Reviews

This dissertation aims to investigate the sources of United States (US) foreign policy toward Azerbaijan by examining the relative impact of domestic, geostrategic and structural factors in explaining US foreign policy toward the country. Azerbaijan is one of the newly independent states that emerged after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Despite its small size, the country’s strategic location, vast oil and natural gas reserves, and its conflict with Armenia over the Nagorno- Karabakh region elevated its importance and made Azerbaijan the center of interest for great powers. As the sole superpower after the end of the Cold War, the US has largely followed a unilateral foreign policy agenda. US foreign policy toward the South Caucasus in general, and Azerbaijan in particular, has been marked by inconsistencies, and by a lack of coordination and an unwillingness to take the initiative in crucial issue areas. Most importantly, experts have observed several important shifts in US policy toward Azerbaijan. These shifts can be conceptualized as critical junctures as they represent fundamental changes in the orientation of US policy. The dissertation is focused on these critical junctures as they relate to four main issue areas: the political economy of oil, the security partnership, economic reforms, and human rights. Why did the US disengage from Caspian energy issues after the successful completion of the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline? Why did the US lose its commitment to Azerbaijani security, including the peaceful resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict? Why did the US grow unhappy about the investment climate in Azerbaijan in the 2000s? Why did the Obama administration decide to shift to a “human rights policy” toward Baku, despite two decades of neglect of such issues by the Clinton and Bush Administrations? This dissertation follows a chronological format and analyzes the sources of US foreign policy towards Azerbaijan in three time periods: 1991-2001, 2002-2007, and 2008-2015.

DOYNE DAWSON. The Origins of Western Warfare: Militarism and Morality in the Ancient World. Boulder: Westview Press, 1996. Pp. viii, 203. $24.95 (US). Reviewed by Bernard S. Bachrach WILLIAM ARMSTRONG PERCY III. Pederasty and Pedagogy in Archaic Greece. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1996. Pp. x, 260. $24.95 (US). Reviewed by P. A. Cartledge MARK WHITTOW. The Making of Orthodox Byzantium, 600–1025. London: Macmillan, 1996. Pp. xxv, 477. £45.00. Reviewed by Warren Treadgold BENJAMIN T. HUDSON. Prophecy of Berchán: Irish and Scottish High-Kings of the Early Middle Ages. Westport: Greenwood Press, 1996. Pp. xii, 271. $59.95 (US). Reviewed by Dauvit Broun ANN WILLIAMS. The English and the Norman Conquest. Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press, 1995. Pp. xiii, 264. $63.00 (US), cloth; $30.00 (US), paper. Reviewed by C. P. Lewis R. S. BRAY. Armies of Pestilence: The Effects of Pandemics on History. Cambridge: Lutterworth Press, 1996. Pp. xii, 258. £30.00. Reviewed by Linda Bryder ASPARUCH VELKOV and EVGENIY RADUSHEV, trans. Ottoman Garrisons on the Middle Danube: Based on Austrian National Library MS MXT 562 of 956/1549–1550. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1996. Pp. 547. $83.00 (US). Reviewed by Virginia H. Aksan LAURA HUNT YUNGBLUT. ‘Strangers Settled Here amongst Us’: Policies, Perceptions, and the Presence of Aliens in Elizabethan England. London and New York: Roudedge, 1996. Pp. ix, 178. $55.00 (US). Reviewed by Charles G. D. Littleton DAVID GOODMAN. Spanish Naval Power, 1589–1665: Reconstruction and Defeat. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997. Pp. xvi, 305. $59.95 (US). Reviewed by Peter O'M. Pierson BERNARDO JOSÉ GARCÍA GARCÍA. La Pax Hispanica: Polttica exterior del Duque de Lerma. Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1996. Pp. xiii, 432. BF 1,150. Reviewed by Randall Lesaffer J. R. JONES. The Anglo-Dutch Wars of the Seventeenth Century. London and New York: Longman, 1996. Pp. xi, 242. £12.99. Reviewed by Daniel A. Baugh IVAN PARVEV. Habsburgs and Ottomans between Vienna and Belgrade, 1683–1739. Boulder: East European Monographs, 1996; dist. New York: Columbia University Press. Pp. xviii, 345. $42.00 (US). Reviewed by Halil Inalcik DALE HOAK and MORDECHAI FEINGOLD, eds. The World of William and Mary: Anglo-Dutch Perspectives on the Revolution of 1688–89. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996. Pp. xv, 33g. $49.50 (US). Reviewed by Tim Harris LESTER D. LANGLEY. The Americas in the Age of Revolution, 1750–1850. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1996. Pp. xvi, 374. $35.00 (US). Reviewed by Drew R. McCoy FREDERICK G. WHELAN. Edmund Burke and India: Political Morality and Empire. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1996. Pp. xiii, 368. $49.95 (US). Reviewed by Michael H. Fisher P. J. MARSHALL, ed. The Cambridge Illustrated History of the British Empire. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Pp. 400. $39.95 (US). Reviewed by Stuart Macintyre L. G. BESKROVNY. The Russian Army and Fleet in the Nineteenth Century: Handbook of Armaments, Personnel, and Policy, ed. and trans. Gordon E. Smith. Gulf Breeze: Academic International Press, 1996. Pp. xxvii, 408. $50.00 (US). Reviewed by John Erickson HOWARD JONES and DONALD A. RAKESTRAW. Prologue to Manifest Destiny: Anglo- American Relations in the 1840s. Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources, 1997; dist. Toronto: Scholarly Book Services. Pp. xvi, 342. $50.00 (US), cloth; $18.95 (US), paper. Reviewed by Francis M. Carroll EDWARD LAXTON. The Famine Ships: The Irish Exodus to America, 1846–51. London: Bloomsbury, 1996. Pp. vi, 250. £16.99. Reviewed by Harman Akenson TADEUSZ SWIETOCHOWSKI. Russia and Azerbaijan: A Borderland in Transition. New York: Columbia University Press, 1995. Pp. x, 290. $32.50 (US). Reviewed by Turaj Atabaki WILLIAM R. NESTER. Power across the Pacific: A Diplomatic History of American Relations with Japan. London: Macmillan, 1996; dist. New York: St Martin's Press. Pp. v, 446. $50.00 (US). Reviewed by Michael A. Barnhart EARLJ. HESS. The Union Soldier in Battle: Enduring the Ordeal of Combat. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1997. Pp. xii, 244. $29.95 (US). Reviewed by Michael Fellman GEOFFREY WAWRO. The Austro-Prussian War: Austria's War with Prussia and Italy in 1866. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Pp. xiii, 313. $59.95 (US). Reviewed by Dennis E. Showalter ROBERT ALDRICH. Greater France: A History of French Overseas Expansion. New York: St Martin's Press, 1996. Pp. x, 369. $45.00 (US), cloth; $19.95 (US), paper. Reviewed by Raymond F. Betts ALAN CASSELS. Ideology and International Relations in the Modern World. London and New York: Roudedge, 1996. Pp. xiii, 302. £45.00, cloth; £14.99, paper. Reviewed by C.J. Bartlet HORST DRECHSLER. Südwestafrika unter deutscher Kolonialherrschaft. Die groβen Land-und Minengesellschaften, 1885–1914. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1996. Pp.360. DM96.00. Reviewed by Jan-Bart Gewald TUOMO POLVINEN. Imperial Borderland: Bobrikov and the Attempted Russification of Finland, 1898–1904, trans. Steven Huxley. Durham, N.C. and London: Duke University Press, 1995. Pp. ix, 342. $29.95 (US). Reviewed by Pekka Kalevi Hamalainen N. A. M. RODGER, ed. Naval Power in the Twentieth Century. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 1996; dist. St Catharines, Ont.: Vanwell Publishing. Pp. xxiv, 273. $62.95 (CDN). Reviewed by John B. Hattendorf LAMAR CECIL. Wilhelm II: Volume II: Emperor and Exile, 1900–1941. Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1996; dist. Toronto: Scholarly Book Services. Pp. x, 503. $61.95 (US). Reviewed by Sally Marks RICHARD J. POPPLEWELL. Intelligence and Imperial Defence: British Intelligence and the Defence of the Indian Empire, 1904–1924. London: Frank Cass, 1995; dist. Portland, Oreg.: ISBS. Pp. x, 354. $49.50 (US). Reviewed by T. G. Fraser ROY DOUGLAS. The Great War, 1914–1918: The Cartoonist's Vision. London and New York: Roudedge, 1995. Pp. vii, 157. $75.00 (US). Reviewed by Tim Travers JÜRGEN VON UNGERN-STERNBERG and WOLFGANG VON UNGERN-STERNBERG. Der Aufruf ‘An die Kulturwelt!’ Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1996. Pp. 247. DM74.00. Reviewed by Stephen Brockmann BULLITT LOWRY. Armistice, 1918. Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1996. Pp. xv, 245. $35.00 (US). Reviewed by David Stevenson DAVID ARMSTRONG, LORNA LLOYD, and JOHN REDMOND. From Versailles to Maastricht: International Organization in the Twentieth Century. New York: St Martin's Press, 1996. Pp. xii, 321. $49.95 (US), cloth; $19.95 (US), paper. Reviewed by Peter Beck RICHARD G. HOVANNISIAN. The Republic of Armenia: Volume III: From London to Sèvres, February–August, 1920. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996. Pp. xx, 534. $45.00 (US); Reviewed by Ronald Grigor Suny RICHARD G. HOVANNISIAN. The Republic of Armenia: Volume IV: Between Crescent and Sickle: Partition and Sovietization. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996. Pp. xii, 496. $45.00 (US). Reviewed by Ronald Grigor Suny DERMOT KEOGH. Ireland and the Vatican: The Politics and Diplomacy of Church- State Relations, 1922–1960. Cork: Cork University Press, 1995; dist. Portland, Oreg.: ISBS. Pp. xxvi, 410. $62.00 (US). Reviewed by Peter C. Kent WILLIAMSON MURRAY and ALLAN R. MILLETT, eds. Military Innovation in th Interwar Period. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Pp. ix, 428. $64.95 (US). Reviewed by Brian Bond T. CHRISTOPHER JESPERSON. American Images of China, 1931–1949. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996. Pp. xx, 254. $39.50 (US). Reviewed by Marc Gallicchio LON O. NORDEEN and DAVID NICOLLE. Phoenix over the Nile: A History of Egyptian Air Power, 1932–1994. Washington and London: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1996. Pp. xxii, 413. $49.00 (US). Reviewed by Ron Matthews NORMAN HILLMER, ROBERT BOTHWELL, ROGER SARTY, and CLAUDE BEAUREGARD, eds. A Country of Limitations: Canada and the World in 1939. Ottawa: Department of National Defence, Directorate of History, 1996. Pp. 295. No Charge. Reviewed by Elizabeth B. Elliot-Meisel MICHAEL ALFRED PESZKE. Battle for Warsaw, 1939–1944. Boulder: East European Monographs, 1995; dist. New York: Columbia University Press. Pp. xi, 325. $56.00 (US);Reviewed by Michael Jabara Carley ANITA J. PRAŻMOWSKA. Britain and Poland, 1939–1943: The Betrayed Ally. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Pp. xi, 233. $64.95 (US), cloth; $29.95 (US), paper. Reviewed by Michael Jabara Carley BRADLEY F. SMITH. Sharing Secrets with Stalin: How the Allies Traded Intelligence, 1941–1945. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1996. Pp. xix, 307. $35.00 (US). Reviewed by Martin Kitchen CAROLYN EISENBERG. Drawing the Line: The American Decision to Divide Germany, 1944–1949. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Pp. xii, 522. $59.95 (US). Reviewed by Diethelm Prowe STEVEN T. ROSS. American War Plans, 1945–1950. London: Frank Cass, 1996; dist. Portland, Oreg.: ISBS. Pp. xii, 189. $32.50 (US). Reviewed by Barton J. Bernstein IRENE L. GENDZIER. Notes from the Minefield: United States Intervention in Lebanon and the Middle East, 1945–1958. New York: Columbia University Press, 1997. Pp. xxii, 470. $39.50 (US). Reviewed by H. W. Brands WALTER L. HDCSON. Parting the Curtain: Propaganda, Culture, and the Cold War, 1945–1961. New York: St Martin's Press, 1997. Pp. xvi, 283. $45.00 (US). Reviewed by Stephen J. Whitfield JUSSI M. HANHIMÄKI. Containing Coexistence: America, Russia, and the ‘Finnish Solution’. Kent: Kent State University Press, 1997. Pp. xx, 279. $39.00 (US). Reviewed by Bo Petersson ALAN S. MILWARD and GEORGE BRENNAN. Britain's Place in the World: A Historical Enquiry into Import Controls, 1945–1960. London and New York: Roudedge, 1996. Pp. xvi, 320. $111.95 (CDN). Reviewed by Catherine R. Schenk SEAN M. MALONEY. War without Battles: Canada's NATO Brigade in Germany, 1951 –1993. Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1997. Pp. xxxviii, 525. $29.99 (CDN). Reviewed by Desmond Morton ROB KROES. If You've Seen One, You've Seen the Mali: Europeans and American Mass Culture. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1996. Pp. xiv, 195. $14.95 (US), paper. Reviewed by Paul Boyer JAMES A. BILL. George Ball: Behind the Scenes in US Foreign Policy. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1997. Pp. xvii, 274. $30.00 (US); Reviewed by Lloyd C. Gardner GEORGE C. MCGHEE. On the Frontline in the Cold War: An Ambassador Reports. Westport: Praeger, 1997. Pp. xiii, 209. $57.95 (US). Reviewed by Lloyd C. Gardner NIGEL JOHN ASHTON. Eisenhower, MacmiUan, and the Problem of Nasser: Anglo- American Relations and Arab Nationalism, 1955–1959. London: Macmillan, 1996; dist. New York: St Martin's Press. Pp. viii, 273. $59.95 (US). Reviewed by Peter L. Hahn ROY REMPEL. Counterweights: The Failure of Canada's German and European Policy, 1955–1995. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1996. Pp. xi, 270. $42.95 (CDN). Reviewed by Greg Donaghy ROBERT BUZZANCO. Masters of War: Military Dissent and Politics in the Vietnam Era. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Pp. xiv, 386. $29.95 (US). Reviewed by David Hunt BLEMA S. STEINBERG. Shame and Humiliation: Presidential Decision Making on Vietnam. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1996. Pp. ix, 397. $22.95 (CDN), paper. Reviewed by Marilyn B. Young STEVEN HURST. The Carter Administration and Vietnam. London: Macmillan, 1996; dist. New York: St Martin's Press. Pp. x, 201. $40.00 (US). Reviewed by William J. Duiker DAVID SKIDMORE. Reversing Course: Carter's Foreign Policy, Domestic Politics, and the Failure of Reform. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 1996. Pp. xxii, 234. $29.95 (US). Reviewed by Richard C. Thornton ROBERT G. SUTTER. Shaping China's Future in World Affairs: The Role of the United States. Boulder: Westview Press, 1996. Pp. vi, 194. $39.85 (US). Reviewed by Shu Guang Zhang THOMAS E. HALVERSON. The Last Great Nuclear Debate: NATO and Short-Range Nuclear Weapons in the 1980s. London: Macmillan, 1995. Pp. xvi, 219. £40.00. Reviewed by Susanne Peters FREDERICK K. LISTER. The European Union, the United Nations, and the Revival of Confederal Governance. Westport: Greenwood Press, 1996. Pp. xi, 182. $55.00 (US). Reviewed by N. D. White CHRISTIAN SMITH. Resisting Reagan: The US Central America Peace Movement. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1996. Pp. xx, 464. $19.95 (US). Reviewed by M. LeoGrande GEORGE MODELSKI and WILLIAM R. THOMPSON. Leading Sectors and World Powers: The Coevolution of Global Economics and Politics. Columbia: Umversity of South Carolina Press, 1996. Pp. xv, 263. $39.95 (US). Reviewed by Charles F. Doran STEPHEN J. CIMBALA. The Politics of Warfare: The Great Powers in the Twentieth Century. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997. Pp. 245. $45.00 (US) cloth; $16.95 (US), paper. Reviewed by James J. Wirtz ROBIN COHEN. Global Diasporas: An Introduction. Seatde: University of Washington Press. Pp. xii, 228. $50.00 (US), cloth; $19.95 (US), paper. Reviewed by Judith M. Brown FEN OSLER HAMPSON. Nurturing Peace: Why Peace Settlements Succeed or Fail. Washington: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1996. Pp. xiii, 287. $32.95 (US). Reviewed by Robert Jervis MICHAEL HERMAN. Intelligence Power in Peace and War. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Pp. vii, 414. $59.95 (US), cloth; $22.95 (US), paper. Reviewed by Michael I. Handel

Jimmy Carter's election in 1976 transformed United States involvement in the Helsinki process and the government's attitude toward human rights. Carter's focus on human rights, and specifically on Helsinki implementation, integrated both issues into United States foreign policy toward Eastern Europe. At the 1977–8 Belgrade Follow-up Meeting, which would become a turning point for the United States in the Helsinki process, the Carter administration made clear the importance of human rights to its foreign policy while significantly raising its profile within the CSCE negotiations. In part due to this change in United States policy, the CSCE became an ongoing process that held all participants accountable for compliance with the agreement. The new United States approach to the CSCE was essential to the long-term influence of the Helsinki process given that dissidents in Eastern Europe needed high-level allies who could utilize their reports of human rights abuses in an international framework and exert pressure on repressive governments to changes their practices. Furthermore, its emphasis on thorough Helsinki compliance was critical to later change in Eastern Europe, even if it temporarily complicated CSCE discussions. The Belgrade Follow-up Meeting also proved significant to the development and influence of the transnational Helsinki network. First, the promise to evaluate Helsinki compliance at Belgrade provided a rationale for individual, collective, and governmental efforts to monitor adherence to the Helsinki Final Act; as the previous two chapters have shown, the result was the emergence of a variety of monitoring organizations.

Reviewed by: From Selma to Moscow: How Human Rights Activists Transformed U.S. Foreign Policy Sarah B. Snyder Debbie Sharnak (bio) Sarah B. Snyder From Selma to Moscow: How Human Rights Activists Transformed U.S. Foreign Policy (New York: Columbia University Press, 2018), ISBN, 978-0-231-16947-9, 320 pages. The history of human rights, perhaps surprisingly, emerged relatively recently as a field of scholarly inquiry.1 Historians began publishing widely on the topic only in the past decade and, as historian Barbara Keys noted, scholars of US foreign relations have been "among the most avid" contributors to fill the void in this burgeoning field.2 Sarah Snyder became one such pioneer in 2011 when she published her first book, Human Rights Activism and the End of the Cold War: A Transnational History of the Helsinki Network.3 In that volume, Snyder examines how non-state actors used the passage of the Helsinki Act of 1975 to promote a human rights agenda as a central element in East-West diplomacy, which helped lead to the end of the Cold War. In her latest book, From Selma to Moscow: How Human Rights Activists Transformed U.S. Foreign Policy, Snyder looks again to nonstate actors to examine how human rights emerged—this time as a central part of the US foreign policymaking apparatus. Eschewing claims from Samuel Moyn in The Last Utopia that human rights' true rise can be traced to the 1970s, Snyder is part of a group of historians, which includes Steven L.B Jensen and Roland Burke, who are looking to the 1960s to locate the origins of [End Page 527] modern human rights.4 While Jensen and Burke are more concerned with global events in their analyses of the earlier decade, the former examining the impact of decolonization and the latter looking to the terminal years of liberal postcolonialism, Snyder focuses on how US nonstate actors and low level diplomats played a pivotal role in bringing human rights to the forefront of US policymaking, and how their actions continues to have lasting relevance. With this project, Snyder contests the prevailing emphasis on Jimmy Carter's presidential anointment that "our commitment to human rights must be absolute" to locate when human rights had finally arrived on the US foreign policy scene. Instead, Snyder shows how a diverse set of activists, missionaries, academics, and bureaucrats laid the groundwork for Carter's inaugural claims in the "long 1960s"—a period she defines as John F. Kennedy's inauguration in 1961 through the end of Gerald Ford's presidency in January 1977. By investigating various actors' personal connections, racial identity, and transnational ties in a diverse set of ideological and geographical case studies, she argues that the long 1960s set the stage for the "institutionalization of human rights in US foreign policy and the expansion of human rights activism" in subsequent decades.5 In reexamining the temporal origins of human rights in US foreign policy, Snyder also points to an important geographic shift that occurred, which re-centered human rights activism in the US from New York to Washington DC in the 1960s. As Snyder explains, this change is significant because it shows how activists who cared about global rights stopped appealing to the United Nations and foreign governments to advocate for moral claims abroad. Instead, their frustration and disillusionment with a UN-centered approach led them to see the US as an important arbiter that could marshal its power in support of human rights to effect change. These two important historiographical contributions are illustrated through diverse emblematic case studies. Chapter one examines how human rights became an issue in US-Soviet relations. According to Snyder, pressure on the US foreign policy establishment arose from personal ties—particularly Soviet-Jewish connections—that led to the formation of NGOs, student groups, and mass demonstrations around the issue. This mobilization ended in Senator Henry Jackson's push to pass the Jackson-Vanik amendment, which limited trade with communist countries that restricted freedom of emigration and other human rights abuses. In Chapter Two, Snyder focuses on Africa, studying American activism against Southern Rhodesia's minority-ruled, racially discriminatory government. In this context, US citizens...

The paper examines the allocation of economic as well as military aid from the United States (US) to Israel and investigates whether the US has ever linked its aid to human rights performance in case of the Jewish State. In doing so, the paper explores US foreign aid policies in the light of US Congressional legislation enacted in 1974, which aimed at linking the provision of US aid to human rights performance of aid recipient governments. An assessment of US foreign aid policies illustrates that the US has rarely acted upon such legislation in letter and spirit to terminate or restrict aid to governments involved in violation of the globally recognized human rights. Focusing on US bilateral aid policies during three distinct periods: the Cold War, the post-Cold War and the ‘war on terror’; this study shows that instead of linking aid to respect for human rights in the case of Israel, the US has rather authorized more aid to the Jewish State despite the latter's dismal record of human rights performance. The paper illustrates that the provision of US aid is not inspired by the promotion of democracy, liberty and human rights in aid-receiving states. The study concludes that when US foreign policy goals including political, security and geo-strategic interests are at stake, human rights are not significant dynamics behind US aid distribution to Israel or any other US strategic partners.

Foreign policy is an integral part of international relations. This study examines the United States (US) foreign policy towards Jordan from 1990 to 2017 since the period witnessed important regional and international political events that significantly impacted the US foreign policy. These events have the greatest impact on the development of relations between the two countries in terms of political and security aspects. The study looks at four political events and their impacts on Jordanian-American relations from the political and security aspects. Therefore, the objectives of this study are to examine the US foreign policy towards Jordan from the political and security aspects. This study adopted the qualitative approach. The primary data were collected from interviews while the secondary data were obtained from books, journals, theses, newspapers, seminar papers, articles and other documents. In this study, 16 respondents from political, economic and security experts in Jordan and the US were selected for semi-structured interviews. The study employed Thematic Analysis in analysing the data obtained. This study adopted the neo-realism theory as a theoretical framework. This study found that the US foreign policy recognizes Jordan as a close ally and considers its stability very important. The US foreign policy was seen slightly negative towards Jordan during the Iraqi War on Kuwait in 1990. However, the Wadi Araba peace treaty between Jordan and Israel in 1994 had promoted positive US foreign policy towards Jordan. This policy was slightly weakened in 2017 due to the transfer of the US Embassy to Jerusalem. Certain political events play an important role in the US foreign policy regarding security aid towards Jordan. The study found that the US foreign policy provides security support to Jordan to protect Israel, spread American ideology and fight against its enemy. This research also found that Jordan has a suitable location to defend Israel because the country is surrounded by important Arab countries. The US links its aids to Jordan due to political events. Accordingly, the study recommends the necessity for the Jordanian state to increase its influential economic alliances at the international level. In addition, Jordanian policy must be redrawn in line with international realities to pressure the US to make Jordan play an active role in the region and international arena. Jordan should better use its geographical location to achieve international cooperation and enhance Arab security as a barrier against Israel.

Reviewed by: Reagan, Congress, and Human Rights: Contesting Morality in US Foreign Policy by Rasmus Sinding Søndergaard Aryeh Neier (bio) Rasmus Sinding Søndergaard, Reagan, Congress, and Human Rights: Contesting Morality in US Foreign Policy (Cambridge University Press, 2022), ISBN 9781108495639 (hard-back), 324 pages. Rasmus Sinding Søndergaard, a Danish historian teaching at a Swedish university, has written an excellent account of the way that the United States Congress, through its struggles in the 1980s with the Reagan Administration, helped to make the promotion of international human rights an important ongoing component of American foreign policy. His book, Reagan, Congress, and Human Rights: Contesting Morality in US Foreign Policy, is deeply researched. To one who was a close observer and participant in those struggles as they were taking place, Søndergaard’s highly detailed reporting seems flawless. Most of his judgments seem well-considered and fair. And yet, despite his book’s many virtues, it appears to me that Søndergaard has told only part of the story. It was not only struggles with Congress during the Reagan years that led to an ongoing American commitment to promote human rights. It was also the focus on human rights reporting in the mainstream American press during that period and the emergence of an array of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) dedicated to the human rights cause. The press coverage and the lobbying by NGOs complemented and contributed to the efforts of those members of Congress who were at the forefront of disputes with the Reagan administration. In turn, of course, the battles waged by members of Congress provided material for press attention to human rights, and NGOs built their constituencies by mobilizing their supporters around struggles in Congress. Before the 1970s, the international human rights cause did not attract much attention. It was rarely an issue in the US Congress. Press coverage was scarce. And a civil society movement to promote human rights barely existed. Amnesty International had been founded in 1961, but while it caught on in a few European countries, it had only a small following in the United States. Also, in those days, it restricted its activities to very few issues. Its main activity was to identify “prisoners of conscience” in a number of countries and to organize letter-writing campaigns for them. All of this changed in the 1970s because human rights became a focal point in the Cold War struggle. The most important developments were the emergence of a small dissident movement, quickly subjected to harsh repression in Moscow, at the heart of the Soviet empire; a military coup that was accompanied by extensive torture and killings that overthrew a democratically elected leftist government in Chile; and large scale protests against the Apartheid government in South Africa that were violently suppressed. The geopolitical alignments of the governments engaged in repression became a central part of the story. Some reacted to abuses because of their political sympathies for certain victims of repression. Others were insistent that all such abuses should be condemned and that human rights should be upheld regardless of Cold War alignments. [End Page 157] A member of Congress who responded to the human rights developments in different parts of the world was Representative Donald Fraser of Minnesota. He conducted hearings on those developments and was the principal author of legislation that would change the way the United States Department of State would deal with human rights. Fraser’s legislation mandated the creation of the post of Assistant Secretary for Human Rights, provided that the Department would issue annual “country reports” on the human rights practices of governments worldwide, and prohibited security aid to governments that had practiced gross abuses of rights. The latter provision was seen as a repudiation of the role of Henry Kissinger in facilitating the military coup in 1973 that brought General Augusto Pinochet to power in Chile. The legislation was vetoed by President Gerald Ford, for whom Kissinger served as Secretary of State. It was adopted by Congress over Ford’s veto. An essential part of the process that secured the votes needed to override Ford’s veto is that the legislation won the support of right-wing members of...

Romanian Cassandra: Ion Antonescu and the Struggle for Reform, 1916-1941. By Larry L. Watts. East European Monographs, no. 358. Boulder: East Monographs, 1993. Dist. Columbia University Press, x, 390 pp. - Volume 55 Issue 3

Preface - Acknowledgements - Notes on the Contributors - PART 1 INTRODUCTION - Human Rights and Foreign Policy: Theoretical Foundations D.M.Hill - Human Rights and Contemporary State Practice D.M.Hill - PART 2 THE THEORY OF HUMAN RIGHTS - How Problematical are the Moral Foundations of Human Rights? M.Wright - Human Rights in Foreign Policy R.J.Vincent - Article 1 of the Human Rights Covenants: Its Development and Current Significance S.Morphet - PART 3 HUMAN RIGHTS IN CONTEMPORARY PRACTICE - The Helsinki Process and Human Rights in the USSR I.Elliot - Economic Aid as an Instrument for the Promotion of International Human Rights S.A.Cunliffe - Refugees and Foreign Policy G.Loescher - Root Causes of Displacement: The Legal Framework for International Concern and Action J.H usermann - The Refugee Policies of West European Governments: A Human Rights Challenge at our Doorsteps J.Cels - Current Challenges of Human Rights in Asia V.Muntarbhorn - Appendix - Index

The Promises We Keep: Human Rights, the Helsinki Process, and American Foreign Policy. By William Korey. New York: St. Martin’s Press/Institute of EastWest Studies, 1993. Pp. xxxvi, 518. Index. $45.00. - Volume 88 Issue 4

Reviewed by: American Exceptionalism Reconsidered: U.S. Foreign Policy, Human Rights, and World Order by David P. Forsythe & Patrice C. McMahon Joe Renouard, Ph.D. (bio) David P. Forsythe & Patrice C. McMahon, American Exceptionalism Reconsidered: U.S. Foreign Policy, Human Rights, and World Order (New York: Routledge, 2017), ISBN 978–1–138–95682–7, 160pages. Anyone familiar with the scholarship on international human rights and American foreign policy knows the work of David P. Forsythe, who has published an impressive body of literature on a wide range of humanitarian and human rights topics. Patrice C. McMahon, too, has assembled an impressive resumé more recently on foreign policy, human rights, and ethnic identification. Although their new book will invite comparisons with the similarly-titled volume that Michael Ignatieff edited at the height of the George W. Bush presidency, they are entirely different works.1 Whereas Ignatieff’s book featured a dozen scholars on topics as varied as the First Amendment, capital punishment, popular sovereignty, and international law, Forsythe and McMahon offer a more streamlined study of American foreign policy.2 Since American Exceptionalism Reconsidered is a synthetic work rather than a presentation of new research, readers should not expect many primary-source revelations. At the same time, because it is relatively slim, highly readable, and jargon-free, it is appropriate for classroom use, and it offers enough fresh analysis to interest specialists. It is an enlightening read, though not without some shortcomings. Forsythe and McMahon’s central claim is that, from a moral standpoint, the United States is not all that exceptional “in terms of its willingness to take universal human rights seriously—especially when inconvenient.”3 Using this narrow yardstick, they argue that “U.S. foreign policy on rights and world order does not reflect the persistent workings of moral greatness,”4 but is rather “inconsistent” and characterized by “tension and dualism.” 5 However, since liberal principles have some influence in the policymaking process and in public opinion, the authors suggest that American foreign policy is best described as “liberalized realism” (or “American globalism”)—a kind of liberal internationalism that is “adopted and implemented when convenient, depending on the context and American power.”6 Overall, this is a rather dark view of American foreign policy, though also a generally accurate one, at least based on the authors’ narrow parameters. Their perspective is shared by many liberals (who hope to see these things change) and realists (who maintain that this is [End Page 219] how the world really is).7 Forsythe and McMahon suggest that the key question is not whether liberal norms will dominate or replace realist, self-interested policies in the years to come, but rather the extent to which liberalism and humanitarianism can influence powerful nations’ foreign policies. Unsurprisingly, they conclude that national identity, state power, and national well-being will continue to matter most. “[O]n balance,” they write, “we are not terribly optimistic about this prospect for a more liberal world order.”8 The book’s structure is topical rather than chronological. The first chapter lays out scholarly perspectives and some historical examples, and it assesses how the concept of exceptionalism has been used by presidents from Reagan to Obama. The authors include polling data on support for interventions, American global leadership, and other foreign policy questions. The second and third chapters suggest that the US is not too exceptional in the areas of democracy promotion, humanitarian intervention, and the responsibility to protect. The authors contrast George W. Bush’s well-known belief in the transformative abilities of America with his administration’s ties to undemocratic regimes in the Middle East, and they highlight the limited success of his far-reaching democracy projects. As for Barack Obama, democracy and human rights were distant priorities during his first term, and his pivot to Asia paralleled the downgrading of democracy promotion in the Middle East. To Forsythe and McMahon, Obama was mostly a business-as-usual president, though he did pursue a “dual-track” engagement strategy to encourage autocratic regimes to implement reforms.9 The fourth chapter examines detention and interrogation policies after 9/11, a time when the US did not resist the trend of increasingly brutal...

The official history of US foreign policy, published by the State Department as the Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS), has profoundly changed how historians of foreign relations can conduct research and prepare students to do the same. This primary source amalgam, compiled by professional historians, operates under a statutory requirement to ‘include all records needed’ for comprehensive documentation of all ‘major’ and ‘significant’ US diplomatic activity and foreign policy decisions. FRUS is an easily accessible, digestible resource – a veritable simulacrum of US foreign policy – that profoundly alters research methodology. This article utilises FRUS to conduct a comparative analysis of seemingly similar US-backed military coup d’états in Brazil in 1964 and Indonesia in 1965. Both nations were the largest, most powerful countries in their respective regions and critical to US foreign policy – Brazil by proximity, Indonesia by geopolitical strategy. Both nations also became targets of covert operations, which resulted in military coups that installed governments closely aligned with US foreign policy. Nevertheless, each coup was conducted under differing circumstances that required varying levels of direct US intervention. Regime change in Indonesia, as FRUS so clearly highlights, required a considerably more substantial amount of time, money, and effort than that of Brazil. This case study highlights the stark contrast between the relative ease of system maintenance in a region already subordinated to US hegemony and the painstaking process of drawing a new area of the globe into the American sphere of influence.

Few figures in the past quarter-century have played a more significant role in American foreign policy than Colin Powell. He wielded power at the highest levels of the most important foreign policy bureaucracies: the Pentagon, the White House, the joint chiefs, and the state department. As national security advisor in the Ronald Reagan administration, chairman of the joint chiefs of staff under George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton, and secretary of state during George W. Bush's first term, he played a prominent role in four administrations, Republican and Democrat, spanning more than twenty years. Powell has been engaged in the most important debates over foreign and defense policy during the past two decades, such as the uses of American power in the wake of the Vietnam war, the winding down of the Cold War and the quest for new paths for American foreign policy, and the interventions in Panama (1989) and the Persian Gulf (1990–1991). During the Clinton era, he was involved in the controversies over interventions in Bosnia and Somalia. As America's top diplomat from 2001 to 2004, he helped shape the aims and goals of U.S. diplomacy after September 11, 2001, and in the run-up to the Iraq War. In this exploration of Powell's career and character, Christopher D. O'Sullivan reveals several broad themes crucial to American foreign policy and yields insights into the evolution of American foreign and defense policy in the post-Vietnam, post-Cold War eras. In addition, O'Sullivan explores the conflicts and debates between different foreign policy ideologies such as neo-conservatism and realism. O'Sullivan's book not only explains Powell's diplomatic style, it provides crucial insights into the American foreign policy tradition in the modern era.

This book traces the role of human rights concerns in US foreign policy during the 1980s, focusing on the struggle among the Reagan administration and members of Congress. It demonstrates how congressional pressure led the administration to reconsider its approach to human rights and craft a conservative human rights policy centered on democracy promotion and anti-communism - a decision which would have profound implications for American attention to human rights. Based on extensive archival research and interviews, Rasmus Sinding Sondergaard combines a comprehensive overview of human rights in American foreign relations with in-depth case studies of how human rights shaped US foreign policy toward Soviet Jewry, South African apartheid, and Nicaragua. Tracing the motivations behind human rights activism, this book demonstrates how liberals, moderates, and conservatives selectively invoked human rights to further their agendas, ultimately contributing to the establishment of human rights as a core moral language in US foreign policy.

Introduction - the study of the international politics of Russia and the successor states - definitions, theoretical approaches to the study of international politics, theories of international politics and the collapse of the USSR, the former Soviet Union - its inward and outward orientations. Part 1 Soviet foreign and defense policies during the Gorbachev period: the Brezhnev legacy the new political thinking new thinking in practice - Soviet foreign policy during the Gorbachev period conclusion - the end of the Cold War and the heritage of the Gorbachev period. Part 2 The transition - the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the initiation of the post-Soviet order: economic reform and external economic relations changes in the military the nationalities issue the Communist Party the August coup August-December 1991 - things fall apart. Part 3 The former Soviet Union - its inward and outward orientations: the inward orientation - the Commonwealth of Independent States and Russia's relations with the near abroad the outward orienation - the successor states and the wider world conclusion - the foreign policies of new states. Part 4 Defence and security in the former Soviet Union: controversies over nuclear forces upheaval in conventional armed forces cases studies of disagreement alliances and security interests conclusion. Part 5 Diplomacy and conflict resolution - the Soviet legacy and the challenges of the post-Cold War world: disputes involving open warfare, either between or within the successor states disputed territorial claims involving one or more of the successor states plus an outside party violent conflicts in the Third World the wars in the former Yugoslavia conclusion - confict resolution in the post-Cold War world. Part 6 Post-Soviet external economic relations: the Soviet economy - crawling from the wreckage economic viability interdependence interdependence, integration and the formation of the CIS economic issues and the CIS the former Soviet Union and the international economy conclusion. Part 7 Conclusion - perspectives on the post-Cold War world and the former Soviet Union: prospects.