Rousseau’s Emile: education for citizenship by consent

There has been an explosion of interest in the concept of citizenship among political theorists. In 1978, it could be confidently stated that "the concept of citizenship has gone out of fashion among political thinkers" (van Gunsteren 1978, p. 9). Fifteen years later, citizenship has become the "buzz word" among thinkers on all points of the political spectrum (Heater 1990, p. 293; Vogel and Moran 1991, p. x). There are a number of reasons for this renewed interest in citizenship in the 1990s. At the level of theory, it is a natural evolution in political discourse because the concept of citizenship seems to integrate the demands ofjustice and community membership-the central concepts of political philosophy in the 1970s and 1980s, respectively. Citizenship is intimately linked to ideas of individual entitlement on the one hand and of attachment to a particular community on the other. Thus it may help clarify what is really at stake in the debate between liberals and communitarians. Interest in citizenship has also been sparked by a number of recent political events and trends throughout the world-increasing voter apathy and long-term welfare dependency in the United States, the resurgence of nationalist movements in Eastern Europe, the stresses created by an increasingly multicultural and multiracial population in Western Europe, the backlash against the welfare state in Thatcher's England, the failure of environmental policies that rely on voluntary citizen cooperation, and so forth. These events have made clear that the health and stability of a modern democracy depends, not only on the justice of its 'basic structure' but also on the qualities and attitudes of its citizens:' for example,

Women's participation in legislatures has significant policy consequences.1 In transitional societies, like postcommunist countries, where policy decisions determine economic and political structures, low levels of female representation can have longterm ramifications for women's opportunities. For example, policies enacted early in the transitional period in both Poland and the Czech Republic negatively affected the economic and personal security of women.2 Prior to 1989 the Communist party used ideology and gender quotas to overcome cultural barriers to women's participation in politics. During the Communist period 20-25 percent of nationally elected representatives in eastern Europe were women, and their levels of participation in local and regional politics were among the highest worldwide. Even though many conditions under Communism shaped and limited women's influence in national politics, adherence to Marxist-Leninist ideology insured women a minimum level of participation in national and local party politics.3 Across all the former Communist countries, the first competitive and free elections in 1989-1992 resulted in a marked decrease in the proportion of women serving in national parliaments. However, in almost all of these countries the percent of women's representation has increased slightly with each successive election.4 After the first democratic election women comprised 10 percent of representatives in Poland and 10 percent in Czechoslovakia. Currently, women comprise 20 percent of representatives in Poland and 15 percent in the Czech Republic. Polish and Czech women's participation in politics is a function of the degree to which political parties are willing to place women in electoral list positions that improve their chances of being elected.

Globalization and Citizenship Education in Hong Kong and Taiwan

Under 'One Country, Two Systems', 'good citizens' – as supported by pro-democratic positions – and 'good citizens' – as promoted by the Chinese government – are seemingly in contradiction with each another based on their values and ideologies in Hong Kong. The competing values of citizenship are demonstrated by deep divisions within Hong Kong society, with pro-democratic groups advocating democratic values and initiating societal transformation, and their pro-establishment counterparts highlighting patriotic values and sustaining the status quo. From an educational perspective, teachers take on an essential role in the implementation of education policies designed to cultivate students who are 'good citizens'. This research employed a mixed-methods approach to examine Hong Kong teachers' perceptions of 'good citizens' based on their affinity with democratic and patriotic values. The findings indicated that rather than conflicting, patriotic values tended to be complementary to democratic values. Moreover, critical patriotic citizens with multiple identities who participate rationally and constructively in social and political activities might be more likely to facilitate democratic development in Hong Kong. These findings have implications for policy-makers responsible for the citizenship education and preparation of future citizens living within polarized and pluralistic societies, and they highlight the value of learning to live together in a complex world.

Civic Studies:

This study aims to present content and methodology on how to teach citizenship skills by means of philosophical inquiry. In education for democratic citizenship, there are two perspectives. One is rights-based citizenship education and the other is responsibility-based citizenship education. Along with a number of changes, communitariansim, which puts an emphasis on the importance of rights and responsibilities in a community, came to the front as an alternative to the other two. Active citizenship and political participation, concepts that are also important to thinkers like Dewey, Freire, and Crick, aim to develop the autonomous side of the individual which is usually overlooked by education systems and it is in line with this new point of view. However, there is a lack of approach which can reflect this new perspective on education. This study discusses the combination of education for democratic citizenship and philosophy education in terms of providing a solution to this problem. In this scope, the new vision of citizenship is dealt with and ideas on education for citizenship are presented in a comparative manner. Content of political philosophy and education for democratic citizenship are linked in the context of active citizenship and political participation. In the study, it is argued that P4C Programme, developed by Lipman, would be appropriate for education for citizenship as it transforms philosophy, which is usually heavily burdened with academic terminology, into philosophical inquiry. The nature of social inquiry and P4C will serve as a catalyser in establishing the relationship between political philosophy and education for democratic citizenship. In the conclusion part, a perspective is presented on how some relevant terms should be handled in the context of P4C.

Citizenship education can be defined as educational theory and practice concerned with promoting a desired kind of citizenship in a given society. Citizenship is a contested concept that refers to membership in a political community. This membership has different dimensions that can be characterized as status, identity, and participation. Each dimension presents different challenges to citizenship education, and thus creates different understandings of what citizenship education is all about. The first relates to the formal status that differentiates between members and nonmembers and defines the rights and responsibilities that the members have toward the community. Education in this respect is about knowledge and skills that citizens need to learn in order to be able to understand their status and to use the rights and fulfill the responsibilities attached to it. One particular form of citizenship education involves the civics courses offered to immigrants, especially if they are applying for formal citizenship status. The second dimension, identity, refers to feelings of belonging and togetherness among the members of the community. Education in this area aims at supporting these feelings as well as loyalty and solidarity toward the community. Historically, citizenship education has intertwined with national education. The third dimension, participation, is, on one hand, about civic virtues—what are the desired behaviors and attitudes of good citizens—and, on the other hand, about agency—what amount of critical reflection, engagement, and independent action is expected. This is probably the most obvious area of citizenship education: to support the development of abilities and attitudes so that citizens are able and willing to participate in the society in a desired manner. However, different political ideologies contain different perceptions of what a good citizen is like, and embody different perceptions of the implementation of citizenship education in practice. Citizenship education is tightly connected to different ideals of citizenship, and more generally of human nature and good life. Thus, citizenship education is loaded with normative conceptions and differing educational ambitions. Moreover, the term “citizenship education” involves various country-specific features that are related to national educational, political, social, and cultural systems. In many countries, such as the UK, the US, Spain, France, etc., the term and its variants refer to a subject that is taught in schools. However, in the big picture, citizenship education is not reduced only to school education. It can take place in the contexts of formal, nonformal, and informal education. Formal education refers first and foremost to schools, where citizenship education is implemented primarily in accordance with the curriculum. Nonformal citizenship education takes place in the framework of out-of-school youth work, liberal adult education, and other contexts of activities based on voluntary participation. Informal citizenship education happens in the everyday life within the family and outside of home in mutual coexistence, interaction, and peer learning. In these different educational contexts, citizenship education is understood and practiced in very versatile forms. In this bibliography, we will only use literature in the English language, which somewhat limits the variation in the use of the term “citizenship education.” We are aware that the limitation to English-language literature excludes many significant publications on the subject that are not available in English. However, we think this is justified in a bibliography intended for the international community of scholars. We are also aware of the multitude of related concepts, such as civic, political, and democratic education, which are partly synonymous with citizenship education and partly act as specifying determinants. In our reflection on how to use the term “citizenship education,” we have concluded to use it as a wide concept that refers to a particular but functionally complex field of education. Thus, this bibliography presents literature addressing various related concepts, all referring to this wide field and function of education that takes place within and beyond schools and concerns all ages: education of the members of political communities based on different political orders—i.e., education of the citizens.

• The term “social contract” is increasingly used in social science literature but is rarely well operationalized. • We define social contracts as agreements between societal groups and the state on rights and obligations toward each other. • The notion of social contracts helps to compare state-society relations in different countries and at different times. • After independence, MENA countries had similar social contracts, which were then challenged by the Arab uprisings in 2011. • Since then, social contracts in MENA countries have developed in different directions. The term “social contract” is increasingly used in social science literature to describe sets of state-society relations – in particular with reference to the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Nevertheless, the term has thus far remained insufficiently conceptualized and its potential to inform a systematic analysis of contemporary states has been underutilized. This article contributes to the filling of this gap. It defines social contracts as sets of formal and informal agreements between societal groups and their sovereign (government or other actor in power) on rights and obligations toward each other. We argue that social contracts are partly informal institutions, which are meant to make state-society interactions more predictable and thereby politics more stable. Their effectiveness depends on their substance (deliverables exchanged between government and society), scope (the actors involved and the geographic range of influence) and temporal dimension (beginning, evolution, and duration). Social contracts can differ substantially in all three dimensions. This approach complements established theories of comparative politics and sharpens the perspective on state-society relations. It helps to (i) compare state-society relations in different countries, (ii) track changes within one country, (iii) find out when and why social contracts are broken or even revoked, (iv) uncover how external players affect state-society relations, and (v) analyze how state-society relations can be Pareto improved. Against this background, this article shows that after independence, MENA countries had quite similar social contracts, which were based on the provision of social benefits rather than political participation. We argue that they degenerated steadily after 1985 due to increasing populations and budgetary problems. The Arab uprisings in 2010–11 were an expression of discontent with a situation in which governments provided neither political participation nor social benefits, like employment. Since then, social contracts in MENA countries have developed in different directions, and their long-term stability is questionable. We address the question of how they can be transformed to become more inclusive and therefore more stable.

Today, the citizenship education has become a very important study field in the entire world. Political education, on the other hand, has another important dimension in the citizenship education. Thus, there is a rapid increase in the number of studies concerning the citizenship education and the political education. Educational system in different countries involves lesson or lessons aimed at bringing political knowledge in students. In Turkey, on the other hand, an important part of knowledge and skills that are required for students to become good citizens is brought via the Social Studies lesson. This study aims to determine the applications in social studies classes where citizenship and political education is basically taught via observations and to determine the views of social studies teachers on this subject. In this study using the mixed method, we received the opinions of 75 social studies teachers regarding the education of political subjects and observed the intraclass applications of 12 social studies teachers for 10 weeks. According to the results of the study, there are differences between the views of students and intraclass applications. While teachers emphasize the necessity of teaching political subjects in social studies classes and giving information about the political process, the observation results show that a number of social studies teachers do not involve political subjects and information about the political process.

Some observers regard South Africa as one of the most violent, lawless and morally depraved societies in the world. Several other countries around the world can be shown to be similarly afflicted. In South Africa’s case, this condition might be because of political transformation, particularly the lingering effects of the struggle against past injustices (apartheid, racism) inflicted on sections of the population. The social instability has been exacerbated by an influx of migrants and a resultant increase in diversity. One way of attempting to assuage this situation is to harness the school subject known as ‘citizenship education’ for guiding the upcoming generations into committing to a new moral compass, that is, awareness or consciousness with a conscience, and to an accompanying new social contract. Finding a rationale for such a moral compass and social contract that all the citizens of South Africa and of other similarly stricken countries would be prepared to commit to is a daunting task because people tend to be subjective in reflecting about their personal and group views, particularly about their religious beliefs and convictions. Closer examination reveals, however, that despite all the diversity, differences and conflict prevalent in societies, people are potentially able to share a set of basic values that arguably could form the core of the sought-for moral compass. Citizenship education could be functional in bringing home to the next generation the notion of henceforth living in accordance with the precepts of such a moral compass and social contract.

The purpose of writing this article is to reorient Pancasila and Citizenship Education in Elementary Schools in the discourse of smart and good citizenship, examining the discourse of citizenship. The method used in this article is library research. The data collection technique is carried out by coding data. The data analysis carried out in this research was inductive, namely with two stages in the form of data reduction and presentation of document data. The results of the analysis show that the reorientation of Pancasila and Citizenship Education in Elementary Schools in the citizenship discourse is an affirmation that Pancasila and Citizenship Education is part of character education. Through this article, the researcher recommends that future researchers conduct extensive and in-depth studies regarding Pancasila and Citizenship Education in Elementary Schools.

This article discusses some perspectives on citizenship education in Turkey and Britain in the context of current contested discourses on the nature of European identity and of the European Union (EU). It is based on data collected during an EU-funded student teacher exchange programme between three universities in Turkey and Leicester University in the United Kingdom. The programme facilitated participants' investigations of their understandings of citizenship and citizenship education in Britain and Turkey. Data was collected by questionnaire from 581 Turkish student teachers and 85 British student teachers involved with citizenship education and, during the exchange visits, through focus group interviews with 14 British and 14 Turkish students. Both groups thought citizenship education was key to creating ‘good citizens' in their countries, but the nature of this citizenship was perceived to differ between countries. The Turkish students placed a strong emphasis on national identity and Turkish citizenship, whilst the British students focused more on democracy, social justice, global citizenship and human rights. Students from both countries questioned the efficacy of the pedagogical approaches that they observed during school visits in each other's countries.

Today, no one denies that the progress and prosperity of nations is linked to the effectiveness of their educational system and its ability to keep pace with the accelerating tide of knowledge, and the large and rapid transformations in the technical and technological field. As well as its ability to open up to its social and economic environment. To achieve the desired development within the framework of democracy, which requires granting every member of society the competencies and capabilities that guarantee him, and qualify him to participate effectively in building society, and to exercise his rights and duties on a daily basis. Through education in all its formal and informal channels, by all social institutions entrusted with the socialization of individuals. Therefore, we decided to approach the topic of teaching “citizenship education”, through an article that includes an introduction and a set of paragraphs. For the introduction, it includes the methodological introduction to the article. While the first paragraph of this modest article is devoted to the process of rooting the concept of citizenship. Through the basic reference systems of liberal political philosophy: the state of nature – natural law – social contract, through an inductive as well as descriptive approach to the texts of “Spinoza” and “Locke”. We stood through them on the importance of theoretical and intellectual accumulation. Which contributed to the crystallization of an integrated philosophical systemic conception of the concept of the new man, certainly has nothing to do with the image of the old man and his theoretical references. The establishment of political philosophical concepts was not direct, but rather the demolition of the concepts that were the focus of centrist thinking and its first pillar, especially the concept of slavery, which the 17th century texts confronted with force in order to build a new concept for the sane and free human being (= citizen). As for the second paragraph, it is the fruit of the search for the concept of citizenship, its definitions, and its manifestations, which include two elements: the first relates to the basic responsibilities of citizenship (specific to individuals), and the second relates to the basic conditions for taking into account citizenship (specific to the state). While the third paragraph includes the dimensions of citizenship, its objectives, types, and its connection to the educational field, as a goal to advance the country and the citizen alike. Therefore, the fourth paragraph was devoted to the issue of citizenship education, by defining its multiple objectives and characteristics, with an emphasis on the conditions for the success of citizenship education and the appropriate methodology for it. As for the fifth paragraph, it includes education on citizenship through scrutinizing the concepts of education, citizenship, human rights….... Then we move in the sixth paragraph to an attempt to clarify the reality of teaching this subject, with its new concept based on human rights values, away from the institutional approach, which limits it to getting to know institutions and laws, and moves away from the basic role of the article, and this is to create a good citizen imbued with the spirit of citizenship. Which translated into noticeable and tangible situations and realistic practices that actually benefit education. In order to clarify the reality of teaching citizenship education, it was necessary to carry out a careful and in-depth study, to find out the extent to which teachers keep pace with reform, their difficulties, and their needs, when teaching the subject. We concluded that there are groups of difficulties, in theory and application, according to the necessity of training. This is what made us suggest a set of practices, emphasizing the active methods of education on citizenship and human rights, in which the learner is active in building his/her learning. Let’s end the article with a set of recommendations, suggestions and extensions

This chapter addresses questions about young people as citizens, citizenship, Citizenship Education and political education in relation to political participation. It first identifies the various definitions of citizenship and the main theories of citizenship. The chapter goes on to trace the history of lobbying for ‘civics education’, attempts to bring about greater ‘political literacy’ and the promotion of ‘active citizenship’ in British schools, in an effort to create ‘good citizens’ who vote. The chapter then documents the introduction of Citizenship Education by the Labour government in 2002. Last, it identifies and analyses criticisms levelled at Citizenship Education, including the lack of funding and governmental commitment, the normative and prescriptive nature of the school curriculum and the political will to change young people rather than change politics.

This article investigates types of citizenship education in selected schools in Hong Kong with different overarching affiliations (pro-China vs. pro-democracy). After examining schools’ policies (e.g., sister school of China school), we selected four pro-China and two pro-democracy schools. As a highly diverse society, citizenship education in Hong Kong is key to the formation of a ‘good citizen’. To better understand what a ‘good citizen’ means in this context, we interviewed ten teachers, four principals and four vice-principals at six secondary schools. We focused our interviews on key themes around citizenship, schools influence and media influence. These interviews showed thatlaissez-faireschool staff reported acting as facilitators who emphasized knowledge, social concerns and norms of ‘good citizens’ to their students.Mediate diversitystaff reported helping students integrate different perspectives.School missionstaff reported supporting student engagement via citizen responsibilities and political processes; while pro-China schools emphasized a national China identity, pro-democracy schools emphasized an international view. Staff from all of these schools reported that media negatively influenced students’ values and perspectives. To reduce students’ confirmation bias (only seeking evidence to support the pre-existing views), teachers in all schools taught critical thinking skills and media literacy. The data showed that understanding how schools can nurture student-citizens amid teachers’ concerns around negative media influence can help inform instruction and policies in schools regardless of their affiliation.