Abstract

The traditional notion of case is too coarse to distinguish between the English prepositional dative and the English shifted dative, the Spanish bare accusative and the Spanish “a” accusative, etc. I show that refining our typology of case to include such distinctions resolves a *ABA counterexample to Caha’s 2009 case hierarchy and I discuss where these new distinctions should be placed in the underlying representation of case.

Highlights

  • The traditional notion of case is too coarse to distinguish between the English prepositional dative and the English shifted dative, the Spanish bare accusative and the Spanish “a” accusative, etc

  • I show that refining our typology of case to include such distinctions resolves a *ABA counterexample to Caha’s 2009 case hierarchy and I discuss where these new distinctions should be placed in the underlying representation of case

  • Syncretisms in case systems, the division of labour between adpositions and case ­morphemes, stacking of case morphemes and similar phenomena led Caha (2009) to a finely articulated functional sequence for case. This underlying representation together with the spellout algorithm of Nanosyntax enabled a simple explanation for a wide variety of cross-linguistic phenomena, a success which spawned a wave of interest in the topic (e.g. Jayaseelan 2015; Harðarson 2016; McFadden 2016; Smith et al 2016; Zompi 2017)

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Summary

Introduction

The traditional notion of case is too coarse to distinguish between the English prepositional dative and the English shifted dative, the Spanish bare accusative and the Spanish “a” accusative, etc. If we choose to call “dative” the latter case, English has an *ABA violation given Caha’s hierarchy, since the accusative and the dative are syncretic (∅) across the genitive, which is expressed by the prepostion of: (7) acc ∅ gen of dat ∅

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