Romper mucho, poquito, nada: el rock en América Latina

The geoscientific knowledge of the territories of the Americas was at the core of colonizing projects and international disputes over these territories. The historical studies of various aspects of Earth sciences bring countless references. They have been present since the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in the writings of the Portuguese Jesuits or chroniclers. Latin America continues to participate in the historiographical production of Earth sciences at the international level, in tune with mainstream trends, but with varying intensity depending on each country’s specific contexts and intellectual traditions. New perspectives suggest counterpoints to the unidirectional views of the old diffusionist proposals in the History of Sciences. They emphasize that governments’ individual, professional, institutional, political, economic, scientific, and theoretical interests are not dissociated and are linked to rocks, fossils, soils, mineral and energy resources, and landscapes. There is much to be explored along with the perspective of circulation of ideas, practices, and objects, and scientific cooperation in the continental context, without losing the dimension that the phenomena associated with Earth sciences, due to their spatial and temporal dimensions, are not subordinated to geopolitical frontiers that, in Latin America and various regions of the world, as a result of colonizing processes, wars, and territorial disputes, have changed over time.

The geoscientific knowledge of the territories of the Americas was at the core of colonizing projects and international disputes over these territories. The historical studies of various aspects of Earth sciences bring countless references. They have been present since the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in the writings of the Portuguese Jesuits or chroniclers. Latin America continues to participate in the historiographical production of Earth sciences at the international level, in tune with mainstream trends, but with varying intensity depending on each country’s specific contexts and intellectual traditions. New perspectives suggest counterpoints to the unidirectional views of the old diffusionist proposals in the History of Sciences. They emphasize that governments’ individual, professional, institutional, political, economic, scientific, and theoretical interests are not dissociated and are linked to rocks, fossils, soils, mineral and energy resources, and landscapes. There is much to be explored along with the perspective of circulation of ideas, practices, and objects, and scientific cooperation in the continental context, without losing the dimension that the phenomena associated with Earth sciences, due to their spatial and temporal dimensions, are not subordinated to geopolitical frontiers that, in Latin America and various regions of the world, as a result of colonizing processes, wars, and territorial disputes, have changed over time.

The 1980s usher in what we may call a sad and melancholy state of affairs in the practice, art, and science of communication. The turn of the decade is definitely marked by international disputes that put Africa and Africans across the diaspora in a peculiarly volatile position. Besides Africa, the Third World as a whole is confronted with a neo-Eurocentric conservatism that threatens the basic rights of the oppressed in the world who are trying to gain their freedom from America, Europe, and their surrogates in Africa, Latin America, Asia, the Middle East, and the rest of the Third World countries. America had its debacle with Iran and the Soviet Union its with Afghanistan. The United States is at the verge of performing dysfunctionally in Africa through surreptitious and direct assistance to South Africa and those determined to undermine African independence. Europe relentlessly resists efforts by Africans, north and south, east and west, to unite for the common good of the African. The Eurocentric perspective on basic human relations still holds a vicious grip on the relations that exist between African states and their

This chapter studies Asian participation in international dispute settlement, revealing three thematic characteristics of the region. The first is the diversity of state practice within Asia. Intersecting this sub-regional diversity is the diversity of approaches within any given state towards different areas of concern. Thus, participation in international dispute settlement varies not only according to sub-region, but also according to the area of law. The second characteristic is that Asian states on the whole are generally quite willing to substantively engage with international dispute resolution. Finally, notwithstanding the above, the third characteristic is that there remains in Asia a cautious hesitation towards open commitments to international dispute-resolution mechanisms. The most glaring omission is that of any regional dispute settlement body. Whereas Africa, Europe, and Latin America all have regional human rights courts and sub-regional courts of different varieties, only the Central Asian states participate in any standing regional court.

The growth of the regional courts has transformed the nature of the settlement of international disputes, which leaves the question whether they are associated to the international courts like the International Court of Justice and specialized courts. Although the regional courts are making it easier to access justice and make rulings relative to the situation on the ground, their spread may lead to creation of piecemeal interpretations of the laws. The current literature is not systematic and with statistically based evidence on the balance of cooperation and fragmentation of this emerging system. In this paper, we wish to discuss the purpose of regional courts in international dispute settlement, and more precisely, whether they lead to legal cooperation between jurisdictions or enhance systemic fragmentation. It assumes that the international adjudicatory coherence is complementary and challenging at the same time by the regional courts. The study uses a mixed-methods research design since it combines both a qualitative legal study and quantitative statistical methods. An astute collection of local judicial rulings (n = 500 cases) will be gathered in Europe, Africa, and Latin America between 1990 and 2022. Descriptive statistics, network analysis and regression models are used in order to find patterns of convergence or divergence with international precedents. Citation-tracking and text-similarity measures are also used to determine the degree of cross-referencing between local and international courts. The evidence indicates that about 65 percent of court decisions in the area are consistent with the international jurisprudence referring to the cooperation with the legal integration, 20 percent is partially distorted, and 15 percent completely fractured. The regression findings also reveal that regional membership in international organizations, and the previous judicial cooperation are the strongest variables influencing alignment.

Paulina Kernberg, M.D. (1935-2006)

This paper examines the diplomatic and sociopolitical dynamics that limited the expected results of a Third Party Intervention (TPI) in the ongoing international dispute, involving two Latin American (LA) countries, Argentina and Uruguay, that the latter’s approval of two Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) pulp mill projects on the River Uruguay’s - their natural boundary - eastern coast unleashed. The purpose of this Conflict Management (CM) analysis is to expose how and why both national governments’ belated and improper handling of the dispute severely limited the scope and the capabilities of the agreed TPI. Argentinean societal opposition to each FDI was firstly based on grounds of environmental concerns and, when environmental assessments contradicted that claim, on the refusal to grant a Social License to Operate (SLO) to any of them. The overall effect of these restrictions made the TPI partially ineffective; thus, the unsolved dispute continues harming with further negative impacts the relations between two neighboring countries with a long history of harmonious relations.

Reviewed by: Aux Frontières de la Paix: Bons Offices, Médiations, Arbitrages du Saint-Siège (1878–1922) John Pollard Aux Frontières de la Paix: Bons Offices, Médiations, Arbitrages du Saint-Siège (1878–1922). By Jean-Marc Ticchi. [Collection de l’École Française de Rome, 294.] (Rome: École Française de Rome. 2002. Pp. ix, 483. Paperback.) This is a study of the development of the papacy's role as arbitrator, mediator, and 'honest broker' in international disputes, in the reigns of Leo XIII (1878-1903), Pius X (1903-1914), and Benedict XV (1914-1922). Most of the disputes in which Vatican diplomacy involved itself were between Latin American nations, but some involved the large and small European powers, and the United States of America. The study is original because relatively little attention has been focused on this important aspect of the diplomacy of the modern papacy, and it has been carried out with meticulous scholarship, providing the reader with an exhaustive [End Page 332] historiographical contextualization and an elaborate scholarly apparatus, including a complete list of all the disputes in which the papal diplomacy was involved and a full itemization of the archival sources consulted. In this regard it's a pity that there is not a subject as well as a name index. Ticchi presents Leo XIII's 'active' diplomacy within the context of the ongoing struggle with the Kingdom of Italy over the "Roman Question." A high diplomatic profile certainly was a very effective way of asserting the pope's continued claim to the status of "sovereign pontiff" despite the loss of the Papal States in 1870, and of re-establishing the moral authority of the papacy in the world. He gives us a very detailed examination of Leo's most famous diplomatic intervention, the Spanish-German dispute over the Caroline Islands, mediation in other disputes between Latin American states, and also the Vatican's failed attempts to prevent war between Spain and the United States over Cuba in 1898. Leo also had his diplomatic failures, and the most notable was the exclusion of the Holy See from the Hague Peace of 1899. Ticchi explores the complex diplomatic negotiations surrounding the organization of the conference, including the extremely duplicitous diplomacy of the Russians when faced by the intransigent refusal of Italy to allow the papacy to participate in a major international gathering for fear that its representative would exploit the occasion to raise the "Roman Question." Ironically, it was the poor Dutch, hosts of the conference, who got the blame for papal exclusion. The Holy See was also to be excluded from the Hague Conference of 1907. In his analysis of the pontificate of Pius X, Ticchi demonstrates that though the diplomacy of Papa Sarto and his secretary of state, Cardinal Rafael Merry del Val, in many ways demonstrates a break with Leonine diplomacy, they continued to regard a peace-making role as normal to the Holy See. This is a good book, but there is one disappointment. The title defines the period under study very clearly, "1878-1922." Consequently, the reader not unnaturally expects a full examination of papal peace diplomacy during World War I, whereas in fact the important pontificate of Benedict XV is effectively subsumed into the Conclusion. Thus the really crucial mediatory role that Benedict and his secretary of state, Cardinal Pietro Gasparri, both pupils of Rampolla and Leo XIII, sought to play to bring the belligerents to the negotiating table is dealt with in exactly six pages. One understands the author's dilemma; a full examination of wartime papal diplomacy would have required a very much longer work: Would it not have made more sense to restrict the book to the study of the reigns of Leo XIII and Pius X, and then add some remarks about the pontificate of Benedict XV as a postcript? John Pollard Trinity Hall, Cambridge Copyright © 2004 The Catholic University of America Press

Reviewed by: Rice in the Time of Sugar: The Political Economy of Food in Cuba by Louis A. Pérez Jr. Steven C. Topik Louis A. Pérez Jr. Rice in the Time of Sugar: The Political Economy of Food in Cuba. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2019. 264 pp. Louis A. Pérez Jr., the University of North Carolina's distinguished and prolific historian of Cuba, presents us with a rather brief, innovative, and well-written study of Cuban identity and dependence from an unusual perspective. The title of this volume explains many of the issues he addresses here: a first chapter on rice's place in Cuban identity, then three chapters on consequences for rice production of the political economy of sugar, their effects on Cuban-US trade relations, and an epilogue on rice in Cuba after the revolution. The central issue is the fundamental paradox of how a land so blessed with natural resources could have such poverty and inequality. As a Cuban analyst feared in 1861, without attention to cultivation for domestic consumption, Cuba would "soon present the singular spectacle of a very rich country in which there is nevertheless hunger" (53). It turns out that the solution was importing foods, especially rice. By investigating partially through the lens of rice production, consumption, and trade, he introduces us to a crucial issue insufficiently studied in Latin American and Cuban history: the role of domestic consumption of food goods and their economic, political, gastronomic, and cultural effects. While a wonderful perspective, in fact Pérez emphasizes "the time of sugar" more than he explains the expansion and failure of rice cultivation in Cuba. Rice is used as another way to understand Cuba's dependency on sugar which became for most of the twentieth century, dependence on trade with the United States. Pérez begins with a discussion of the "national cuisine" or "la cocina criolla"—"shared tastes invoked as a source and means of nationality" (1)—which he writes arose in the nineteenth century as Cuba's previously sparse population began to swell with the arrival of Spaniards, Africans, and Asians. Using novels and cookbooks, he shows that some of the most popular truly Cuban dishes—as opposed to Spanish ones—used rice like arroz con pollo but with [End Page 334] uniquely Cuban spices. Indeed, rice became closely entwined with the creole cuisine and hence with lo cubano. Pérez notes that "rice occupies a very special place in the cosmology of [the] Cuban. Rice is more than a food: it is a way of life, an obligatory presence on the Cuban table" (13). Rice appears in this book more as a symbol of domestic identity and international disputes than as a crop or a recipe. We read little about agriculture, processing, and labor but some intriguing insights into the power struggle over international trade between Cuba and the United States. The choice of rice for this study is telling. Were he just interested in "food in Cuba" as his title suggests, he might have written considerably more about foods native to Cuba and the food of the masses (termed frutos menores in Cuba) like beans, yucca, corn, plantains, and sweet potatoes. We know that the first Spaniards to report on the Caribbean were amazed by the fertility and abundance of the native foodstuffs. Yet while all these dishes were, and are, widely eaten they were not monetized and traded trans-nationally the way rice would become in the nineteenth century when Chinese and Indian imported workers brought the Asian starch with them to the island. Lo cubano apparently inherently means an international mix, not something purely Cuban. Pérez chooses rice because once Cuba was deeply enmeshed in global trade, "nothing perhaps so fully defines the character of la cocina cubana as much as rice" (13). Yet he trains his attention more on rice which was involved in international trade clashes, especially with the United States. It was a crop that could not be grown cheaply enough to sustain the Cuban population without protection from rice producers in the United States and Asia. Rice could certainly flourish when it was provided tariff protection...

“A must-read for anyone interested in Nicaragua—or in the overall issue of social change.”—Margaret Randall, author of SANDINO'S DAUGHTERS and SANDINO'S DAUGHTERS REVISITED Sandinista is the first English-language biography of Carlos Fonseca Amador, the legendary leader of the Sandinista National Liberation Front of Nicaragua (the FSLN) and the most important and influential figure of the post–1959 revolutionary generation in Latin America. Fonseca, killed in battle in 1976, was the undisputed intellectual and strategic leader of the FSLN. In a groundbreaking and fast-paced narrative that draws on a rich archive of previously unpublished Fonseca writings, Matilde Zimmermann sheds new light on central themes in his ideology as well as on internal disputes, ideological shifts, and personalities of the FSLN. The first researcher ever to be allowed access to Fonseca’s unpublished writings (collected by the Institute for the Study of Sandinism in the early 1980s and now in the hands of the Nicaraguan Army), Zimmermann also obtained personal interviews with Fonseca’s friends, family members, fellow combatants, and political enemies. Unlike previous scholars, Zimmermann sees the Cuban revolution as the crucial turning point in Fonseca’s political evolution. Furthermore, while others have argued that he rejected Marxism in favor of a more pragmatic nationalism, Zimmermann shows how Fonseca’s political writings remained committed to both socialist revolution and national liberation from U.S. imperialism and followed the ideas of both Che Guevara and the earlier Nicaraguan leader Augusto Cesar Sandino. She further argues that his philosophy embracing the experiences of the nation’s workers and peasants was central to the FSLN’s initial platform and charismatic appeal.

This chapter analyzes drug policy in Ecuador, by describing the evolution of the policies it adopted. The article begins with an historical review of substance regulations, starting in the Colonial period, and moving towards the country’s incorporation of the international regimes that have regulated the market and the use of drugs during the early twentieth century. The second part reviews Ecuador’s alleged entry into the coca-cocaine productive complex during the 1990s, as a transit county and as a producer of chemical precursors. Additionally, in this section, we will analyze the establishment of law 108, which was the most punitive legal framework in Latin America, and its consequences in terms of the increase of people incarcerated. The third section discusses the legal reforms that were implemented in Ecuador, starting with the 2008 Constitution, and including the new Penal Integral Code (COIP), which establishes threshold quantities for consumers; an innovative approach that is supposed to distinguish consumers from producers and drug traffickers. Regardless of the achievements made during the last years, the new legal Ecuadorian structure has some limits that block effective advances, especially as defined by internal disputes and by the difficulties of changing old punitive representations.

The purpose of this chapter is to carry out a comparative analysis of labour markets in Europe and Latin America from the perspective of segmentation in order to explain the processes of social inequality that arise in the workplace, in light of recent trends in global socio-economic changes. The chapter proposes two main objectives. The first is to perform a comparative descriptive analysis of the main features of labour markets among 60 European and Latin American countries. The second objective is to propose a model of comparative analysis of labour inequality from the theoretical perspective of the segmentation of the labour market and structural heterogeneity. We will focus our analysis by selecting two countries, Spain and Argentina, which both underwent a late development of capitalism. The following general hypothesis is formulated: Spain and Argentina, having clearly differentiated features in economic structure, level of development, institutional frameworks and socio-historical processes, show common dynamics in the structuring of the capitalist labour market between a primary and secondary segment. Using equivalent databases on the workforce a typology of segmentation of employment is constructed that show, in addition to the specificities of each country, the similarities in the structuring of the labour market.

Este artículo propone un trabajo de interpretación, derivado del análisis textual y contextual, de diez films argentinos en los que se re-presenta al territorio patagónico: La película del rey (C. Sorín, 1986); Gerónima (R. Tosso, 1986); Guerreros y cautivas (E. Cozarinsky, 1989); La nave de los locos (R. Willicher, 1994); Caballos salvajes (M. Piñeyro, 1995); Flores amarillas en la ventana (V. Ruiz, 1996), El viento se llevó lo qué (A. Agresti, 1998); Mundo Grúa (P. Trapero, 1999); Invierno mala vida (G. Cramer, 1999) e Historias mínimas (C. Sorín, 2002). Identificaremos relaciones intertextuales, cuyos sentidos pugnan por imponerse, y conocer así las formas precisas de la dimensión cultural, social e histórica de un conjunto de textos fílmicos.La hipótesis general es que los films expresan indicialmente el tipo de experiencias que la mutación epocal neoliberal va marcando en los cuerpos y las subjetividades de los sujetos. Mayoritariamente se impone una representación de Patagonia for export a partir de dotarla de una naturaleza exótica o una inmensidad enigmática para la contemplación o la aventura transitoria. Este corrimiento expresa a nivel simbólico cambios que el neoliberalismo produjo en toda América Latina, pero que encuentra al sur del sur específicas coordenadas e imaginarios.

This paper explores hypotheses that could explain both the creation of independent regulatory agencies (IRAs) in Brazil, and the differences in the design of the Brazilian IRAs in the telecommunications and electricity sectors. To formulate specific hypotheses that make sense of the Brazilian case, the paper critically interrogates the “weak state” hypothesis and the “political bias” hypothesis. The first argues that countries with flawed governance structures, such as Latin American countries, are less likely to establish independent regulators than European countries. The second argues that “political bias” is a determinant factor in predicting the implementation of IRAs in Latin America. The first part of the paper uses these two general hypotheses as a basis to formulate specific hypotheses to explain the creation of IRAs in Brazil. The second part of the paper formulates specific hypotheses that could explain why institutional guarantees of IRA independence are stronger in the telecommunications sector, than in the electricity sector. In particular, the paper argues in support of a revised version of the “political bias” hypothesis to explain sectoral divergence, suggesting that bureaucratic resistance to reform may be the cause for the variations observed in Brazil between regulatory reform in electricity and in telecommunications.

Climate change is shifting the distribution of shared fish stocks between neighboring countries’ Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs) and the high seas. The timescale of these transboundary shifts determines how climate change will affect international fisheries governance. Here, we explore this timescale by coupling a large ensemble simulation of an Earth system model under a high emission climate change scenario to a dynamic population model. We show that by 2030, 23% of transboundary stocks will have shifted and 78% of the world's EEZs will have experienced at least one shifting stock. By the end of this century, projections show a total of 45% of stocks shifting globally and 81% of EEZs waters with at least one shifting stock. The magnitude of such shifts is reflected in changes in catch proportion between EEZs sharing a transboundary stock. By 2030, global EEZs are projected to experience an average change of 59% in catch proportion of transboundary stocks. Many countries that are highly dependent on fisheries for livelihood and food security emerge as hotspots for transboundary shifts. These hotspots are characterized by early shifts in the distribution of an important number of transboundary stocks. Existing international fisheries agreements need to be assessed for their capacity to address the social–ecological implications of climate‐change‐driven transboundary shifts. Some of these agreements will need to be adjusted to limit potential conflict between the parties of interest. Meanwhile, new agreements will need to be anticipatory and consider these concerns and their associated uncertainties to be resilient to global change.