Return of the Repressed?: "Haunted Castles" in Seventeenth-Century Munster

Articles and Publications Christopher Densmore and Barbara Addison An annotated bibliography of the titles listed below is available at the Friends Historical Association website: www.haverford.edu/library/fha Quaker Writings, an Anthology, 1650–1920, edited with an introduction by Thomas D. Hamm (Penguin Classics 2010) contains Quaker writings documenting the thought and experiences of Friends from George Fox in the 1640s to 1920. Quakers first arose in a period of religious and political turmoil. Though not specifically about Quakers, David R. Adams, "The Secret Printing and Publishing Career of Richard Overton the Leveller, 1644–46," The Library, 11.1 (March 2010), 3-88, and Ariel Hessayon, "Early Modern Communism: The Diggers and Community of Goods," Journal for the Study of Radicalism, 3.2 (2010), 1-49, provide insight into the era immediately preceding the rise of Quakerism. S.L.T. Apetrei, Women, Feminism and Religion in Early Enlightenment England (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010) contains extensive references to seventeenth-century Quaker women including Joan Whitrowe, Anne Docwra and Elizabeth Bathurst. Betty Hagglund, "Changes in Roles and Relationships: Multiauthored Epistles from the Aberdeen Quaker Women's Meeting," in Woman to Woman : Female Negotiations During the Long Eighteenth Century, edited by Carolyn D. Williams, Angela Escott, and Louise Duckling (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2010) examines epistles written between 1675 and 1700. Amanda E. Herbert, "Companions in Preaching and Suffering: Itinerant Female Quakers in the Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century British Atlantic World," Early American Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 9.1 (2011), 73-113, explores the writings and tribulations of traveling women Friends, and concludes that "traveling Quaker women refigured seventeenth- and eighteenth-century constructions of the female body, femininity, and female sociability." Two recent articles examine Quakers and slavery in Barbados and the West Indies in the seventeenth century: Kristen Block, "Cultivating Inner and Outer Plantations: Property, Industry, and Slavery in Early Quaker Migration to the New World," in Early American Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 8.3 (2010), 515-548, and Katharine Gerbner, "The Ultimate Sin: Christianising Slaves in Barbados in the Seventeenth Century," in Slavery & Abolition, 31.1 (2010), 57-73. Three articles examine the publishing and reading of Friends: David J. Hall, "What Should Eighteenth Century Quakers Have Read?" in The Journal of the [End Page 70] Friends Historical Society 62.2 (2010), 103-110; Richard S. Harrison, "Quaker Publishing in Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Century Ireland," in The Journal of the Friends Historical Society 62.2 (2010), 111-130, and David J. Hall, "Spreading Friends Books for Truths Service: The Distribution of Quaker Printed Literature in the Eighteenth Century," in The Journal of the Friends Historical Society 62.1 (2010), 3-24. Clive D. Field, "Zion's People: Who Were the English Nonconformists?," Local Historian, 40.3 (2010), 208-223, compares the occupational structures of Quaker, Baptist and Congregational Nonconformists and includes data and analysis of Quaker occupations from 1650 to 1901. Local studies of English Quakers include Peter Collins, Quakers and Quakerism in Bolton, Lancashire 1650–1995: The History of a Religious Community, with a preface by Ben Pink Dandelion (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 2010) and Richard C. Allen, "Nantucket Quakers and the Milford Haven Whaling Industry, c. 1791–1821," in Quaker Studies, 15.1 (Sept. 2010), 6-31. Andrew R. Murphy, "Persecuting Quakers?: Liberty and Toleration in Early Pennsylvania," in The First Prejudice: Religious Tolerance and Intolerance in Early America, edited by Chris Beneke and Christopher S. Grenda (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011) looks at Pennsylvania's actions during the Keithian schism. Pennsylvania's actions towards and conflicts with its Native American population in the mid eighteenth century are considered in Steven C. Harper, "Making History: Documenting the 1737 Walking Purchase," Pennsylvania History, 77.2 (Spring 2010), 217-233; in Jessica Choppin Roney, "'Ready to Act in Defiance of Government': Colonial Philadelphia Voluntary Culture and the Defense Association of 1747–1748," Early American Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 8.2 (2010), 358-385; and John H. Brubaker, Massacre of the Conestogas: On the Trail of the Paxton Boys in Lancaster County (Charleston, SC: History Press, 2010). The Roney and Brubaker studies include extensive references to Quakers. Joseph S. Tiedemann, "A Tumultuous People: The...

The Value of Time in Early Modern English Literature. Tina Skouen. Abingdon: Routledge, 2018. Pp. x+234.

Reviewed by: Ukrainian Drama and Theater in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries Seth Baumrin Ukrainian Drama and Theater in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. By Paulina Lewin. The Peter Jacyk Centre for Ukrainian Historical Research Monograph Series, no. 3. Toronto: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, 2008; pp. xxxiv + 218. $49.95 cloth, $29.95 paper. Today, Ukraine exists as an autonomous state, but its history is one of invasion and occupation by its neighbors and internal discord among its multiple ethnic subnationalities. Any atlas will show Ukraine's enormity, and old atlases will demonstrate the small nations Ukraine absorbed prior to Russian usurpation during the rise of Muscovy. Ukraine is distinguished from Russia to the north by its variety of regional peoples, including Armenians, Crimean Tatars, Cossacks, Jews, Greeks, Moldavians, Roma, and Ruthenes—some autochthonous, others émigré. And, as traced in Paulina Lewin's excellent historical analysis of Ukrainian theatre in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the growth of Ukrainian Orthodoxy from 1087 is marked by the need of Ukraine's indigenous groups to assert not only their local identities, but also their investment in the larger nation, because Ukrainians often succumbed to Russian dominance, Turkish invasion, and Polish territorial ambitions. Ukraine's cultural and political complexity is mirrored in its national drama. Lewin's excellent work on the liturgical and secular theatre of Ukraine's baroque period is an advanced primer in Slavonic theology with a theatrical derivation. And that is the best way to approach the topic, for Ukrainian theatre was inextricably linked to various subdenominations within the Ukrainian Orthodox Church schools during the centuries she covers. Western historians argue that Ukrainian drama remained medieval well after the Renaissance in Europe. Lewin, however, uses textual analysis and reconstruction of performances based on archival research, to demonstrate its sophistication. Ukrainian liturgical dramas differ sharply from both Western liturgical drama and Reformation morality plays. For example, one of the oldest extant dramas, The Kingdom of Human Nature Destroyed by Temptation, through Whose Efforts Death Dominated Us Who Had Known No Sin, Re-established and Crowned Us Anew Thanks to the Grace of Christ, the King of Glory (1698), a play whose language was designed to intrigue audiences through "ecstasy evoked by sound and rhythm, enhanced by the playwright's erudition," is about Lucifer's fall from heaven (78). Most notable in these plays is the convention of depicting biblical characters only as allegorical figures. Thus Lucifer is "Lucifer's Malice," and Eve is "Human Nature." The most compelling allegorical character is "Pre-Eternal Wisdom," which stands for God (74), and suggests an "everlasting present" (80)—a Ukrainian theological wisdom distinctly different from Western Christianity's neo-Platonism. Lewin argues that, although it is true that Ukrainian liturgical drama borrowed allegorical characters from Polish Jesuit schools during the mid-seventeenth century, religiously they were virtual opposites, because Ukrainian Orthodoxy applied its own iconic/allegorical structure derived primarily from the Khjiv Mohyla Academy, whose faith was grounded in Greek-Byzantine theology and old Rus heritage. Lewin shows how multiple iconic formulae protected Ukraine's religious and cultural heritage without attracting undue hostility. Inherently a geopolitical hotspot, Ukraine carved out its own identity through the theatricalization of worship and belief based on local mysticism and aesthetics. For example, it was believed by Ukrainian Orthodox theologians that human language was insufficient for the transmission of divine values, so nearly the whole of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century theology was transmitted via church school dramas, because the [End Page 481] allegorical iconography demonstrated an Orthodox code of faith and morality. Lewin captures this allegorical complexity through vivid descriptions of how the dramas might have been performed; in fact, this is the most impressive and risky aspect of her scholarship. But her archival research and sensitive reading of the theatricality embedded in the scriptures upon which the plays are based are ultimately convincing. Thus Lewin unfolds the layered meanings of this dramaturgy of allegory to render a lesson of great value not only to Ukrainian studies scholars, but also theatre semioticians. In her analysis of the move from liturgical to secular drama in the eighteenth century, Lewin sets up scholarly signposts leading to explanations of the...

Introduction: Beyond Illustrations: Doing Anatomy with Images and Objects Carin Berkowitz (bio) This forum engages with a central component of medical science and medical practice—the visualization of anatomy, pathology, and disease. It is about the collaborations among surgeons, medical men, and anatomists that were necessary to visualization, and about the authority bestowed upon an image or object that stands for a part of the body or a disease, and also bestowed upon the author of that object or image. It considers aesthetic choices and their social and epistemic contexts and consequences. But it is also about our practices as historians. How do we move beyond thinking of images and objects as simply illustrative? How do we pursue historical inquiry with them? And what are we responsible for conveying about their making and purpose in the images we ourselves display in our books and articles? This introduction provides a brief outline of the themes that structure the three articles collected here and begins to frame answers to such questions. Identity, Expertise, and Authorship in Anatomical Specimens and Drawings This forum highlights the importance of contexts of use in understanding visual displays in anatomy, in part by beginning historical inquiry with objects. Anatomy has long been studied through specimens and drawings, its objects serving to encapsulate a body of knowledge as well as delimit a subject under study.1 In some cases, these objects became a part [End Page 165] of collections that aimed to be comprehensive and to capture nature’s diversity in serial, where in others they were representative, standing in for the “normal” or “optimal.”2 Sometimes they were paired with case histories, or sometimes, when specimens came from those still living, even debuted at scientific societies with their former bodies—the patient and what was formerly his arm or leg or tumor appearing side by side.3 In those instances, specimens served as research material. In others, they were used for teaching. Anatomical specimens and anatomical models have always been important in the classroom, as have illustrations, often based on those specimens.4 The great anatomy collections of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries—those of Frederik Ruysch, of John and William Hunter, of La Specola in Florence, and of Surgeon’s Hall in Edinburgh—were built up as teaching collections. The history of these early collections suggests that they served many functions. Sometimes they taught a citizenry about order and discipline, enlightening them;5 in other cases, they were used [End Page 166] to teach anatomy and natural philosophy;6 and in still other cases, they were accumulated as oddities.7 The nature of teaching collections changed over the course of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Collections slowly became more comprehensive as normal anatomy came to occupy the center of collecting missions, rather than the peculiar, the curious, and the extraordinary. And with pathology increasingly recognized as an independent field within anatomy, such collections began to present an ordered pathology in much the same way as they provided an ordered view of nature through anatomy.8 As Domenico Bertoloni Meli describes in his article (“The Rise of Pathological Illustrations: Baillie, Bleuland, and Their Collections,” pp. 209–42), access to diseased bodies for the making of illustrations and specimens increased steadily over the eighteenth century, with techniques for representing those bodies visually becoming highly developed in countries where dissection was relatively uncommon. By the early nineteenth century, anatomy and disease had become fundamentally interrelated through pathology. Still, representing pathology systematically through illustrations or specimens presented problems that the representation of normal anatomy did not: problems of number of bodies (incomparably more were required for the making of a systematic atlas or collection of pathology), of organization, and of a new aesthetics of disease illustration.9 Features like texture and color that were crucial in pathology drawings presented new technical as well as stylistic challenges. Through the triangulation of different kinds of representation—some of which preserved color and appearance, others of which enhanced features the student was being trained to see, and others of which captured texture—representations [End Page 167] of pathology came to define and constitute anatomically located disease. Those drawings that conveyed anatomical and pathological...

Glenconkeyne: How Ireland’s Largest Native Woodland Became the Timber Yard of the Plantation of Ulster Gordon D’Arcy (bio) this essay explores the circumstances, particularly the ecological and cultural impacts, resulting from the disappearance of the forest of Glenconkeyne (Figure 1) in central Ulster in the early seventeenth century.1 Research has shown that this exploitation, occurring during the turbulent transition from the Gaelic to the colonial regimes and serving to satisfy the demands of the English “undertakers,” completely eradicated the forest by the mid-seventeenth century. The disappearance of a great forest is much more than the loss of a dramatic landscape feature or of the economic value of its constituent trees as a self-sustaining capital resource and the promise of prosperity. Greater than the sum of its parts: evaluation of the forest’s loss must also consider its vital life-supporting capacity and its hidden layers of human history. Ecologically, forests act as protectorates for flora and fauna, many of which are now endangered or relegated to isolated reserves. Forest biodiversity, especially that of the rain forests, is among the richest known, supporting many species that have unbroken links to primordial beginnings. Forests are thus irreplaceable repositories of living things. Their importance as “super lungs” on which all organisms, including humans, depend is common knowledge and one of the primary motivations for contemporary forest conservation. The removal of a forest also represents radical visual transformation: a [End Page 89] Click for larger view View full resolution Figure 1. Glenconkeyne Woodland, c. 1600 [End Page 90] landscape replete with natural form and texture replaced usually by unadorned modification; a tract of wilderness tamed. Culturally a forest constitutes a discrete arboreal archive. Human history, benign and nefarious, is frequently linked to the “wildwood”: a place of mystery, a place of retreat, a refuge for seekers of inspiration and outlaws—animal and human. Unchronicled narratives, in story and song, in place-names and folklore may survive in tantalizing snippets. However, since most of this archive disappears with the forest, a combination of myth and mystery is the common legacy. In the case of Glenconkeyne sufficient factual reportage survives, though scattered through medieval and early modern documents, to elucidate its former grandeur—and what became of it.2 Analysis of tree pollen from cores and the science of dendrochronology tell us that early forest history in Ireland is much like elsewhere in temperate regions. The process of landnam—clearing trees by “ring-barking” for agriculture, then moving on when the growing potential of the soil is exhausted—affected the Irish landscape from as early as six thousand years ago. The evidence is vividly exposed at Céide Fields in County Mayo, where a system of small fields, created by the first farmers, lies beneath a blanket of bog containing pine stumps, some cleared by ax and fire.3 Though fragmentary and peripheral, landnam was the beginning of a process that reflects Ireland’s uninterrupted preoccupation with the pastoral way of life. Although prolonged episodes of population collapse and natural climate change allowed the forest to return, the steady growth of an essentially rural population resulted in the “opening up” of the country by the end of the Bronze Age, some 2,500 years ago. Some upland regions, formerly afforested, were by this time rendered exposed and treeless by overgrazing: the Burren in County Clare, for instance.4 A climatic change resulting in cooler, wetter conditions subsequently thwarted farming and resulted in widespread forest reinvasion.5 The capacity to manufacture robust agricultural equipment from iron during the Celtic period and the establishment of thousands of ringfort homesteads pushed back the tree cover once again.6 Nevertheless, by the early medieval [End Page 91] period large tracts of primary and secondary forest remained, surrounding uplands, in river valleys, and in the largely inaccessible bogs.7 Abundant Old and Middle Irish references make clear that Gaelic culture included an arboreal sensitivity.8 The early Ogham alphabet, shown to be connected to tree names, may also have been an educational device. The Gaelic brehon law of neighborhood (Bretha Comaithchesa) ranks society in accordance with the usefulness and other attributes of trees.9 While a...

Chaussons in the Streets: Sodomy in Seventeenth-Century Paris Jeffrey Merrick University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee We have learned a great deal in recent years about the sodomitical subculture of Paris in the eighteenth century, but we know relatively little about the seventeenth century because of the shortage of documentation. When Louis XIV created the office of lieutenant general of police in 1667, he may have envisioned or even expected the suppression of blasphemy, gambling, prostitution, and other religious, moral, and sexual offenses, but Gabriel Nicolas de La Reynie and his associates could only do so much to punish misconduct and reform Parisians.1 The reorganized police did not generate and accumulate the same sorts of records about same-sex relations before 1700 as they did from 1715 to 1750 and during the 1780s.2 In exploring the seventeenth century historians have necessarily relied on two other types of sources. First, there are journals, letters, memoirs, satires, and polemics, which contain gossip and slander about nobles, clergy, writers, artists, and other figures of rank or note.3 The list includes Louis XIV's [End Page 167] brother Philippe, duc d'Orléans, marshals Vendôme and Villars, cardinals Bonzi and Bouillon, the poets Théophile de Viau and Claude Le Petit, the composer Jean-Baptiste Lully, and many others who reportedly pursued younger males, sometimes of the same class but more commonly of lower status: soldiers, students, and servants. Second, there are judicial proceedings, most notably a collection of ten cases adjudicated by the Parlement of Paris between 1540 and 1726, compiled in the eighteenth century and published in the twentieth century.4 These cases, too, involve older and younger males, age, for example, forty-three (Chausson) and seventeen in 1661, forty-five (Mazouer) and twenty-one in 1666, and fifty-six (La Contamine) and eighteen in 1671. The cases themselves are genuine, and much of the information in the texts is accurate, but the manuscripts as a whole, Alfred Soman has argued, are not reliable copies of the original documents and therefore should not be read and used as such.5 Until Soman publishes the results of his research on the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries we will not have much sense of the number and nature of the prosecutions or the identity and experience of the individuals arrested, interrogated, and, in some instances, executed.6 In the seventeenth century, as in the sixteenth and even more so in the eighteenth centuries, magistrates prosecuted sodomy sporadically and selectively, most commonly when the offense involved physical violence and provoked public scandal. Most same-sex relations, especially involving members of the privileged classes, did not result in prosecution, and the [End Page 168] records of prosecution, even authentic ones, do not tell the whole story. In sodomy cases, as in many other types of criminal cases, judicial documents produced by local courts like the Châtelet (the royal court with jurisdiction over the capital) and appeals courts like the Parlement of Paris (which had jurisdiction over a third of the kingdom) are usually more focused and condensed and therefore less informative than the original reports by the district police commissioners. The papers of the commissioners, whose offices antedated 1667, include the interrogations conducted and the depositions recorded before any decisions about prosecution were made. More often than not, the latter sources document cases from the outset on and from the bottom up. They show how the police conducted the investigation and what the neighbors, who sometimes claimed to speak for the neighborhood as a whole, said about the offense in their own words. They provide access, as much access as we will ever have, to the minds of people without public voices, as opposed to the clergy and jurists who told them what they should feel, think, and say. It would be foolish to assume that the clerks wrote down exactly what they heard, without any alterations, but witnesses did have a chance...

Books reviewed in this article: Africa, Asia and the Stirling: African Civilizations, precolonial cities and states in tropical Africa: an archaeological perspective . By Graham Connah. Africa, Asia and the Stirling: Three Faces of Imperialism: British and American approaches to Asia and Africa, 1870–1970 . By Philip Darby. Africa, Asia and the Stirling: Robert Thorne Coryndon: Proconsular Imperialiasm in Southern and Eastern Africa, 1897–1925 . By Christopher P. Youé. Africa, Asia and the Stirling: Islands of White: Settler Society and Culture in Kenya and Southern Rhodesia. 1890–1939 . By Dane Kennedy. Africa, Asia and the Stirling: The Jews in Palestine 1800–1882 . By Tudor Parfitt. Africa, Asia and the Stirling: The Anglo‐French Clash in Lebanon and Syria 1940–45 . By A.G. Gaunson. Africa, Asia and the Stirling: Banking and Empire in Iran: the history of the British Bank of the Middle East . Volume I. By Geoffrey Jones. Africa, Asia and the Stirling: A History of India . By Hermann Kulke and Dietmar Rothermund. Africa, Asia and the Stirling: Agrarian Bengal: economy, social structure and politics, 1919–1947 . By S. Bose. Africa, Asia and the Stirling: India's Political Administrators 1919–1983 . By David C. Potter. Africa, Asia and the Stirling: Making the New Commonwealth . By R.J. Moore. Africa, Asia and the Stirling: Peasant Protests and Uprisings in Tokugawa Japan . By Stephen Vlastos. Africa, Asia and the Stirling: Peasant Protest in Japan, 1590–1884 . By Herbert P. Bix. Africa, Asia and the Stirling: Visions of Virtue in Tokugawa Japan: the Kaitokud Merchant Academy of Osaka . By Tetsuo Najita. Africa, Asia and the Stirling: The Emperor's Adviser: Saionji Kimmochi and pre‐war Japanese politics . By Lesley Connors. Africa, Asia and the Stirling: Japan Prepares for Total War: the search for ecconomic security, 1919–1941 . By Michael A. Barnhart. Africa, Asia and the Stirling: The Second Indochina War: a short political and military history, 1954–1975 . By William S. Turley. Africa, Asia and the Stirling: Anatomy of a War: Vietnam, the United Swes, and the modern historical experience . By Gabriel Kolko. Africa, Asia and the Stirling: Companion to Chinese History . By Hugh B. O'Neill. Ancient and Medieval: Hispania: Spain and the development of Roman Imperialism, 218–82 BC . J.S. Richardson. Ancient and Medieval: The Origins of England 410–600 . By Martyn J. Whittock. Ancient and Medieval: Medieval Europe, 400–1500 . By H.G. Koenigsberger. Ancient and Medieval: Poets and Emperors: Frankish politics and Carolingian poetry . By Peter Godman. Ancient and Medieval: Medieval European Coinage , Volume 1 The Early Middle Ages (fifth‐tenth centuries ). By Philip Grierson and Mark Blackburn. Ancient and Medieval: The Church and the Welsh Border in the Central Middle Ages . By C.N.L. Brooks. Ancient and Medieval: William of Malmesbury . By Rodney Thomson. Ancient and Medieval: The Tournament in England, 1100–1400 . By Juliet R.V. Barker. Ancient and Medieval: Charity and Community in Medieval Cambridge . By Miri Rubin. Ancient and Medieval: Landlords, Peasants and Politics in Medieval England . Edited by T.H. Aston. Ancient and Medieval: Representatives of the Lower Clergy in Parliament 1295–1340 . By Jeffrey H. Denton and John P. Dooley. Boydell and Brewer. Ancient and Medieval: A New History of Ireland , II Medieval Ireland 1169–1534 . Edited by Art Cosgrove. Ancient and Medieval: Women in Medieval Life . By Margaret Wade Labarge. Ancient and Medieval: Women and Work in Preindustrial Europe . Edited by Barbara A. Hanawalt. Ancient and Medieval: The Medieval Crown of Aragon: a short history . By T.N. Bisson. Ancient and Medieval: Italy, Sicily and the Mediterranean, 1100–1400 . By David Abulafia. Ancient and Medieval: The Knights of the Crown: the monarchical orders of knighthood in later medieval Europe 1325–1520 . By D'A.J.D. Boulton. Ancient and Medieval: The Formation of Muscovy, 1304–1613 . By Robert O. Crummey. Ancient and Medieval: Aspects of Late Medieval Government and Society: essays presented to J.R. Lander . Edited by J.G. Rowe. Ancient and Medieval: Studi di stork economica ioscana nel medioevo e nel rinascimento in memoria di Fedengo Melis . Edited by Cinzio Violante. Ancient and Medieval: Tradesmen and Traders: the world of the Guilds in Venice and Europe, c1250‐c1650 . By Richard Mackenney. Early Modern: Early Modern Europe 1500–1789 . By H.G. Koenigsberger. Early Modern: Politicians and Virtuosi: essays in Early Modern History . By H.G. Koenigsberger. Early Modern: Politics and Culture in Early Modern Europe: essays in honor of H.G. Koenigsberger . Edited by Phyllis Mack and Margaret C. Jacob. Early Modern: After the Black Death: a social history of early modern Europe . By George Huppert. Early Modern: The Inquisition in Early Modern Europe . Edited by Gustav Henningsen and John Tedeschi. Early Modern: Inquisition and Society in Early Modern Europe . Edited by Stephen Haliezer. Early Modern: Cardinal of Scotland . By Margaret Sanderson. Early Modern: The Early Modern Town in Scotland . Edited by Michael Lynch. Early Modern: Scotland and England, 1286–1815 . Edited by Roger A. Mason. Early Modern: The Jacobean Union: six tracts of 1604 . Edited by Bruce R. Galloway and Brian P. Levack. Early Modern: Industry before the Industrial Revolution: North‐East Lancashire c1500–1640 . By J.T. Swain. Early Modern: Foreign Protestant Communities in Sixteenth‐Century London . By Andrew Pettegree. Early Modern: Gloriana: the portraits of Elizabeth I . By Roy Strong. Early Modern: Anti‐Calvinists: the rise of English Arminianism c1590–1640 . By Nicholas Tyacke. Early Modern: Politics without Parliaments 1629–1640 . By Esther S. Cope. Early Modern: Reform in the Provinces: the Government of Stuart England . By Anthony Fletcher. Early Modern: The English Village Constable 1580–1642: a social and administrative study . By Joan R. Kent. Early Modern: The Library of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, 1584–1637 . By Sargent Bush Jr and Carl J. Rasmussen. Early Modern: Henry Prince of Wales and England's Lost Renaissance . By Roy Strong. Early Modern: Society and History in English Renaissance Verse . By Lauro Martines. Early Modern:Ben Jonson: his life and work. By R. Miles. Early Modern: Renaissance Revivals: city comedy and revenge tragedy in the London theatre, 1576–1980 . By Wendy Griswold. Early Modern: Thomas Hobbes: radical in the service of reaction . By Arnold A. Rogow. Early Modern: Parliamentary Selection: social and political choice in early modern England . By M.A. Kishlansky. Early Modern: Fear, Myth and History: the Ranters and the Historians . By J.C. Davis. Early Modern: The Coming of French Absolutism: the struggle for tax reform in the province of Dauphiné, 1540–1640 . By Daniel Hickey. Early Modern: Louis XIII: the making of a king . By Elizabeth Wirth Marvick. Early Modern: The D'Aligres de la Rivière: servants of the Bourbon State in the seventeenth century . By D.J. Sturdy. Early Modern: The Contentious French: four centuries of popular struggle . By Charles Tilly. Early Mo

Transnational ConnectionsSpecial Issue Introduction Nathan Perl-Rosenthal and Evan Haefeli Every century, on the anniversary of Henry Hudson’s 1609 voyage to the New World, New York remembers its Dutch connection. In 1809 the members of the newly incorporated New-York Historical Society enjoyed a commemorative speech followed by a banquet; the first number of the society’s Collections, issued two years later, reprinted Hudson’s journals of his voyages.1 For the 1909 tercentenary, New York State established a special commission to organize the festivities. Its final report, which ran to an astounding two thousand pages, detailed events ranging from an exhibit at the Metropolitan Museum of Art to a program of “aquatic sports.” Most of the events hewed closely to the commemoration’s overall narrative, which depicted the active Dutch role in American history as ending in the mid-seventeenth century.2 [End Page 227] Led by New York City’s annual Five Dutch Days program, the state again celebrated its links to the Low Countries in 2009. Yet the quadricentennial differed markedly from the earlier anniversaries. Instead of focusing on the Dutch presence in early New York, the 2009 celebration looked more broadly at the Netherlands and its links with the United States—ranging from tastings of modern Asian-inflected Dutch cuisine to performances by avant-garde Dutch theater and dance companies.3 This shift from commemorating the local to invoking the global corresponded to the fading influence of old-line Dutch families in New York society as well as to the growing cachet that Dutch companies and cities (especially Amsterdam) have in the United States.4 But the shift also reflects the way in which the globalization of the 1990s and early 2000s drew the attention of scholars and the general public to the United States’ deep ties with the wider world. The 2009 conference at Columbia University at which versions of the papers in this special issue were first presented, entitled Cities in Revolt: The Dutch-American Atlantic, ca. 1650–1815, reflected the distinctively international and global spirit of the Hudson quadricentennial. For early Americanists, work on the Dutch has long been associated primarily with the regional history of the mid-Atlantic, where several thousand Dutch colonists remained after the United Provinces ceded its territorial claims to England in 1674.5 Rather than look again at this well-known group and its legacy, Cities [End Page 228] in Revolt explored an equally important and comparatively little-studied aspect of the Dutch role in early American history: the extensive, fruitful links that colonial North America and the early United States developed with the Dutch Republic and its Atlantic colonies from roughly 1680 to 1815. To tackle this topic, the conference moved outside the disciplinary bounds of early American history: roughly half of the participants were scholars specializing in the history of the Netherlands and its Atlantic empire. One goal of this special issue, “Anglo-Dutch Revolutions,” is to share with early Americanists some of the new research on Dutch-American connections that came out of the 2009 conference. The papers we have chosen to present here focus on the first age of revolutions, circa 1760–1815, a period during which the web of exchanges between North America and the Dutch Atlantic played an especially important role in transforming the political and economic life of each region. We also selected the papers with the aim of introducing early Americanists to particularly relevant work by Europeanists working on related topics. The majority of the essays in this issue are the work of historians of the Dutch Republic and empire based in Europe. They include the first English-language publications by two authors and a first publication in an early Americanist venue for a third. To introduce these papers, which necessarily engage with the complex and relatively unfamiliar terrain of Dutch history, we offer an orientation to the history and historiography of the Dutch Atlantic empire in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The second and broader aim of this special issue is to help develop approaches to writing the transnational history of eighteenth-century America in the Atlantic world. In the second part of the introduction, we propose...

Reviewed by: Apostles of Empire: The Jesuits and New France by Bronwen Mcshea Christopher M. Parsons Apostles of Empire: The Jesuits and New France. By Bronwen McShea. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2019. 360 pp. ISBN 978-1-4962-0890-3. $60.00 (hardcover). In Apostles of Empire: The Jesuits and New France, Bronwen McShea has written a must read for scholars of early America and the early modern Atlantic world. Bringing wide reading in early modern French political and social history to the history of the Society of Jesus' missions to colonial French North America, McShea provides a necessary Atlantic perspective to what are often framed as American histories. When McShea explains in her introduction that "The Jesuits of New France, in short, were men planted knee-deep in an untidy world of politics, social pressures, and war" (p. xxvii), she succinctly announces the major thematic interests of Apostles of Empire. Indeed, as the book proceeds through chronological narrative of the Society of Jesus' mission to French North America in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, individual chapters highlight moments in the mission's history where the Jesuits' attention to the social and political contexts of metropolitan France directly shaped their missionary practice in the New World. In an early chapter "Rescuing the 'Poor Miserable Savage'," for example, McShea skillfully traces out the particularly French valences of the Jesuits' conception of poverty. Only [End Page 809] by understanding how Jesuits identified "a lack of infrastructure compared to urban France" can we make sense of their deep interest in native foods and housing (p. 37). Similarly, a later chapter "Crusading for Iroquois Country" reveals how scholarly focus on Jesuit celebration of suffering has overlooked "the missionaries' primarily positive—sometimes theologically validated—posture towards offensive, not only defensive, war again those seen as enemies of French expansion and Catholicism in America." (p. 130) The focus of the book weighs towards the seventeenth century, but by including a wide range of other printed and archival materials produced by the missionaries in the eighteenth century, McShea's work is able to provide a broader temporal overview than is often the case in histories of the Jesuit missions to North America. McShea writes commandingly and beautifully and it is this focus on a readable and engaging chronological narrative that makes Apostles of Empire such a success. As somebody who spent many of their Sundays as a child at a church named Canadian Martyrs staring at stained-glass depictions of Brébeuf and Jogues, I knew precisely what she meant when she states in her introduction that "the Jesuits of New France remain trapped in iconic tableaux." (p. xx) Since those days, I have read a lot of histories of New France and these missionaries in particular, and they have never come to life for me in the way that they do here. Paul Le Jeune, in particular, jumps from the page with personality and a social history that makes so much of what he accomplished as a missionary understandable. Apostles of Empire, and particularly its earliest chapters, would make a supremely teachable book and has real crossover appeal for a broader body of readers among an interested public. Nonetheless, this commitment to a readable narrative will limit its contributions to scholars of this period. Aside from a historiographical introduction and occasionally vague gestures to a academic debate throughout the text, readers will struggle to understand Apostles of Empire's historiographical context. Some of this likely results from McShea's summaries of existing literature that simplify complex fields and do little to highlight the unique contributions of her work. The claim that discussions of French Jesuits in North America manifest a "perduring Americentrism" (p. xxii) is not entirely wrong, but overlooks and undervalues the work of scholars such as Allan Greer and Dominique Deslandres—among others—who have made good faith efforts to write Atlantic histories of Jesuit thought and practice. If the author has legitimate critiques, she should state them clearly, but to simply deny their existence does her work and its readers a disservice. Now, not every book needs to have historiographical discussions in the [End Page 810] body of its text, but McShea...

Reviewed by: American Poetry: The Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries Colin Wells (bio) American Poetry: The Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. Edited by David Shields. New York: Library of America, 2007 952 pp. Writing in these pages in 2003, Philip Gould announced the arrival of “The New Early American Anthology,” one that both broadened the category of “American” to include non-Anglophone works and “press[ed] the boundaries of the literary” to include all manner of texts communicating the variety of experiences of early American life. While this anthological revolution has been generally and rightly celebrated, it was not unreasonable to have wondered at the time how this development would bode for the study of early American poetry in particular. Not only did it fall largely upon this once most-commonly-anthologized genre to make room for the hitherto-unpublished narratives, letters, diary entries, and the like, but poetry seemed to stand out in the new anthologies as the genre least likely to boast of its own groundbreaking new discoveries. What was needed, it seemed, was an anthology that reflected a corresponding [End Page 749] revolution in the study of early American poetry, and that pressed the boundaries of the genre in equally innovative and revisionary ways. With the publication of David Shields’s American Poetry: The Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, I am happy to announce the arrival of the New Early American Poetry Anthology. Just how groundbreaking is this latest installment of the Library of America series? It is so, first and foremost, by its very existence. The only other early American poetry anthology currently in print is—get ready for this—a recent reprint of a collection edited by Oscar Wegelin in 1903. The last time a book was published with the title Early American Poetry was 1978, and this was not, in fact, an anthology. One has to go back to 1968 for the last work of this kind—Kenneth Silverman’s Colonial American Poetry—and while this earlier volume can be justly praised for the variety of poems included, particularly from outside of New England, the difference in the scope of Shields’s new collection is substantial. In purely quantitative terms, American Poetry: The Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries contains some 300 poems by 108 poets over 836 pages, not including an additional 100 pages of textual, biographical, and explanatory notes. Among this number of poets included are names likely to be found in more traditional literary anthologies (Anne Bradstreet, Ebenezer Cook, Phillis Wheatley, Philip Freneau); several still largely unknown belletrists who cultivated societies of wit and friendship in British America (Jane Turell, Archibald Home, Elizabeth Graeme Fergusson); a few historical figures famous for achievements other than poetry, but who also wrote verse on occasion (John Smith, Roger Williams, Bishop Berkeley, Benjamin Banneker); and a dozen or more obscure or anonymous versifiers who simply used poetry as their chosen mode of communication, often with surprising and delightful results. It is this emphasis—what might be called the “uses of poetry”—that sets this collection apart and teaches its readers what is unique and important about early American poetry. For this is an anthology not of “poets” as such, but of men and women who wrote poetry, for a hundred different reasons, each one arising from some distinct cultural and economic circumstance within colonial and Revolutionary-era America. Some of the uses poetry was put to, of course, are quite familiar, and on full display in this collection: there are hymns and psalms and religious meditations, elegies on famous men and ill fated children, political satires on matters of local [End Page 750] and continental import. Still, even well-versed students of early American poetry will be struck by the generic and thematic variety: there are ballads recounting the circumstances of the author’s emigration (the well-known “Sot Weed Factor,” but also “The Poor Unhappy Transported Felon’s Sorrowful Account of his fourteen Years Transportation in Virginia”); poems on farming, managing slaves, and staple crops (“The Sugar Cane,” “The Convert to Tobacco,” “A Rhapsody on Rum”); poems of school and work (“A College Room,” “A Whaling Song”); poems submitted to newspapers advertising escaped slaves or warning against con-men...

The Concept of "Early Modern" Mitchell Greenberg (bio) The editors of this journal have posed a series of questions the answers to which would hopefully offer a more comprehensive understanding of what we mean by that catch-all concept, the "early modern." Given the very fact that the questions asked are so varied both temporally and conceptually, hopefully I will be forgiven for couching my own thinking in terms that are both general and personal. Although it would be intellectually more satisfying to be able to pin down so broad a concept as the "early modern," I am afraid that my own inability to do so cogently is directly tied to what I perceive to be the defining mark of the concept, its inherent ambiguity. To my mind, the concept of the "early modern" is elusive in a temporal sense (where do we situate it historically—beginning in the sixteenth century and extending up to the French Revolution of 1789, or is it more limited in time, say from the mid-sixteenth to the late-seventeenth centuries?) And is it not a concept whose temporal limits can shift depending on its geo-political location? (Elizabethan England, Neo-Classical, i.e., mid-seventeenth century, France, or "baroque" Rome, Madrid [Mexico City!], or Vienna?) Are the different socio-cultural productions across Europe part of the same phenomenon? What of the differences in religious expression and persecutions, scientific discoveries, extra-European exploration, exploitation, and colonization? It would appear at first hand that any over-riding conceptual framework is intellectually risky especially when we are faced with the often contradictory academic disagreements between historians, literary scholars, philosophers, sociologists, theologians, anthropologists, and many others whose differences about any single definition of the concept are varied and heated. Unable to find any one definition that would embrace so large a socio-cultural phenomenon, I rely on what appears to me to be a common thread [End Page 75] among all these varied phenomena and that thread is double. Although almost any historical period may be described as inherently traumatic, I find that the period between 1550 and 1700 is marked by both a generalized European fear that chaos is about to descend upon the world and a desire for some force, some leader who would be able to waylay that chaos, establish order and put things that seem askew, aright. We hear echoes of this fear resounding across the European continent from England to Poland, from Paris to Naples in what historians have called the "crisis of the Seventeenth Century" (Trevor-Roper). So, for starters I would start by circumscribing the concept of the "early modern" as a generalized crisis of European civilization and the various responses, political, social, and aesthetic that arose in a limited historical period (1550 to 1700) as an attempt to deal with this crisis, and in so doing ushered in new ways of configuring the place of the human subject in a radically changing symbolic system—a system that eventuates in reformulating those parameters of subjectivity that we now define as our own. It would appear that when we talk about the "early modern" for however extended or narrow our definition of it may be, it is the seventeenth century that figures as the pivotal, transitional moment where those systems of representation that had dominated, that had coalesced into a "master narrative" that had defined the period from the late Middle Ages up to and through the Renaissance, were gradually being transformed into what was to emerge in the eighteenth century as a new configuration of subjectivity that would be the mark of the "modern." In his seminal early study Les Mots et les Choses, Michel Foucault argued for seeing the seventeenth century as a liminal period separating and joining one representation of the configurations of human subjectivity—the analogical—that, he claims, was the principal episteme up to and through the Renaissance, to the "transparency of Classical representation," which established its firm hold on the West in the eighteenth century. The seventeenth century would figure the moment of passage between these two epistemes, participating in both, seeing (but not, of course, in any clearly articulable fashion) the gradual, inexorable disappearance...

The Types and Meanings of the Orchid Paintings on Craftwork in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries: With a Focus on the Inner Cases for Books Made of Jade, White Porcelains with Underglaze Iron-brown Painting and Blue and White Porcelains

Reviewed by: The Atlantic Economy during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries: Organization, Operation, Practice, and Personnel Elizabeth Mancke The Atlantic Economy during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries: Organization, Operation, Practice, and Personnel. Edited by Peter A. Coclanis. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2005. 377 pp. $49.95 (cloth). In "The Dutch Atlantic Economies," the opening essay of this fine collection, Jan de Vries shows that by the 1770s the Dutch imported [End Page 237] more from the West Indies than from Asia, a "point [that] will surprise even specialists in the economic history of the early modern period" (p. xiii), notes Peter Coclanis, the editor. European trade with Asia had been expanding at about 1 percent per annum, and at 2 percent in the Atlantic basin, which the Dutch shift reflects. In Asia, the Dutch entered a centuries-old economic world, while in the Atlantic they participated in creating one. Yet the "organization, operation, practice, and personnel" of that economy, as distinct from the internal economies of societies around the Atlantic, is understudied. This collection of essays helps fill that gap, and in its entirety makes two striking and complementary contributions. First, commercial networks crisscrossed the Atlantic like a "spider's web" (p. 31), rather than in a linear fashion as envisaged by mercantilist conceits or scholarly models of triangular trades. Second, these complex and "self-organizing" (p. 31) networks were integral to the rapid and often chaotic growth of the Atlantic economy. Attention to networks allows scholars to study the permeability of empires, which were not self-contained units. Daviken Studnicki-Gizbert's analysis of Iberian commercial controversies shows the tension between conservative Spaniards connected to the royal court and Portuguese merchants and bankers who operated in Spain's empire after the union of the crowns in 1580 and espoused more liberal trade policies. In essays on seventeenth-century Anglo-Dutch relations, Claudia Schnurmann and April Lee Hatfield document the extensive integration of the Dutch into English America. Hatfield shows that inVirginia they muted their national identities by anglicizing their names, speaking English, and associating with coreligionists. Schnurmann reconstructs Anglo-Dutch networks to question the nature of religious, regional, and national identities in the Atlantic world. "Supranational trade" (p. 196) networks, she suggests, often reflected regional identities, for example ties between Massachusetts and Dutch Surinam, which conflicted with national objectives. Breaching the commercial boundaries established by imperial policies became commonplace in the French Antilles as Kenneth Banks shows in his work on the smuggling of slaves into eighteenth-century Martinique. French mercantilist policies, as elaborated by Jean-Baptiste Colbert in the 1660s, were designed to curb trade with foreigners, but economic and diplomatic objectives could work in opposition. After France acquired St. Domingue in 1697, the demand for slaves rose beyond what French merchants could supply. A scarcity of slaves encouraged foreign smugglers, whom some colonial officials ignored, some courted, and few challenged. Licit trade was also complex. David [End Page 238] Hancock's analysis of the transformation of Madeira wine "from common plonk into the highest status, most expensive wine in America" (p. 60), tracks the personal networks between Madeira producers and British colonial consumers that allowed them to craft highly localized varieties. His work shows how colonial demand shaped innovations in the production of an Atlantic commodity. Robert S. DuPlessis compares changing patterns of local demand of cloth consumption in Montreal, Philadelphia, Charleston, and New Orleans, ca. 1680–1770. His data show a general decline in woolen consumption and an increase in cotton consumption, consistent with the work of others on the "standardization of colonial consumer goods" (p. 81), but with quite particular ethnic and regional patterns. Amerindians continued to prefer woolens, but gradually increased their purchases of cottons. Wearing cotton tended to be gendered; women wore it more than men. Slaves also wore more cottons and of lower grades than did others. Colonial consumers of cloth, as with consumers of Madeira wine, influenced local markets, notwithstanding transatlantic trends toward more standardized demand. Regional commodity production, the Atlantic economy, and colonial image are explored in essays by S. Max Edelson and Laura Náter. Colonial commodities gained "reputations" in the Atlantic world that affected their valuation...

The Salonnières and the Philosophes in Old Regime France: The Authority of Aesthetic Judgment* Jolanta T. Pekacz During the eighteenth century a significant shift occurred in the perception of the authority of aesthetic judgment in France, from a group usually referred to as “polite society” and widely considered the exclusive source of taste (goût) to various competing groups arrogating to themselves the right to judge artistic matters. 1 In the present article I discuss the changing recognition of the genders as arbiters of taste, exemplified by Parisian salonnières on the one hand, and the philosophes on the other, during two eighteenth-century quarrels over the French and Italian operas: the Querelle des Bouffons in the 1750s and the controversy between Gluckistes and Piccinistes in the 1770s. I argue that by the end of the 1770s, as a result of the collapse of the old paradigm of “polite society” of which salons were a part, Parisian salon women lost the position (however illusory it might have been) which they enjoyed in the seventeenth century as arbiters of taste. While the philosophes attended feminine salons, [End Page 277] they rejected the idea of consulting salonnières on the matters of taste (and on other matters), as was previously the case, and relegated them to formal, if not merely decorative, roles of guardians of good manners and propriety, the roles accepted by salonnières. The ousting of the salonnière from aesthetic arbitration exemplified by the two operatic quarrels may be viewed as a continuation of the process of exclusion of salon women from discursive development that began in the seventeenth century, as discussed by Erica Harth in Cartesian Women: Versions and Subversions of Rational Discourse in the Old Regime (1992) and, most recently, by Joan DeJean in Ancients against Moderns: Culture Wars and the Making of a Fin de Siècle (1997). In the seventeenth century the norms of feminine bienséance (decorum, propriety) allowed a woman to establish a salon but made it impossible for a salonnière to create a space intellectually comparable to that of the French Academy. After having lost a gendered competition for intellectual space with the Academy by the 1680s, the salon, as Erica Harth put it, “proved a discursive dead end for women.” In this essay I carry through this argument into the eighteenth century and demonstrate that salon women lost a competition with the philosophes not only in the intellectual but also in the aesthetic sphere. Salonnières did not choose not to make aesthetic judgments out of respect for the exclusive right of the philosophes to make such judgments 2 but rather were silenced by the philosophes and complied in order not to violate the limits of feminine bienséance in the public sphere, that is, to survive as salonnières. The seventeenth-century ideals of feminine bienséance taken over by eighteenth-century salonnières were no longer perceived as sufficient (or legitimate) to recognize women as arbiters of taste. In fact these ideals proved to be as detrimental as a source of authority for salon women in the siècle des lumières as they were ambiguous in the grand siècle. Ironically, not only were the eighteenth-century Parisian salonnières ousted from aesthetic arbitration, but neither did they succeed in their roles as guardians of propriety and good manners for the philosophes, that is, in keeping the Enlightenment discourse civil. In both operatic quarrels the dominant genre of discourse was a pamphlet, a libelle, not a salon conversation. While during the Querelle des Bouffons the philosophes were unanimously pro-Italian, the Gluck-Piccini quarrel caused a deep split among them, followed by fratricidal fighting, which seriously undermined their authority in public matters. I. The negative connotation associated with the epithets pedant, savant, and their derivatives in seventeenth-century French treatises on honnêteté indicates [End Page 278] that the authority of judgment of “persons of quality” in matters of taste resulted from the code of bienséances in social relations. Blaise Pascal probably best summarized arguments for the superiority of an honnête person (as opposed to a professional) in the realm of aesthetics; being an...

In the violence over Protestant marches in Northern Ireland in the late 1990s much of the debate centered on two towns, Portadown and Drumcree. Students of seventeenth-century Irish history will note that those towns were sites of some of the most infamous stories of rebel atrocities in the 1641 uprising. The continuity of such images reinforces the notion that ethnic and religious conflicts are immutable and perhaps inevitable. A certain fatalism surrounds the acrimony of Arab and Jew, Muslim and Christian, English and Irish arising from the conviction that such conflicts have raged, as if unchanging, over centuries. However, when viewed over time, the struggles between such groups are dynamic rather than static and have helped construct how each group sees the other and how it identifies itself. In the dynamism surrounding Anglo-Irish relations a number of important turning points can be identified. One of the most important is of course the seventeenth century, particularly the 1641 uprising. More than thirty years ago W. D. Love noted how for three centuries Irish historiography and Anglo-Irish intercourse had been molded by the events of the mid-seventeenth century and had compelled historians to support or deny the charges made by each side about the events of the 1640s. In trying to understand the searing nature of those events, and how they came to frame political as well as historical debates from the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries, a number of historians have noted the importance of Sir John Temple and his propagan distic piece, The Irish Rebellion. Temple's work offered not just an interpretation of the 1641 uprising but a portrait of the two peoples, English and Irish, as basically and permanently incompatible—a thesis that has had remarkable staying power. Published in 1646, Temple's work was a departure from the Tudor and early Stuart canon on Ireland. While Temple borrowed much from earlier commentators such as Edmund Spenser and Sir John Davies, his analysis differed from them and set out in a new direction by defining the Irish as ethnically distinct. Spenser and Davies suggested that the problem of Ireland arose not from the land, or even its people (although Spenser devoted considerable discussion to the ways Irish customs undermined English success), but from foolhardy or poorly executed English policy. Even though the late Tudor and early Stuart commentators saw the Irish as barbaric, the Irish were thought to be amenable to the benefits of English culture and rule, although their reformation might require draconian measures. Even the divisive issue of religion was not thought insurmountable. Davies and Spenser argued that a religious reformation begun after peace and stability had been secured in Ireland would succeed. In contrast, Temple viewed the 1641 revolt as conclusive evidence that the Irish were irredeemable and posed a deadly threat to England and its people.