Retraction of: “Hunger makes a thief of any man”: Poverty and Crime in British Colonial Asia

The late 19thcentury saw the spread of anti-homosexual criminal laws to British colonies. The iconic example was the Indian Penal Code of 1860, with its prohibition of ‘carnal intercourse against the order of nature,’ a rewriting of the anti-Catholic ‘buggery’ law of 1534. The language of 377 travelled around the British colonial world. France and certain other parts of Europe had decriminalized homosexual acts a century earlier, so the colonial powers of Europe spoke with different voices. Modern decriminalization is largely the product of the human rights era - sixty years since the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

The late 19th century saw the spread of anti-homosexual criminal laws to British colonies. The iconic example was the Indian Penal Code of 1860, with its prohibition of ‘carnal intercourse against the order of nature,' a rewriting of the anti-Catholic ‘buggery' law of 1534. The language of 377 travelled around the British colonial world. France and certain other parts of Europe had decriminalized homosexual acts a century earlier, so the colonial powers of Europe spoke with different voices. Modern decriminalization is largely the product of the human rights era - sixty years since the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

On a reference to the very interesting Table No. 3, pages 97 and 98, following this chapter, it will be seen that the new property created yearly in the colonies and dependencies annexed to the British crown, arising from land and labour, is estimated, exclusive of the territories under the direction of the East India Company, at £50,740,470 sterling a year,—namely, The Dependencies of the British Crown in Europe £ 1,818,000 The British Colonies in North America 13,215,474 The British Colonies in the West Indies 18,516,540 The Captured Colonies in the West Indies 10,195,926 The British and Captured Settlements in Africa 800,300 The British and Captured Settlements or Colonies in Asia 6,194,230 Total £50,740,470

In 1999, both Hong Kong and Singapore brought into force legislation that permitted a supermajority of apartment owners within a building development that met certain statutory criteria to force a minority of dissenters to sell the development as a whole. Both territories did so because, as land-scarce cities, it was considered that the redevelopment of aging buildings was an urgent imperative. In so doing, although they claimed to be following other jurisdictions, both Hong Kong and Singapore broke new ground in pioneering the private takings of land among common law jurisdictions. These developments have proven controversial in both territories, although the controversies have differed because of differences in implementation and historical background in both cities, despite their shared past as British colonies in Asia. This Article compares the two regimes to each other as well as to a more mature regime permitting private takings of shares in mergers and acquisitions law to highlight the lessons to be learned in order to prevent abuse.

Several studies link modern economic performance to institutions transplanted by European colonizers and here we extend this line of research to Asia. Japan imposed its system of well-defined property rights in land on some of its Asian colonies, including Korea, Taiwan and Palau. In 1939 Japan began to survey and register private land in its island colonies, an effort that was completed in Palau but interrupted elsewhere by World War II. Within Micronesia robust economic development followed only in Palau where individual property rights were well defined. Second, we show that well-defined property rights in Korea and Taiwan secured land taxation and enabled farmers to obtain bank loans for capital improvements, principally irrigation systems. Our analytical model predicts that high costs of creating an ownership updating system and a citizen identity system discourage a short-sighted government from implementing these crucial components, the absence of which gradually makes land registration obsolete. Third, considering all of Japan's colonies, we use the presence or absence of a land survey as an instrument to identify the causal impact of new institutions. Our estimates show that property-defining institutions were important for economic development, results that are confirmed when using a similar approach with British Colonies in Asia.

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Several studies link development to institutions transplanted by European colonizers and here we extend this line of research to Asia. Japan imposed its system of well-defined property rights on some of its Asian colonies. In 1939, Japan began to register private land in its island colonies, an effort that was completed in Palau but interrupted elsewhere by World War II. Within Micronesia, robust economic development followed only in Palau where individual property rights were well defined. We show that well-defined property rights in Korea and Taiwan secured land taxation and enabled farmers to obtain bank loans for irrigation systems. Considering Japanese colonies, we use the presence or absence of a land survey as an instrument to identify the causal impact of new institutions. Our estimates show that property-defining institutions were important for economic development, results that are confirmed when using a similar approach with British Colonies in Asia.

From the dawn of human civilization, the history of mankind has recorded multiple events of conflicts, battles & wars. But it has never witnessed something destructive & devasting like World War II (1939 -1945). This global conflict between Allied & Axis powers lasted for 2191 days, involving as many as 110 million armed soldiers from 72 nations. At least 50 million people lost their lives in this great war among them 28 million were innocent civilians. Major cities across Europe and Asia, including Berlin, London, Warsaw, Tokyo, and Hiroshima, were extensively bombed and reduced to rubble. In the initial stage, the war was only confined to European nations though their colonies in Asia & Africa were indirectly affected severely. But with time, the African colonies caught fire from this war and in later stages, it spread all over Asia. India, being a British colony at that time was pushed into the war by its colonial masters who looked over the will of Indian masses. The British Government exploited India's valuable resources and labour force for the War preparations. The heat of the war also reached Tripura, a small princely state under the British Suzerainty. The involvement of Japan in the Second World War and its hasty advancement on the eastern front changed the whole scenario of the war from the Indian perspective. The fall of Burma at the hands of the Japanese brought the war to the very door of India. As a result, Tripura and the northeastern region fell under the direct threat of the Japanese offensive. In this paper, I have attempted to sketch a picture of Princely Tripura of that time concerning the Second World War. Here I have discussed extensively about the threat of Japanese invasion, economic strains, military organizations, war preparations, and other administrative activities in the state, all centred around the Second World War. In the middle of the war, the Congress-led ‘Augst movement’ or ‘Quite India movement’ increased difficulties for the trouble-torn British Raj. The turmoil created all over the country by the ‘Quite India Movement’ also impacted the state of Tripura. Here I also tried to track down the events related to the ‘Quite India Movement’ in Tripura during the war and how the ruling class of princely Tripura met those challenges. In a nutshell, through this paper, an attempt has been made to shed light on the relevant events, that took place in princely Tripura during the Second World War and analyse different events & developments related to it from various socio-economic and political aspects. Nevertheless, this paper is a small initiative for the history enthusiast to enhance the understanding of the role of Tripura in a global phenomenon like World War II and to reconstruct the events in a systematic way to conduct further study. KEYWORDS: Allied power, Axis power, Tripura, British suzerainty, Northeastern India, Invasion, Burma.

PurposeThis paper aims to analyse how both Lin’s birthplace identity and his Christian identity contributed to his fruitful public career and to ascertain which identity became the most significant.Design/methodology/approachArchival research is the main method used in this paper. The most important archives drawn from are the Daniel Tse Collection in the Special Collection and Archives of the Hong Kong Baptist University Library. Oral history has also been used in this paper to uncover more material that has not yet been discussed in existing scholarly works.FindingsThis paper argues that although Lin’s birthplace identity and social networks helped him to start his business career in Nam Pak Hong and develop into a leader in the local Chaozhou communities, these factors were insufficient to his becoming a respectable member of the Chinese elite in post-war Hong Kong. He became well known not because of his leading position in local Chaozhou communities or any great achievement he had obtained in business but because of his contribution to the development of Christian education. These achievements earned him a reputation as a “Christian educator”. Thus Lin’s Christian identity became more important than his birthplace identity in contributing to his successful public career.Originality/valueThis paper has value in showing how Christian influences interacted with various cultural factors in early Hong Kong. It also offers insights into Lin’s life and motivations as well as the history of the institutions he contributed to/founded. It not only furthers our understanding of the Chinese Christian business elite in early Hong Kong but also provides us with insights when further studying this group of people in other British colonies in Asia.

he British, Ottoman, and other empires, in contrast to nation-states, claimed by their very nature authority over a variety of subject peoples. This condition drove empires toward contradictory goals: making subject peoples feel they had a stake in the empire while simultaneously differentiating them from the rulers and excluding them from full participation in the actual exercise of state power. The broad bifurcating concepts these empires constructed to distinguish between ruler and ruled often appeared to work adequately overall. In practice, however, such discriminating criteria changed over time and often broke down in particular cases as a result of the defi nition’s inherent contradictions and volatility, the competition among elite groups, and also the resistances and adaptations by individuals subject to such classifi cations. Both the British and the Ottomans, priding themselves on their “modernity” and “rule of law,” sought to separate peoples through legal and administrative regulations, based on allegedly objective criteria. Yet these criteria shifted over time. India and the other British colonies in Asia lay at some remove, encouraging the British to establish distinctions based on “race” (variously defi ned), reinforced by the spatial distance between rulers and ruled. In contrast, the contiguous nature of the Ottoman domains made it more diffi cult for the Ottoman state to carry out similar regulatory action. Instead, the Ottomans applied religion as a major measure of difference between ruler and ruled, stressing the role of Islam as defi ned by the Ottoman sultan, who was simultaneously the Sunni caliph. For both empires, however, diffi culties in applying exact legal boundaries arose from the changing cultural constructions asserted by rival imperial authorities with disparate interests. Simultaneously, these emerging rules were also challenged—for the British in particular—by people of “mixed race,” religious converts, and immigrants from the colony who settled in the imperial metropolis. Such marginal or anomalous examples reveal the constructed nature of imperial binary differentiations and their inconsistent putative underlying principles.

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 This study deals with the topic ( Political Developments in Sri Lanka 1945-1948 and the British position on it), During this era, Sri Lanka witnessed important political and constitutional changes that had a major role in achieving national independence, Although it was within the British Commonwealth system, but it got rid of largely from the restrictions of British colonialism. During this era, there was clear cooperation between most of the leaders of the national movement on the one hand, and the British authorities on the other .
 This British-Sri Lankan cooperation has resulted in several results, the most important of which is a gradual progress in the political and constitutional status of Sri Lanka, On the basis of which Sri Lanka was transformed from a colony administered directly by the British Governor-General in Sri Lanka to a country that enjoys a large degree of independence, Its affairs are administered by the Sri Lankan Prime Minister supported by a Legislative National Assembly elected by the Sri Lankan people. This cooperation also led to a major shift in the course of the political process in Sri Lanka. For the first time in the country’s history, political parties with different ideologies and partisan approaches appeared. To organize the masses and work to guide them politically. During this stage, the country witnessed the drafting of the first constitution in the country’s history. The process of drafting and approving it went through several stages until it took its final form in 1946. This stage also marked the emergence of the first national legislative assembly elected by the Sri Lankan people. And in which the right to participate is granted to both men and women, and Sri Lanka may be the first British colony in Asia to hold elections of this kind.

Research Article| February 01 1998 Burma in 1997: From Empire to ASEAN James Guyot James Guyot Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Asian Survey (1998) 38 (2): 190–195. https://doi.org/10.2307/2645678 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation James Guyot; Burma in 1997: From Empire to ASEAN. Asian Survey 1 February 1998; 38 (2): 190–195. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/2645678 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search nav search search input Search input auto suggest search filter All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1998 The Regents of the University of California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Military history has a minor role in historical narratives about Hong Kong during the Colonial Period (1840–1997). Such treatment is somewhat surprising, as Hong Kong had been an important British military and naval post until the 1960s. During the early days of the British rule, British (and Indian) soldiers and sailors outnumbered the European settlers, although the Chinese population remained predominant in terms of numbers. From 1865 to 1941, Hong Kong was the headquarters of the China Station, the Royal Navy unit responsible for the British naval presence in the Western Pacific. Hong Kong’s status as an important naval base is illustrated by the fact that it had more large dry docks than all other British colonies in Asia until the Sembawang Base of Singapore was completed in the late 1930s. Between 1948 and 1950, it even housed a full division, a commando brigade, two squadrons of fighters, and a sizable fleet of several cruisers.

n today's world, the transfer of laws and regulations between different legal systems is commonplace. The global spread of stewardship codes in recent years presents a promising, but yet untested, terrain to explore the diffusion of such norms. This paper aims to fill this gap. Employing the method of content analysis and using information from 41 stewardship codes enacted between 1991 and 2019, we systematically examine the formal diffusion of these stewardship codes. While we find support for the diffusion story of the UK as a stewardship norm exporter, especially in former British colonies in Asia, we also find evidence of diffusion from transnational initiatives, such as the EFAMA and ICGN codes, as well as regional clusters. We also show that the UK Stewardship Code of 2020 now deviates from these current models; thus, it remains to be seen how far a second round of exportation of the revised UK model into the transnational arena will follow.

THE IDEAS BEHIND THE POSTULATES around postcolonial theory implemented by Bhabha, Said, Spivak, and Ashcroft, among others, not only as a set of historical categories but also as a strategic discourse, were already present in the Latin American context.1 Even before the literary boom of the 1960s, syncretism and hybridity were key concepts in the cultural paradigm of the Americas. This was the result of the critical process of readjustment that took place with the formation of a nationalist consciousness in different parts of the continent where cultural identity was considered to be a subversive counter-discourse that accompanied political independence. A good example of this distinctive attitude is the aforementioned proposal presented by Ortiz in 1940 in his Contrapunteo cubano del tabaco y el azucar, where (as I mentioned earlier) he applied the term 'transculturation' to the Caribbean as a way to avoid the problems that the anthropological concept of 'acculturation' implied. He did so because, in his particular Cuban context, cultural identity was accomplished through a process of adaptation and transformation, giving rise to a new cultural product. Thus, it seems that, in a Latin American context, a particular theory was already present without a specific label avant la lettre of postcolonial studies in the English-speaking world.2As Femando Coronil points out, Latin America, as an object of study and source of knowledge on (post)colonialism, has been excluded from or marginalized in the debates and pivotal texts.3 It is remarkable that postcolonial studies in academic institutions have focused primarily on the consequences of northern European colonialism in Asia and Africa rather than addressing the Latin American colonial experience. Walter Mignolo considers that imperial power was conceived in Latin America by means not of colonization but of 'westernization', and for this reason 'post-westernization' is a word that has its natural place in Latin American thought, much as postmodernism and postcolonialism have their place in the thought of Europe, the USA, and the former British colonies.4 Post-westernization addresses a particular critical concern with the situation that emerged in Latin American during the nineteenth century when the relationship with Europe started to be redefined according to the flourishing of a new discourse around Latin American identity. Notwithstanding this, and as Mignolo himself acknowledges,5 the situation in the anglophone Caribbean differs from the aforementioned reluctance in Latin American studies to use the term 'postcolonialism' owing to the fact that the British and French colonial legacy inherited by the Caribbean islands is an avenue of thought that, if not identifiable as postcolonial, has all the hallmarks of research that is nowadays accepted as such. As Mignolo remarks, it is noteworthy that postcolonial theories have emerged in the cultural regions that experienced the second stage of westernization carried out by Britain and France; this may be the reason why Fanon's theoretical approaches, for instance, have not made a major impression on Latin American critical theory. This is mainly due to the fact that the geocultural colonialist distribution among Latin America, Brazil, and the anglophone/francophone Caribbean helps explain the lack of communication between those regions.In this respect, the most noticeable change in literature in the Latin American tradition took place when writers decided to speak of the subaltern not only 'giving' voice to them but also 'becoming' part of them. In this deceptively simple nuance lies the real innovation of a new form of discourse. The attempt to 'become one of them' was not always accomplished in the same manner. Some of the most negative criticism levelled at iEcue-Yamba-O!, the novel that Carpentier published in 1933, centred on his lack of narrative commitment. Emir Rodriguez Monegal observes that the main narrative problem of iEcue-Yamba-O! …