Right-Wing Populism, Crumbling Migrants’ Rights and Strategies of Resistance in Belgium

Right-Wing Populism, Crumbling Migrants' Rights and Strategies of Resistance in Belgium

Authoritarian populism poses major challenges to democracy. Yet relatively little systematic political-theoretical or philosophical analysis has focused on how best to oppose or resist it. The present essay focuses on three possible approaches now being tentatively discussed. Some writers emphasize the possible virtues of civil disobedience, others are advocating a related yet broader strategy of civil resistance, and yet others abandon both “civil” approaches in favor of uncivil disobedience. Despite their many strengths, each approach suffers from weaknesses, in part because each responds incompletely to the challenges of authoritarian populism and its use of increasingly commonplace modes of “smart” repression. With ominous implications for those worried about democracy’s fate, populists are embracing coercive techniques designed to squelch dissent without generating public sympathy or a popular backlash.

The first quarter of the 21st century is witnessing an efflorescence of right-wing populism that is flourishing in a period of heightened precarity, global trauma, anxiety, and gross inequalities. One branch of right-wing populism, neoconservatism, aims to restore patriarchy; entry into organizations would help it achieve those ends. This article uses an extreme case study of a profession in which chauvinism flourishes to examine organizations’ receptivity, at “shop-floor” level, to neoconservative political ideologies and the restoration of patriarchy as an entry-route. Using Judith Butler’s work and psychoanalytical theory for theoretical inspiration we develop a theory of “chauvinizing”—that is, the performative constitution of chauvinism. This incorporates a contrast between “old” and “new” chauvinism and the conscious and unconscious allure of misogynistic practices to practitioners. We argue that chauvinizing practices may offer neoconservatism both a means of entry into organizations and opposition to its infiltration. This article contributes to political organization studies an understanding of how organizations may be permeated by unwelcome political activities, and a warning for organizations of the need for both wariness and strategies of resistance.

Jan Czarzasty and Adam Rogalewski explore the orientation of Polish trade unions vis-a-vis the rise of populism in that country. During the last more than five years, Polish trade unions have operated under the right-wing populist PiS (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość/Law and Justice) Party-led government, elected in 2015. Although the party was elected on the basis of a robust social agenda, mirroring to a large extent the unions’ own policies, the government has shown strong authoritarian tendencies, which have left their mark on social dialogue in Poland. The chapter analyses the strategies of the Polish labour movement in their response to the populist government by focusing on both the European and national contexts. The contribution examines unions’ response to the revision of the Posted Worker Directive and the important role of European trade union solidarity in supporting Polish unions’ stance against the government. Secondly, the chapter focuses on the protests of public service workers, including among: uniform services, teachers and civil servants employed by the Ministry of Justice. In particular, a protest by teachers was one the largest strikes in the recent history of Poland, which maximised the opportunities associated with the network society by allowing unions to evolve into a civic movement. In spite of the fact the PiS has ‘hijacked’ some major union postulates by, for example, calling to increase the minimum wage, the labour movement has been able to deploy successful resistance strategies. The unions have tried to use the European context of industrial legislation by challenging the government at that level. They also focus on pay rise campaigns for public service workers to underline the hypocrisy of the PiS-led government, which was willing to increase the wages of workers but not those directly employed by its own government in the public sector.