1890. In a region with a relatively dense urban system, Mälardalen, only in 1890 did parishes close to large towns show a higher proportion of rural industrial workers than did more distant parishes. However, the mean positive effect was negligible beyond 10 km. Thus, in the second half of the nineteenth century the immediate urban hinterland was industrialising prior to large scale urbanisation and urban industrialisation.

The new teahouse is a new retail consumption mode of pure tea, aimed at young consumers that cater to the aesthetic taste of the modern market using "culture + design + innovative marketing + industrial integration" under the background of China's consumption upgrading market. It is the result of urban niche market innovation. Through the innovation of urban industries, urban industries can participate in the agricultural industry chain, and urban leading enterprises can drive the demand of small and medium-sized enterprises for agricultural products, trigger the synergy of urban and rural industries, and promote the sustainable development of urban and rural industries and rural areas.

La ville préindustrielle russe a déjà fait l'objet de multiples recherches. Adoptant l'opinion des historiens russes d'avant la révolution, la majorité des historiens occidentaux estime que les villes russes diffèrent radicalement de leurs homologues occidentales et les classe, comme Max Weber, dans le type oriental. A l'inverse, leurs collègues soviétiques affirment qu'à aucune étape de leur développement, les villes russes ne se sont fondamentalement distinguées des villes de l'Europe de l'Ouest, qu'elles ont suivi la même évolution et abouti aux mêmes résultats. Notons que les historiens occidentaux et russes d'Ancien Régime mettaient l'accent sur le statut juridique des citadins, sur les associations urbaines, l'administration des villes et les rapports entre la cité et l'État. En revanche, les historiens soviétiques jugent ces aspects secondaires et s'intéressent surtout à l'économie urbaine et à la structure sociale des villes. Certains Occidentaux ont pris conscience du caractère quelque peu unilatéral de la problématique traditionnelle de leurs collègues et ont estimé que la ville russe préindustrielle était dotée de certains traits qui, tout au moins sur le plan économique, la rapprochaient de la cité occidentale. Mais les chercheurs soviétiques ont continué à camper sur leurs positions, sans réagir à ces nouvelles approches.

Existing studies on the rural non-agricultural sector in India have not examined profit rates to understand the growth of the sector. Most studies have examined the rapid increase in this sector’s workforce size, and some have probed the share of this sector in the rural National Domestic Product (NDP). This paper addresses this gap. It examines the profit rate and growth in output (net value added) of the rural organised manufacturing industries segment, in the period 1998–1999 to 2007–2008. For comparison, the same parameters have been examined for urban industries. It is found that the profit rate of rural industries grew faster than urban industries. Given the significance of the profit rate, the factors driving change in the profit rate have been identified in this paper. It is found that worsening wage share and improving output-capital ratio underpinned by the rising labour productivity were responsible for rising profit rates of rural industries.

Rural-urban duality in China is more outstanding than in other developing countries. Residents in cities and the countryside have been split into two different societies and profit blocs. Rural-urban separation has brought about damaging effects, such that urbanization has seriously lagged behind with much poverty in the countryside. Therefore, it is necessary to deepen reform and find corresponding solutions. This paper suggests the following: - to draw up a basic strategy for rural-urban harmonious development and to set up a new relationship of rural-urban cooperation and integration. - to speed up the process of urbanization. - cities and the countryside should help each other. The basic status of agriculture should be strengthened, and urban industry and rural industry are to cooperate rationally. - both cities and the countryside should collaborate to alleviate the ‘labour mass’, and the urgent matter is to accelerate the reform of the census register system. The peasant problem is a fundam...

Rural industrial restructuring in China’s metropolitan suburbs: Evidence from the land use transition of rural enterprises in suburban Beijing

Certain Thai policies have facilitated economic development in Thailand: i) Raising agricultural productivity even during the early period of import substitution. ii) The relatively equal distribution of land. iii) Decentralized industrial growth. iv) The labor-intensive export orientation of both rural and urban industries. v) Generally open, merit-based access to education. The author studies capital flows between Thailand's agriculture and nonagriculture sectors, focusing especially on government policy for agriculture, which shapes government-based flows. He measures government- and market-based flows of both the agriculture sector and agricultural regions. Until the 1960s, Thailand's economy depended heavily on agriculture and most of the workforce was agricultural. Since the 1960s, Thailand has promoted industry. Between 1961 and 1991, agriculture continued to grow but because nonagriculture sectors grew even faster, agriculture's share of GDP fell from 37 percent to 13 percent. But agriculture still employs the majority of the labor force and still receives the third largest budget allocations (after education and national defense). Many believe that Thai development was made possible by capital accumulation based on an agricultural surplus. To some extent, the role of that surplus before 1975 should not be underestimated. But the government-based flow of capital from agriculture (measured as a percentage of GDP) was less than 6 percent in the 1960s and early 1970s (except for three years), and the market-based flow was only 3 percent of GDP in 1971, 2.5 percent in 1981, and 1.9 percent in 1991(measured as deposits minus commercial bank lending). So capital flows from agriculture have not been as large as is typically assumed. Since the 1970s, the government has adopted an export-oriented policy emphasizing labor-intensive light industry, and investments to promote labor-intensive industries in rural areas has created jobs for rural people. With a fair level of investment in rural areas, the environment in rural areas is not drastically worse than that in urban areas (unlike Latin American and African countries), and migration to urban areas has been limited in Thailand. The government-based inflow (government credit for, and investment in, agriculture) was significantly greater for large farms areas than for small-farm areas. This might be attributable less to the political power of large-farm owners than to industrialization in Thailand's central region.

This study looks at the dynamics of technical innovation adoption and how it affects the productivity of small-scale craft businesses in West Java, Indonesia. A quantitative approach was used to collect data from 110 small craft businesses, including statistical analysis and quantitative surveys. The workforce had high skill levels, moderate levels of technology adoption, and perceived problems such as resistance to change and financial restrictions. These findings were supported by descriptive statistics. Technology use, worker skills, and production efficiency were found to be significantly positively correlated, as evidenced by multiple regression analysis. Differences in adoption patterns between rural and urban industries were revealed through cross tabulation. The results of this study highlight the need for a customized approach, resource distribution and information exchange to enhance technical innovation in the heterogeneous craft industry in West Java.

The eighteenth century was a period of transition for India. A new economy emerged based on peasant exports and global industrial enterprise. Globalization and colonialism penetrated almost every aspect of the Indian economy. Export-oriented enterprise moved from the littoral to the interior, from the handicrafts to the peasants, and from merchants and bankers whose interests had been tied to bankrupt princes to those that were more closely associated with the new forms of commerce and industry. This chapter first describes India's economic conditions c. 1750, focusing on landed property, transformation of property rights in the eighteenth century, and land revenue in pre-colonial India. It then looks at rural and urban industries, foreign trade, and the consequences of institutional reforms for tax, tenancy, and land markets.

There is a widespread belief that India is currently in an agrarian crisis, with the spate of suicides by farmers several states since the 1990s seen as a tragic symptom of the crisis. In the large and growing literature on the crisis some common themes emerge: the role of systemic economic reforms since 1991, the opening of the Indian economy to external competition and investment after decades of insulation; the impact on India of implementing the Agreement on Agriculture of the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations; the alleged neglect of agriculture in the planning process since the mid-eighties; the decline of public investment in agriculture in response to rising fiscal deficits at the Centre and the States; and above all, the slowing of the growth of agricultural output (particularly food grains) as well as a stagnation in yields per hectare of land since the nineties.This paper argues that the fundamental factor that is at the root of the current state of agriculture is India's pursuit, until the 1991 reforms, of a state-directed, state-controlled and state-dominated development strategy of import substituting industrialization with emphasis on heavy industry and insulation from the world economy. This strategy completely ignored the lessons of economic history: successful development lies in the transformation of economic structure by shifting a substantial part of the large initial share of labour force in agriculture and other low productivity activities in the informal sector to more productive off-farm activities through rural and urban industrialization with emphasis on labour-intensive manufactures to supply growing domestic and world markets and raising agricultural productivity. Leap-frogging the labour-intensive manufacturing stage of development altogether and focusing on information technology intensive services sector to bring about the transformation is not simply not feasible. This paper elaborates this main point by looking at major policy interventions in agriculture since independence It argues that there was no coherence, and little coordination among the centre, states and other policy making institutions in the decisions on the myriad interventions and their effectiveness in achieving their intended objectives was limited.