Rules, Power, and Interests: Superpowers and a Turbulent World Order

The article is dedicated to the important scientific problem – the interpretation of the concepts of international and world order. Particular attention is paid to the conceptual approaches in the studying of the concepts of world and international order and legitimacy, as main condition for their formation. It is emphasized that international order is viable only if it is accepted voluntarily if not by all, but at least by the majority of international actors. It is studied that the concept of “world order” reflects the growing awareness of the common responsibility of people and nations for the state of our planet. Approaches to the world order formation and development in the XXI century are analyzed, the ideological sphere of the new world order, which is seen in globalization processes in the world, the concentration of world capital, the formation of special public opinion through the media. The authors consider the issue of a just and democratic world order, in this context, a special resolution of the UN General Assembly “Promoting Democracy and a Fair International Order” is mentioned. The article considers the concept of the famous American political scientist S. Hoffman, who proposes to distinguish between an international order that can exist without a world order and a world order that cannot be established without an international order. The types of international order are studied, in particular: competitive order, coordination order, subordination order, hegemonic order, imperial order, condominium order. The authors note the position of the American researcher and politician H. Kissinger, who argues that every world order is an expression of the desire for permanence, stability, foreign policy balance. However, all the elements that make it up are constantly changing, and this has the effect of reducing the duration of international systems. The article also considers the ideas of the collective world order of the American political scientist Z. Brzezinski. The authors highlight the views of the Club of Rome on the formation of international and world order.

The changing constellation of international politics and the rise of emerging powers and new actors especially in the Global South (considered to be at the margins of international politics) are a characteristic feature of today’s world order. These actors challenged the cosmology of dominant Northern/Western liberal discourses on agenda-setting in international politics by creating alternatives like the Non-Aligned Movement, BRICS, and G77 focusing on South–South Cooperation, Pan-Asianism, and Pan-Africanism. However, racial capitalism and neo-imperial forces and conditions continue to define the global capitalist order manifesting in the rise of populism and nationalist sentiments across the Global North and the Global South. These developments have significant implications for world order(ing) and necessitate a deeper engagement with world ordering practices, especially within the Global South, which previously developed contestations of the dominant liberal international world order. Foregrounding postcolonial complexities existing within the “margins” of international politics, I examine the strategic appropriation of marginality by the Bharatiya Janta Party led Indian government externally (highlighting North–South Divide and portraying itself as the leader of the Global South) and internally (through language and elite/non-elite discourses) to gain legitimacy at the domestic level. I further explore how it promotes a particular ethnocentric vision of the world by bringing about changes in the education policy and curriculum. The world (re)ordering that is happening inside the states in the Global South can fertilize global discourses on addressing new and often conflicting ideas on the world order and practices of world (re)ordering.

This chapter focuses on the lack of a general consensus on the major characteristics of world order. It examines the world order in the second half of the twentieth and the early twenty-first century, with particular emphasis on the period since the end of the Cold War. It also discusses three views on world order that address international terrorism, clash of civilizations, and balance of power. Finally, it explores Robert Kaplan's claim that the most important feature of the new world (dis-)order is “coming anarchy,” along with the label “tensions in liberalism” as the core challenge to world order. The chapter proposes an alternative view of world order that integrates elements from the existing theories. It argues that the governments of liberal democracies currently pursue some version of liberal order building even if these governments are not always connected with the label “liberal”.

This is a commentary on ‘The Principle of the New World Order’, a geopolitical essay written by Japanese Philosopher, Kitarō Nishida in 1944. This essay has been a source of postwar controversy over the philosophical justification of Japan’s involvement in the Second World War and the relationship between Japanese thoughts and Western colonial domination in Asia. As a text of Japanese formal geopolitics, the essay is a historical example to illustrate how Japanese academics geopolitically situated their country and themselves within the imperial rivalry during the War. The essay attracted not only criticisms that problematized Nishida’s approach to politics (imperialism and nationalism) and justification of the War, but also positive reviews that appreciated his proposal of a multicultural worldview countering Western modernity (i.e. the world dominated by the West). The translation of the essay is not easy to read but contains important insights into how to see the current world (dis)order under hegemonic powers.

Novice Lee (‘Frank’) seeks world peace and thinks he has found it in the Liberal world order. He informs the Learned One, head of the monastery. Through their discussions, Frank discovers that the Liberal world order, despite its promises, offers neither ‘democracy’ nor ‘peace’. Turning to the Confucian world order of ‘all-under-heaven’ (tianxia), they find it similarly top-down and one-way. Finally, Frank and the Learned One, now joined by their brother monks and sister nuns, consider the life of the 7th century monk, Xuanzang. He inspires Frank to imagine a ‘worldly world order’ where humility and learning drive one's engagements with others, rather than what we have today: hegemony and imperialism.

Part 1 The Gulf War and the International Order: Reflections on the Gulf War Experience - Force and War in the UN System, Richard Falk The United Nations in the Gulf War, Robert Springborg Bush's New World Order - A Structural Analysis of Instability and Conflict in the Gulf, Yasumasa Kuroda The European Community's Middle Eastern Policy - The New Order of Europe and the Gulf Crisis, Friedemann Buettner and Martin Landgraf Regional Co-operation and Security in the Middle East - The Role of the European Community, Timothy Niblock Japan - An Economic Superpower in Search of Its Proper Political Role in the Post-Cold War Era, Yasumasa Kuroda. Part 2 The United States and the New World Order: Between Theory and Fact - Explaining US Behaviour in the Gulf Crisis, Shibley Telhami The New World Order and the Gulf War - Rhetoric, Policy, and Politics in the United States, Enid Hill The Making of the New World Order - The Role of the Media, Malcolm Hayward Defeating the Vietman Syndrome - The Military, the Media, and the Gulf War, Andrew T. Parasiliti. Part 3 The Gulf War and the Middle East Order: Iraq and the New World Order, Marion Farouk-Sluglett and Peter Sluglett Iran and the New World Order, Scheherazade Daneshkhu The Gulf War, the Palestinians, and the New World Order, Cheryl A. Rubenberg Israel and the New World Order, Meir Porat Jordan and the Gulf War, Kamel S. Abu Jaber Syria, the Kuwait War, and the New World Order, Eberhard Kienle Imagining Egypt in the New Age - Civil Society and the Leftist Critique, Raymond W. Baker Turkey, the Gulf Crisis, and the New World Order, Tozun Bahcheli. Part 4 Political Trends and Cultural Patterns: The Middle East in the New World Order - Political Trends, Louis J. Cantori Islam, Democracy, and the Arab Future - Contested Islam in the Gulf Crisis, Raymond Baker Islam at War and Communism in Retreat - What Is the Connection? by Ali A. Mazrui Global Apartheid? Race and Religion in the New World Order, Ali A. Mazrui Democracy Died at the Gulf, Richard A. Falk.

Part 1 The crisis of faith. 2 Order into chaos - the loss of the absolute: Luis Cernuda - poet of Eros, ethics or crisis of faith? the age of loss the loss of order the consequences of the loss of order. Part 3 Search for absolute order: the reasons for searching the goal of the search the process of searching the result of the search. Part 4 Search for order in the material world I - love: the sexual awakening the experience of love the purpose of love. Part 5 Search for order in the material world II - art: the theory of art the practice of art - the disintegration of meaning, the reintegration of meaning, synthesis.

Journal Article The Structure of World Order in Terms of Regional Functional Organizations Get access Sydney Lester Sydney Lester North Texas State College Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Social Forces, Volume 29, Issue 1, October 1950, Pages 52–56, https://doi.org/10.2307/2572757 Published: 01 October 1950

In this article, in the historiographical and legal aspect in the context of projection on a global topological information and noosphere, the authors consider the interaction between the conceptual structural components of the world civilization and legal system, as elements of a single legal triad: "Order-Rules-Law". In the meaningful sense, the terms of the terms "order", "rules" and "law" are the conceptual foundation of the doctrine "Rules-Based International Order" (RBIO), the name of which means "International (world) order based on the rules", and The International System Based on the Rules – The Rule Based International System (RBIS). The study of interactions between the components of the legal triad is of great importance for the study of the processes of formation of rules of law, especially in global systems of public international law and municipal law, as well as in international legal forecasting. It is established that the modern balanced state of the IP-structure of the noosphere, according to the model that has historically developed, is a manifestation of the same "order and rules", which were naturally formed in the process of changing the types (forms) of the world order, which are reflected in the triad «Order-rules-rules- Right» that corresponds to the perceptions of Rbis and Rbio. They should be performed to prevent implosion (internal destruction) of the nuclear structure of the Noosphere, timely eliminate tendencies to autarcy entities of the nuclear of the Noosphere in the form of Russia and China, as well as to avoid the threat of complete reformatting of the "Christian world" "Islamic World Order". Therefore, for a comprehensive study of the role of RBIO doctrine in the implementation of the rules of law, an objectively necessary is a deep – inclusive analysis of dynamic processes in the triad "Order – Rules – Law". It cannot be carried out without the study of archaic causes and development of public and municipal law, which took place at the turn of the XV-XVI centuries in line with the formation of a global topological double-circuit cone-nuclear information-law structure in the noosphere system. To this end, the authors use the bipolar model of the noosphere developed by them, which with the help of concepts about the topology of the global information and legal space allows to identify natural tendencies and identify natural mechanisms of support for the primate of Anglo-Saxon law on a global scale, in the context of ideas about RBIO and RBIS. This methodology is aimed at preserving the sustainable development of world civilization, which in the concept of the model is represented on the one hand: system forming components of the noosphere shell-subjects of international public law in the form of the US Sides-System forming components of the nucleus of the Noosphere: Russia, India and China. This methodology is of particular importance in the conditions of manifestation of tendencies to reformat the IP structure of the noosphere: replacement of the archaic system of the "Christian world order" and its modern form of liberal world order-for "Islamic world order", which requires the correction of value instruments of international public and municipal law, which have historically formed on the basis of traditional concepts of Rbis-Rbio and the Anglo-Saxon law system.

Statespersons, scholars, and commentators of every political persuasion agree that we are currently witnessing a crisis of world order. It is widely assumed that the co-called ‘Liberal World Order’ that the United States constructed in the post-World War II years is collapsing. This Article interrogates and challenges this claim. This Article examines what it means to speak of ‘world order’. It argues that to understand the notion of ‘world order’, it is necessary to investigate the normative foundations of the international system. Therefore, this Article develops a theoretical construct that I call the Constitutive Regime of the International System to conceptualize the notion of world order. It argues that the international system is predicated on and governed by a Constitutive Regime that embodies a grand worldview – i.e. a theory of world order – that prescribes policies, practices, and rules of international law that are considered necessary for maintaining global order and stability. This regime, which is designed by the Great Powers of each historical epoch, shapes international and domestic politics. It determines the criteria and preconditions of statehood, thereby affecting how societies are organized and governed. It promotes certain methods for the conduct of world politics, and it establishes mechanisms for international lawmaking, thus providing the constitutive foundation of international law. A crisis of world order occurs when these basic normative assumptions about the nature of the international system and the processes of global governance are challenged. Having provided a conceptual framework for understanding the notion of ‘world order’, this Article then challenges the claim that the post-World War II ‘Liberal World Order’ is currently in a period of crisis. It argues that, beginning in the 1970s, the Liberal World Order of the post-World War II era was replaced by a neoliberal world order – in other words, a neoliberal Constitutive Regime. This Article shows how this neoliberal Constitutive Regime shaped virtually every aspect of world politics and provided the normative foundation of globalization during the closing decades of the twentieth century. The Article concludes with a discussion of the origins of the current crisis of world order and a reflection on the future of world order in an era of increased Great Power competition.

This chapter examines key themes emerging from the COVID-19 pandemic and its impact on world order. It is argued that disruptions to the world order have occurred at multiple levels, impacting many of the multilateral world order UN institutions, such as the World Health Organization. Following the Global Financial Crisis, the pre-COVID-19 pandemic epoch witnessed a surge in nationalism and illiberal democracy, amid challenges to globalisation and the re-emergence of protectionism in the West. This created a strategic vacuum that was filled by China and Russia. The onset of COVID-19 pandemic strengthened the nationalist, illiberal, and populist sentiments. Thus, foreign aid and development have been side-lined by many Western nations, which struggle with the social and economic consequences of the pandemic. The pandemic became a catalyst for change, enabling China and Russia to exert their ‘soft power’ globally. It is argued that because of the COVID-19 pandemic, foreign aid and development are in a state of crisis. Pre-COVID gains made in poverty reduction, health, education, and other areas are retreating. The concluding discussion focuses on how foreign aid is deeply challenged by pandemic-related drivers of political self-interest within the context of a rapidly changing global governance and world order.

In this article, in the historiographical and legal aspect in the context of projection on a global topological information and noosphere, the authors consider the interaction between the conceptual structural components of the world civilization and legal system, as elements of a single legal triad: "Order-Rules-Law". In the meaningful sense, the terms of the terms "order", "rules" and "law" are the conceptual foundation of the doctrine "Rules-Based International Order" (RBIO), the name of which means "International (world) order based on the rules", and The International System Based on the Rules – The Rule Based International System (RBIS). The study of interactions between the components of the legal triad is of great importance for the study of the processes of formation of rules of law, especially in global systems of public international law and municipal law, as well as in international legal forecasting. It is established that the modern balanced state of the IP-structure of the noosphere, according to the model that has historically developed, is a manifestation of the same "order and rules", which were naturally formed in the process of changing the types (forms) of the world order, which are reflected in the triad «Order-rules-rules- Right» that corresponds to the perceptions of Rbis and Rbio. They should be performed to prevent implosion (internal destruction) of the nuclear structure of the Noosphere, timely eliminate tendencies to autarcy entities of the nuclear of the Noosphere in the form of Russia and China, as well as to avoid the threat of complete reformatting of the "Christian world" "Islamic World Order". Therefore, for a comprehensive study of the role of RBIO doctrine in the implementation of the rules of law, an objectively necessary is a deep – inclusive analysis of dynamic processes in the triad "Order – Rules – Law". It cannot be carried out without the study of archaic causes and development of public and municipal law, which took place at the turn of the XV-XVI centuries in line with the formation of a global topological double-circuit cone-nuclear information-law structure in the noosphere system. To this end, the authors use the bipolar model of the noosphere developed by them, which with the help of concepts about the topology of the global information and legal space allows to identify natural tendencies and identify natural mechanisms of support for the primate of Anglo-Saxon law on a global scale, in the context of ideas about RBIO and RBIS. This methodology is aimed at preserving the sustainable development of world civilization, which in the concept of the model is represented on the one hand: system forming components of the noosphere shell-subjects of international public law in the form of the US Sides-System forming components of the nucleus of the Noosphere: Russia, India and China. This methodology is of particular importance in the conditions of manifestation of tendencies to reformat the IP structure of the noosphere: replacement of the archaic system of the "Christian world order" and its modern form of liberal world order-for "Islamic world order", which requires the correction of value instruments of international public and municipal law, which have historically formed on the basis of traditional concepts of Rbis-Rbio and the Anglo-Saxon law system.

In the wake of a few critical intersecting global issues, such as the Russia-Ukraine crisis, the Israel-Hamas conflict, and the rise of China along with middle powers and power diffusion into many actors, the argument revolves around the emerging world order–the multipolar world already on its way. However, the epistemological underpinning of the central question that finds a broader scholarly debate lacks clarity. Is the world unipolar, bipolar, or transitioning? to a multipolar? While methodically reviewing various published literary documents and scholarly papers accessed through open sources and data triangulation, this article attempts to qualitatively examine key global strategic issues and scenarios to draw an analogy of the world's various polarity conditions. Furthermore, it intends to drive a critical discourse on the contemplated world order, especially the multipolar world. It also dwells on other crucial aspects, such as strategic partners, alliances, and minilateralism. It argues that, on the one hand, there remains a continuing friction in defining the world order in bipolarity and multipolarity discourses; on the other hand, these conditions will be challenging to resonate in reality. While offering policy contours, the article concludes by advancing a strong assertion that the world order will continue to remain unipolar, constructed on the very core of established conditions such as the knowledge economy, democratic power, and values of human freedom and open dialogue for peace and stability, as well as prearranged rules that are widely inherited in a democratic culture. Moreover, the debate on defining the world order will continue to hinge on the actor who significantly possesses these qualities, values, and characteristics. However, the world order will experience the complexities of middle and small powers, finding dilemmas in their alignment and realignment between established unipolar and emerging powers. Meanwhile, Nepal, wedged between two emerging powers, China and India, and the increasing interest of world powers in the region can no longer ignore global events and ongoing power competitions. While maturing its democratic practices, skillfully designed and carefully balanced diplomacy, and a closer look at ‘strategic hedging’ in its foreign policy, Nepal should support a rules-based international order that contributes to preserving its territorial integrity and national unity In the wake of a few critical intersecting global issues, such as the Russia-Ukraine crisis, the Israel-Hamas conflict, and the rise of China along with middle powers and power diffusion into many actors, the argument revolves around the emerging world order—the multipolar world already on its way. However, the epistemological underpinning of the central question that Finds a broader scholarly debate lacks clarity. Is the world unipolar or bipolar, or transitioning to a multipolar? While methodically reviewing various published literary documents and scholarly papers accessed through open sources and data triangulation, this article attempts to qualitatively examine key global strategic issues and scenarios to draw an analogy of the world's various polarity conditions. Furthermore, it intends to drive a critical discourse on the contemplated world order, especially the multipolar world. It also dwells on other crucial aspects, such as strategic partners, alliances, and minilateralism. It argues that, on the one hand, there remains a continuing friction in defining the world order in bipolarity and multipolarity discourses; on the other hand, these conditions will be challenging to resonate in reality. While offering policy contours, the article concludes by advancing a strong assertion that the world order will continue to remain unipolar, constructed on the very core of established conditions such as the knowledge economy, democratic power, and values of human freedom and open dialogue for peace and stability, as well as prearranged rules that are widely inherited in a democratic culture. Moreover, the debate on defining the world order will continue to hinge on the actor who significantly possesses these qualities, values, and characteristics. However, the world order will experience the complexities of middle and small powers, finding dilemmas in their alignment and realignment between established unipolar and emerging powers. Meanwhile, Nepal, wedged between two emerging powers, China and India, and the increasing interest of world powers in the region, can no longer ignore global events and ongoing power competitions. While maturing its democratic practices, skillfully designed and carefully balanced diplomacy, and a closer look at ‘strategic hedging’ in its foreign policy, Nepal should support a rules-based international order that contributes to preserving its territorial integrity and national unity.

This article explores the construction and reconstruction of ‘new world orders’ as a dominant narrative framework in American foreign policies. While several scholars have made productive inroads to investigating how this terminology has shaped US security agendas and actions, it is suggested that how we conceptualise the language of the ‘new world order’ is in need of constant updating. Adopting a critical constructivist framework, this article examines how competing conceptions of ‘new world orders’ have been framed in the past and present. It is argued that by sketching the continual reconstructions of ‘new world orders’ it becomes possible to examine how ‘old’ and ‘new’ world orders interact, overlap and even collide to create fault lines in national and international affairs. One of the biggest intellectual challenges advanced here is to reaffirm the tensions and complexity behind an axiomatic part of the lexicon of US security matters.

(1994). Beyond any New World Order: The South in the 21st century. Third World Quarterly: Vol. 15, The South in the new World (Dis)Order, pp. 139-146.