Replacement anxieties: White power speculation and anthropology’s ancestral dramas

Revolutionary Suicide

College-educated white women across social classes support and uphold racism. Using narrative methods in a secondary analysis, we, as two white women, explored how white non-trans women make meaning of social class using the revised model of multiple dimensions of identity (RMMDI; Abes et al., 2007) as positioned within the context of white supremacist capitalist cisheteropatriarchy (hooks, 1994) and higher education. Findings were framed by white ignorance (Mills, 2007) and whiteness as property (Harris, 1993). We found that white women used class to distance themselves from whiteness and white supremacy in two ways. First, they projected race and class onto elite spaces that they simultaneously desired entry to and distance from. Second, they avoided critical reflection on their racial positioning and identity by constructing a pliable class identity. Both distancing strategies demonstrate "moves to innocence" (Mawhinney, 1998; Tuck & Yang, 2012) away from white complicity, a process that the institutional environment largely facilitated and supported. Such an approach advances understandings of intrapersonal student development by examining how white women use social class to avoid addressing their racial domination and maintain false innocence (Mawhinney, 1998; Tuck & Yang, 2012). We discuss research and practice implications.

This guide accompanies the following article: Matthew W. Hughey, ‘The Janus Face of Whiteness: Toward a Cultural Sociology of White Nationalism and White Antiracism’, Sociology Compass 3/6 (2009): 920–936, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2009.00244.x Author’s introduction Over the past 20 years, the study of white racial identity has received in‐depth, interdisciplinary attention. Under sociological scrutiny, the study of whiteness has traversed quite a few stages: from understandings of whiteness as a category replete with social privileges, as a mere reflection of non‐racial (often class‐based) dynamics, to its most recent turn that emphasizes the contextual and intersectional heterogeneity of whiteness. Because of the increased attention to context and political disputes, the study of whiteness has never been more amenable to cultural analysis than it is today. Hence, an emphasis on different white racial formations that span a political spectrum – from conservative to liberal and racist to antiracist – is now dominant. In this vein, white nationalists and white antiracists represent the distinct polarities of contemporary inquisitions into white racial identity. Motivated by this academic milieu, this guide offers an overview of the major scholarship that address white nationalism & white antiracism, appropriate online materials, and examples from a sample syllabus. Together, these resources aim to assist in understanding the general processes and contexts that produce ‘whiteness’ and imbue it with meaning, the social relationships and practices in which white racial identity identities become embedded, and how whiteness simultaneously possesses material and symbolic privileges alongside diverse and seemingly antagonistic experiences. Author recommends The complexity of whiteness McDermott, Monica and Frank L. Samson 2005. ‘White Racial and Ethnic Identity in the United States.’ Annual Review of Sociology 31 : 245–61. Any contemporary apprentice of the sociological study of white racial identity should read this essay. Monica McDermott and her student Frank Samson combine to provide a robust overview of the literature. They walk the tightrope of balancing both a broad coverage of the literature with the depth that key studies necessitate. In so doing, they put a finger on the key dilemma of studying white racial identity today: ‘Navigating between the long‐term staying power of white privilege and the multifarious manifestations of the experience of whiteness remains the task of the next era of research on white racial and ethnic identity’ (2005: 256). Duster, Troy 2001. ‘The ‘Morphing’ Properties of Whiteness.’ Pp. 113–33 in The Making and Unmaking of Whiteness , edited by E. B. Rasmussen, E. Klinenberg, I. J. Nexica and M. Wray. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. In this essay – part of a larger volume on whiteness that I also recommend – Duster synthesizes disparate approaches to the study of whiteness. Demonstrating how some scholars understand white racial identity as a contextual and cognitive category (‘fluid’), while some frame whiteness as a structural and fixed category of material privileges (‘frozen’), Duster asks ‘who is right?’ He answers via the metaphor of whiteness‐as‐water. In one moment, whiteness can morph into vapor as a contextual and unstable identity, while the next moment it can instantly transform into a harsh and unyielding form of ice‐like privilege. Duster’s essay is an excellent retort for those who argue that we should move ‘beyond’ race to the utopian realm of color‐blind individualism. Duster demonstrates, although the example of the supposedly egalitarian New Deal, that while race is socially constructed, the legacy of racism remains a historically reproduced and real social fact – denying the existence of race perpetuates racial inequality. Duster closes the chapter with a personal anecdote that grounds the historical example in modern, interactional, and everyday life. Perry, Pamela 2002. Shades of White: White Kids and Racial Identities in High School . Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Perry gives us two ethnographic studies in one – that of two northern California high schools: one located in a predominantly white, if economically diverse, suburb, the other situated in a multiracial urban community. Perry persistently and systematically probes the complexities of white racial identity in the practices and discourses of the youth attending these high schools. She finds that whites in the predominantly white, suburban high school do not see themselves as a unique race and take their racial identity for granted – they understand distinctly white practices as normative rather than as constitutive of a subjective worldview. In contrast, the whites at the multiracial, urban high school possess a more critical and comparative view of race and their own place in the racial order. In sum, Perry argues that whiteness is a set of complex, contradictory, and multiple subject positions. Wray, Matt. 2006. Not Quite White: White Trash and the Boundaries of Whiteness . Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Matt Wray brings the tools of cultural sociology viz‐á‐viz ‘symbolic boundaries’ to the interrogation of the moniker White Trash . Wray problematizes this relatively normalized term to question its origins and how it persists. Drawing upon literary texts, folklore, diaries, medical articles, and social scientific analyses from the early 1700s to the turn of the 20th century, Wray documents the multiple meanings that were projected onto poor rural whites in the United States. Of particular import, Wray demonstrates how white supremacist ideas about class and region became dominant through public health campaigns and eugenic reformations. Impoverished whites found themselves the targets of officials and activists who framed them as ‘filthy’ or “feebleminded,” and thus a threat to the purity and supremacy of the white race. This text is particularly informative for its demonstration of how white supremacist logic was not only focused on racial ‘otherness’ but used the axes of class and location to directly demarcate and attack those seen as ‘white’ yet somehow racially deficient and unworthy. Winant, Howard 2004. ‘Behind Blue Eyes: Whiteness and Contemporary U.S. Racial Politics.’ Pp. 3–16 in Off White: Readings on Race, Power, and Society , edited by Michelle Fine, Lois Weis, Linda C. Powell and April Burns. New York, NY: Routledge. In applying his now classic approach formulated in concert with Michael Omi ( Racial Formations , 1986), Howard Winant applies the ‘racial projects’ thesis to whites: ‘I think it would be beneficial to attempt to sort out alternative conceptions of whiteness, along with the politics that both flow from and inform these conceptions. … focusing on five key racial projects, which I term, far right, new right, neoconservative, neoliberal, and new abolitionist ’ (2004: 6). Hence, Winant maps a theory of white identity formation onto a bifurcated ‘culture war.’ Labeling this phenomenon ‘racial dualism as politics,’ Winant advances a paradigm in which whiteness is undergoing ‘a profound political crisis.’ Winant’s essay is especially important for those that wish to emphasize the heterogeneity of white racial identity, as he provides Weberian‐like ‘ideal types’ for the comprehension of the racial‐political landscape. Hughey, Matthew W. (forthcoming 2010). ‘Navigating the (Dis)similarities of White Racial Identities: The Conceptual Framework of “Hegemonic Whiteness.”’ Ethnic & Racial Studies. In this work, I build upon many of the aforementioned studies. Like Pamela Perry (2002) I dive into two ethnographic sites, but of much different breed. To interrogate how whiteness might be akin to ‘vapor and ice’ (Duster 2001) and to provide a robust answer to the dilemma of the ‘long‐term staying power of

The Future of Whiteness

Reviewed by: Mothers of Massive Resistance: White Women and the Politics of White Supremacy by Elizabeth Gillespie McRae Lisa Lindquist Dorr Mothers of Massive Resistance: White Women and the Politics of White Supremacy. By Elizabeth Gillespie McRae. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. Pp. xvi, 352. $34.95, ISBN 978-0-19-027171-8.) Mothers of Massive Resistance: White Women and the Politics of White Supremacy does more than merely argue that "[w]hite women were the mass in massive resistance" (p. 4). Instead, Elizabeth Gillespie McRae demonstrates that white women's efforts to protect and promote white supremacy through segregation existed long before the Brown v. Board of Education decision in 1954 and lasted long after the passage of the Voting Rights Act in 1965. This "long era" of massive resistance began with the efforts of white women to counter the seeming apathy toward racial regulations among white southerners in the interwar years, eventually providing rationales and strategies to white people across the country to promote a conservative political program that maintained a largely segregated nation well into the 1970s (p. 10). In McRae's view, white supremacists in the South participated in the creation of a conservative ideology that expressed support for segregation through color-blind arguments for small government, the sanctity of family, opposition to internationalism and human rights, and parental control over education. Documenting both ideological and personal connections among southern segregationists and conservatives across the country, she pointedly labels conservatives as segregationists at heart and links white southern efforts to limit the integration of southern schools—the usual understanding of massive resistance—to a wider effort to promote what she calls a "Jim Crow nation" (p. 5). McRae separates white women's efforts to protect white supremacy into four broad areas that she traces through the book: work with social welfare institutions, debates about public education, participation in electoral politics, and popular culture. Before World War II, white women worked to police racial [End Page 503] identity in Virginia, to promote appropriate curricula in Georgia, to organize politically in Mississippi and South Carolina, and to publicize narratives of race in a North Carolina newspaper. After the war, segregationist white women perceived more dire threats to white supremacy from national and international sources. In response, they sought to challenge faltering institutions, including the Democratic Party, and to counter the development of new international institutions such as the United Nations, which, in their eyes, favored the "developing, left-leaning, non-white world" (p. 13). They argued more forcefully for the ability of parents to control public schools as an extension of maternal values of the home. Their arguments about the family, schools, patriotism, and the dangers of globalization were later adopted by the opponents of busing in Boston and Detroit and shaped a grassroots conservative politics developing nationwide. Mothers of Massive Resistance thus places white women at the center of a national segregationist movement that extended from the 1920s to the 1970s and provided the racist core of conservative ideology. While McRae's overall argument is persuasive, in the early chapters she focuses on fairly limited case studies of specific white women engaged in localized efforts to maintain white supremacy. These chapters are less satisfying, raising the obvious question whether the activities McRae discusses were representative across the South and common among white women. For example, white women took an active role in using Virginia's Racial Integrity Act to police who could and could not be considered white. Virginia's law, however, was unusual. Were there similar kinds of activities occurring in other southern states? Widening her focus to show that what she documents in particular locales or with particular women was echoed elsewhere would help strengthen her argument and pull individual chapters into a more unified whole. This point, however, is an obvious and easy criticism. On the whole, Mothers of Massive Resistance effectively ties segregationists to the development of conservatism nationally and shows that massive resistance was not a sudden and short-lived response to the Brown decision. Lisa Lindquist Dorr University of Alabama Copyright © 2019 Southern Historical Association

Saving Southern History in Caroline Gordon's Penhally Jill LeRoy-Frazier In the half-century following the Civil War, affluent white southern women realized that they had a view of gender conventions which no longer merged seamlessly with that of white southern men. As Anne Goodwyn Jones notes, this meant that, "[c]aught between white supremacy and female inferiority," for the first time their "loyalties to [their] race might well conflict with [their] loyalties to [their] sex" (24). Postbellum upper-middle and upper-class white southern women gradually became aware, on an unprecedented scale, not only of their "identity as female" in terms closer to those employed by bourgeois "New Women" of the North, but also that they "confronted a cultural image of themselves that served someone else's needs" (Jones 25) rather than their own. And the spirit of innovation and challenge to old mores particular to the early twentieth century helped clear the path for many women to explore that feminine image in more critical terms than they had ever been able to do before. Peggy Whitman Prenshaw argues that a significant element of the historical consciousness which helps characterize the writers of the Southern Renaissance is the "effort to understand and come to terms with the dominating image of the lady" (74). For upper-middle and upper-class white southern women writers in particular, the image of the southern lady was an entity which had to be examined [End Page 62] in order for each of them to be able to situate herself as a "person in history, . . . who has been shaped by images and myths she only partly apprehends and controls, and, at last, who in her turn will be . . . a shaper of myths to come" (Prenshaw 83). Like their male contemporaries, many white southern women writers sought both a personal and a cultural identity in the stuff of southern history, and although some of them fundamentally were in sympathy with Agrarian assumptions, many times they perceived the Civil War, the loss of the Old Order, and the fallout of southern defeat somewhat differently in both cultural and personal terms. The material history they examined, the imaginative perspective from which they viewed it, and the literary and cultural conclusions they drew often differed radically from what has come to be perceived as the quintessential Southern Renaissance confrontation between old and new. At the core of this difference in approach lay a fundamental breach between how white men and women perceived the downfall of that culture in the first place: male writers and critics often have tended to see the advent of the southern tragedy in a single, abrupt moment of apocalypse that changed their region forever and produced an inertia that made them backward-looking and loyally adherent to the old ways. In contrast, women writers more often have perceived southern history as an unfocused, unproductive clinging to a social order continually crumbling away, which prevented anyone from prospering—intellectually, spiritually, and often materially. For many white southern women writers, the conflict between old and new has been double-edged. The Civil War set in motion a drawn out, often uncomfortable process of remaking personal as well as regional identity, which demanded setting aside the old assumptions and treading on unfamiliar territory; but in addition—what might be the real crux of the tragedy for white women—this meant a continual fight against masculine cultural nostalgia if women and, ultimately, the South were to forge a viable new sense of self. While affluent white women, too, regretted the loss of their familiar ways of life, finally they could afford to be more forward-looking and optimistic about putting aside the vestiges of the old order than could the men, who felt themselves to have had much more at stake in the plantation system and hence much more to lose with its final demise. Caroline Gordon embraced the opportunity offered by modernism to grapple with remaking white southern feminine identity in the context of values and beliefs inherited from the Old South, along the way confronting the blockade to that effort thrown up by intense masculine [End Page 63] nostalgia for the Old Order. Gordon perhaps is...

This article examines the loss of whiteness in Mohsin Hamid’s The Last White Man (2022), in which the white population of an unspecified Euro-American nation turns non-white. It situates the novel in a tradition of speculative political and cultural discourse that invokes the loss of whiteness to explore demographic change. The Last White Man is a science-fiction enaction of contemporary white supremacist dystopian rhetoric known as the Great Replacement conspiracy theory. White supremacists’ “melancholic” fears of “macrodemographic” changes (Feola, 2021) — that white populations will be outnumbered and oppressed by non-white groups — are accelerated in the novel’s macrodermal changes, in which racial transformation is figured as a pandemic affecting only skin colour. The article reads The Last White Man as a critical whiteness text that employs white racial transformation to reveal whiteness as a constructed identity and challenge white supremacy. Hamid depicts a melancholic relationship with whiteness that at first refuses to abandon white supremacy and clings to nostalgia for white purity, before accepting demographic and individual change. His exclusive focus on white characters scrutinizes melancholic whiteness and provokes his largely white readership to imagine undertaking the process of letting go of whiteness. In overcoming white melancholy, Hamid resists reemergent dystopian white supremacist narratives regarding demographic change. In doing so, his outwardly dystopian novel becomes tentatively utopian, ending with a raceless society. Rather than offering a manual for tackling white supremacist politics today, Hamid’s experiment with genre prioritizes the affective life of white supremacy, imagining new structures of feeling beyond racial hierarchies.

Book Review| January 11 2021 Review: Talking White Trash: Mediated Representations and Lived Experiences of White Working-class People, by Dunn, Tasha R. Dunn, Tasha R.Talking White Trash: Mediated Representations and Lived Experiences of White Working-class People. New York: Routledge, 2019. 170 pp. $107.38 (hardback, ISBN 978-1138486348), $44.95 (paperback, ISBN 978-1138486355) Antonio Spikes Antonio Spikes Davidson University Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Journal of Autoethnography (2021) 2 (1): 140–142. https://doi.org/10.1525/joae.2021.2.1.140 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Antonio Spikes; Review: Talking White Trash: Mediated Representations and Lived Experiences of White Working-class People, by Dunn, Tasha R.. Journal of Autoethnography 11 January 2021; 2 (1): 140–142. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/joae.2021.2.1.140 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentJournal of Autoethnography Search Talking White Trash: Mediated Representations and Lived Experiences of White Working-Class People discusses issues of class and race when it comes to the White working-class. As someone who is interested in research in intercultural communication that deals with the intersections of race, class, and gender as well as the deconstruction of mediated representations, I found this book informative, fascinating, and bold in its language and focus. Many of us have dealt with the consequences of the 2016 U.S. election in our own ways. For some of us living in the United States, we have turned to a more concentrated effort to critique issues of neoliberalism as well as Whiteness. This has occurred because of the national attention to the seemingly universal support of Trump provided by those who identify as the White working class. Though this book holds some answers for this demographic’s support of Trump, understanding this is not... You do not currently have access to this content.

Historical studies of the role of white women in South Africa are few. Leave aside the biographical and the anecdotal and what remains is an extremely limited literature. 1 The incipient 'women's history' has revealed important glimpses of the changing lives of African women and their political organization but may be, perhaps understandably, reluctant to grapple with the contribution of white women to the consolidation of 'white supremacy' in South Africa. These women are conspicuously privileged by conventional material standards. Nevertheless, white women are largely absent from South African political platforms, a lower proportion of European women undertake paid employment than is the case in Britain, for example, and housework is often consigned to paid black domestic labour. White women in South Africa make a restricted contribution to the economy and perform a peculiarly nebulous role in political life, and even in the home, except as the socially-accomplished icons of a patriarchal, as well as racist and colonialist, social order. We would stress that white women have 'acted' as well as being 'acted on', but the distinctive geometry of race and class in South Africa and the cultural impact of patriarchal, colonialist ideology have fashioned the parameters of their action to a large degree. Perhaps most crucially, the imperatives of white racism offered white women some mitigation of their oppression as women. Between 1901 and 1910, over four thousand single women left Britain for South Africa by assisted and 'protected' emigration through the medium of the major

Following 2020, which has been called “the Year of Karen,” 2021 saw several highly anticipated, book-length indictments of white womanhood. Among them was sociologist Jessie Daniels's Nice White Ladies: The Truth about White Supremacy, Our Role in It, and How We Can Help Dismantle It. There, Daniels weaves stories from her life as a white queer woman and academic with multi-disciplinary research and current events to sketch white women's unique complicity in white supremacy in the United States. Some of her harshest critiques are pointed at progressive white women, who—being “nice white ladies”—are quick to exonerate themselves from responsibility for any number of intersecting structures of oppression. In turn, Daniels calls white women readers to interrogate their own lives and do better, especially through the hard work of sustained collective action.

Contrary to its popular use to refer to racially violent extremism, white supremacy in the tradition of critical race studies describes the normalized ideologies, structures, and conventions through which whiteness is constructed as biologically, intellectually, culturally, and morally superior. This socially constituted racial hierarchy was developed through European colonialism to justify the acts of genocide and slavery that extracted resources from “non-white” lands and bodies to enrich “white” elites. Despite prevailing myths that colonialism and racism are artifacts of the past, the cultural hegemony of white power and privilege remain enduring pillars of contemporary business and society. White supremacy inextricably shapes business practices. Indeed, our current practices of business administration and management are themselves modeled on slavery—the possession, extraction, and control of human “resources.” White supremacist ideologies and structures can also be found in the highly romanticized discourses of leadership that continue to rely on imperialist myths that white people are more fit to govern. They likewise surface in entrepreneurship and innovation where white people are overwhelmingly cast in the glorified roles of geniuses and pioneers. Even diversity management, which purports to nurture inclusive organizations, ironically reinforces white supremacy, treating workers of color as commodities to exploit. Within liberal logics of multicultural tolerance, workers of color are often tokenistically hired, expected to assimilate to white structures and cultures, and used as alibis against racism. White supremacy is an integral (and often invisible) dimension of work, organizations, society, and everyday life. Challenging white supremacy requires that we engage in frank, honest conversations about race and racism, and the brutal legacy of European colonialism that maintains these constructs and practices. The path ahead requires the relinquishment of beliefs that race is an immutable, primordial essence and recognize it instead as a socially constructed and politically contested identification that has been used for white gain. Two ways that white supremacy may be dismantled in our cultures include redoing whiteness and abolishing whiteness. Redoing whiteness requires collectively understanding the mundane cultural practices of whiteness and choosing to do otherwise. Abolishing whiteness calls for a more absolute rejection of whiteness and what it has come to represent in various cultures. Antiracist resistance demands people of all racial identifications to commit to thinking, doing, and being beyond the existing racial hierarchy.

OHQ vol. 120, no. 4 356 © 2019 Oregon Historical Society Note from the Editors THE PRIMARY GOAL of this issue is to help readers understand White supremacy — what it means, what it has meant, and how it has presented itself in Oregon history. White supremacy is not just the Klu Klux Klan donning robes or burning crosses, but it can be. It is not just an individual act of racial discrimination, although it can be that, too. White supremacy is a collective set of codes, spoken and unspoken, explicit and implied, that society enforces through its institutions, governments, and legal structures in order to keep those deemed as White on top and every other racial group below them — with specific emphasis, in the United States, on keeping Black people at the bottom. White supremacy is a system by which American society was initially, and continues to be, organized. Social organizing systems are imperceptible . They make a certain way of doing things seem fundamental, thereby normalizing that practice. Historical methodologies that trace change, continuities , turning points, and flash points are important tools that historians use to make sense of historical phenomena that otherwise are difficult to articulate. The authors of the articles and essays in this special issue make use of these methods to understand Oregon's history of White supremacy, its manifestation in everyday life, and the ways people have resisted it. This historical investigation was prompted by current events. On May 26, 2017, a White man verbally attacked two young women, one wearing a hijab, on the light-rail system in Portland, Oregon. Three men intervened, and the attacker killed Ricky Best and Taliesin Namkai-Meche, while severely injuring Micah Fletcher.1 Shortly thereafter, the Oregon Historical Quarterly's (OHQ) Editorial Advisory Board gathered for its semiannual meeting, where board member Dr. Carmen Thompson suggested that, as a scholarly publication housed in the state's historical society, OHQ could offer a complex, contextualized investigation of the history of White supremacy in our state. All agreed that the effort would be worthwhile. The ensuing work engaged dozens of scholars and community leaders and resulted from collaborative decision-making among the journal's editorial staff and guest editors, Thompson and Dr. Darrell Millner. Over a dozen authors drew on lifetimes by Carmen P. Thompson Thompson, Note from the Editors 357 of scholarship and spent over a year writing, revising, and responding to editorial suggestions, fact-checking questions, and layout drafts. This special issue is not neutral on the subject of White supremacy. It does not put blame onto readers who are labeled as "White," but it is meant as a call to self-reflection. Millner, in one of our editorial meetings, put it best when he said: "We are not responsible for the past, but we are responsible for our relationship to the past." We challenge all readers to look both inward and outward at the legacies and vestiges of what racial labeling has meant, and continues to mean, for people who are not White and for those who are. History, as revealed in this issue, demonstrates that White supremacy is subtle. It is historical, it is organic, and it is alive and well in the twenty-first century. In America, being White has long been the standard, the norm, the universal image and framework through which the nation's institutions have been conceptualized. Conversely, those who are not White know and sense that the perspectives of Whites are the standard. In the same way, someone with a disability knows that the world is designed around people with a certain ability, or women know that our society offers greater opportunity for people who are labeled as male, or someone who is not heterosexual knows that heterosexuality is assumed. It is the same way with White skin and supremacy in America. With this in mind, the editors and staff of this special issue of OHQ ask you, as you partake of this scholarship on Oregon's White supremacist history, to keep an open mind. 1. See Jim Ryan, "2 killed in stabbing on MAX train in Northeast Portland as man directs slurs at Muslim women, police say," Oregonian, May 26, 2017, updated...

In this essay, I reflect on and detail some of my experiences navigating the question of what it means for white scholars and white researchers to critically engage their own whiteness within the context of educational research. Considering my current academic role as a faculty member who works primarily with graduate students in educational leadership, students who include white people who are seeking to better understand racism and white supremacy, this reflective essay details my thoughts regarding white people who wish to use educational research to uncover, expose, and disrupt whiteness and white supremacy within schools and contexts that are school adjacent, such as education organizations and education non-profits. I walk the reader through various aspects of my own journey understanding my racialized self, how racism and white supremacy connect to Critical Whiteness Studies (CWS) as a field of inquiry, and ending with my considerations for white scholars.

Toward a Touchstone Theory of Anti-Racism: Sex Discrimination Law Meets #LivingWhileBlack

Mormonism and White Supremacy: American Religion and the Problem of Racial Innocence