Remedying Copyright for Indigenous Australians

Indigenous health in Australia—moves in the right direction

This paper focuses on a series of cookbooks published by Indigenous Australian groups. These cookbooks are typically produced with government funding, and are developed by nutritionists, dieticians, and health workers in consultation with local communities. They are designed to teach Indigenous Australians to cook healthy, nutritious, low-cost meals. In this paper, Fredericks and Anderson identify the value of these cookbooks as low-cost, public health interventions. However, they note that their value as health interventions has not been tested. Fredericks and Anderson question the value of these cookbooks within the broader context of the health disadvantage faced by Indigenous Australians. They argue that the cookbooks are developed from a Western perspective of health and nutrition that fails to recognise the value of traditional Indigenous foodways. They suggest that incorporating more Indigenous food knowledge and food-related traditions into cookbooks may be one way of improving health among Indigenous peoples and revitalising Indigenous knowledge.

Ageing research directions for Australia

To close health disparities between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians, the Australian government in 2010 reduced medication copayments for Indigenous Australians living with, or at risk of, a chronic disease. Patients were registered for this incentive by their general practitioner. To assess rates of hospitalizations for chronic conditions among Indigenous Australians before and after copayment reductions. Observational time-trend study of hospitalizations for chronic conditions sensitive to medication adherence.. Indigenous persons age 15 years and older in 16 urban, regional, and remote locations. The population ranged from 40,953 in 2009 to 42,651 in 2011. Hospitalizations for diabetes, asthma, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, hypertension, heart failure, and cardiovascular events. Approximately 22% of Indigenous persons registered for the medication copayment incentive in the first 18months of implementation. In areas with rates of incentive uptake exceeding 22%, the age-standardized rate of hospitalizations for chronic conditions among Indigenous Australians declined from 103.4/1000 (95 % CI 88.8/1000 to 118.0/1000) in 2009 to 60.0/1000 (95 % CI 49.3/1000 to 70.7/1000) in 2011. In areas with below-average uptake of the incentive, we observed non-significant reductions in age-standardized hospitalization rates (from 63.3/1000 [95 % CI 52.9/1000 to 73.7/1000] in 2009 to 58.0/1000 [95 % CI 48.5/1000 to 67.5/1000] in 2011). Among Indigenous Australians, the rate of admission for acute conditions (pneumonia, influenza, urinary tract infection, pyelonephritis, and dehydration) was 38.4/1000 (95 % CI 32.4/1000 to 44.3/1000) in 2009 and 36.2/1000 (95 % CI 30.4/1000 to 41.8/1000) in 2011. Among the non-Indigenous population, we found substantially lower rates of hospitalizations and modest declines from 2009 to 2011. Though we cannot make causal inferences from the results of this study, we observed marked declines in hospitalizations for chronic conditions among Indigenous Australians following targeted reductions in medication copayments for this population. These declines were largely limited to areas with higher uptake of the copayment incentive and were not observed for admissions related to acute conditions.

Ian Anderson: transforming Indigenous medicine and education

The Australian Government will set the direction for addressing road safety over the next decade with its 2021–2030 National Road Safety Strategy. This road map will detail objectives and goals agreed upon by all Australian states and territories. Similar to previous national strategies, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (Indigenous) Australians are a high priority population. Indigenous Australians are over‐represented in serious injury and fatal road crashes, with alcohol a leading factor. Therapeutic and educational programs are a major strategy among the suite of measures designed to reduce and prevent drink driving in Australia. The release of this new strategy provides a timely opportunity to reflect on what is known about drink driving among Indigenous Australians and to consider the suitability of existing therapeutic and educational drink driving programs for Indigenous Australian contexts. Here, we summarise factors that contribute to drink driving in this population and identify outstanding knowledge gaps. Then, we present an overview of drink driving programs available for Indigenous Australians along with suggestions for why tailored programs are needed to suit local contexts. The response to address drink driving among Indigenous Australians has been fragmented Australia‐wide. A coordinated national response, with ongoing monitoring and evaluation, would improve policy effectiveness and inform more efficient allocation of resources. Together this information can help create suitable and effective drink driving programs for Indigenous drivers and communities Australia‐wide.

Sorry Business

Limited information exists about the prevalence of psychiatric illness for Indigenous Australians. This study examines the prevalence of diagnosed psychiatric disorders in Indigenous Australians and compares this to non-Indigenous Australians. The aims were to: (1) determine prevalence rates for psychiatric diagnoses for Indigenous Australians admitted to hospital; and (2) examine whether the profile of psychiatric diagnoses for Indigenous Australians was different compared with non-Indigenous Australians. A birth cohort design was adopted, with the population consisting of 45 141 individuals born in the Australian State of Queensland in 1990 (6.3% Indigenous). Linked administrative data from Queensland Health hospital admissions were used to identify psychiatric diagnoses from age 4/5 to 23/24 years. Crude lifetime prevalence rates of psychiatric diagnoses for Indigenous and non-Indigenous individuals were derived from the hospital admissions data. The cumulative incidence of psychiatric diagnoses was modelled separately for Indigenous and non-Indigenous individuals. Logistic regression was used to model differences between Indigenous and non-Indigenous psychiatric presentations while controlling for sociodemographic characteristics. There were 2783 (6.2%) individuals in the cohort with a diagnosed psychiatric disorder from a hospital admission. The prevalence of any psychiatric diagnosis at age 23/24 years was 17.2% (491) for Indigenous Australians compared with 5.4% (2292) for non-Indigenous Australians. Indigenous individuals were diagnosed earlier, with overrepresentation in psychiatric illness becoming more pronounced with age. Indigenous individuals were overrepresented in almost all categories of psychiatric disorder and this was most pronounced for substance use disorders (SUDs) (12.2 v. 2.6% of Indigenous and non-Indigenous individuals, respectively). Differences between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians in the likelihood of psychiatric disorders were not statistically significant after controlling for sociodemographic characteristics, except for SUDs. There is significant inequality in psychiatric morbidity between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians across most forms of psychiatric illness that is evident from an early age and becomes more pronounced with age. SUDs are particularly prevalent, highlighting the importance of appropriate interventions to prevent and address these problems. Inequalities in mental health may be driven by socioeconomic disadvantage experienced by Indigenous individuals.

This research is based on the government's efforts to improve harmony between Indonesian communities through religious moderation. So, this research was conducted to identify the challenges and opportunities faced in implementing religious moderation through learning natural sciences and social studies in elementary schools. Elementary schools play a strategic role in fostering moderate character through the integration of tolerant values, especially in the natural sciences and social sciences learning curriculum. The preparation of this article uses a literature review. The results of the study show that learning natural and social sciences has an important role and is a forum in forming a moderate generation. The natural sciences develop critical and objective thinking to prevent fanaticism, while the social sciences teach social diversity and how to coexist with a pluralistic society. However, this is accompanied by challenges such as teachers' lack of understanding of religious moderation. In conclusion, religious moderation is important for Indonesian people to live in harmony, this can be realized through teaching from elementary school through collaborative learning in natural sciences and social sciences learning. Meanwhile, training with nuances of religious moderation for teachers is an option to add insight in carrying out learning practices with students.

Marlene Kong: one of Australia's few Indigenous doctors

Left atrial, pulmonary vein, and left atrial appendage anatomy in Indigenous individuals: Implications for atrial fibrillation.

The integration of natural and social sciences has been recognized as a key aspect of Earth System (E.S.) research, a cross-disciplinary field involving the study of the geosphere, the biosphere, and society (IGBP, 2006; Leemans et al., 2009; Pfeiffer, 2008; Reid et al., 2010; Young, 2008). Because of societal and political correlates between environmental change and socio-economic development, the study of the Earth System has been increasingly ascribed social and political dimensions emphasizing the need for greater collaboration between the social and natural sciences (Beven, 2011; Kates et al., 2001; Leemans et al., 2009; Reid et al., 2010; Saloranta, 2001; Shackley et al., 1998). The problem of inter-disciplinary articulation between the social and natural sciences is not specific to E.S. research, and its challenges can be traced back to the very origins of the notions of science and social science (e.g. Comte, 1830-1842; de Alvarenga et al., 2011; Latour, 2000, 2004). To a degree, these challenges could be explained in terms of the increasing gulf between two cultures – those of the sciences and the humanities – as suggested by C.P. Snow (1905-1980) in an instigating essay (Snow, 1990 [1959]), due to the high specialization in science and education, and, not less important, to a “tendency to let our social forms to crystallise” (Snow, 1990: 172). More to the point, the increasing importance attributed to the problem has motivated a growing number of analyses concerning the high level of specialization and fragmentation of science and university education (e.g. de Alvarenga et al., 2011; Moraes, 2005; Snow, 1990), but also the societal and political questions concerning research agendas (e.g. Alves, 2008; Kates et al., 2001; Latour, 2000, 2004; Schor, 2008), the disparities between developed and developing countries not just in affluence level, but also in research capacity (Kates et al, 2001; Pfeiffer, 2008; Schor, 2008), and, finally, from a more methodological point of view, the multiplicity of theoreticomethodological perspectives admitted by the social sciences (e.g. de Alvarenga et al., 2011; Floriani et al, 2011; Giddens, 2001; Leis, 2011; Moraes, 2005; Oliveira Filho, 1976; Raynaut & Zanoni, 2011; Weffort, 2006). Yet, in the E.S. field the problem of bringing together social and natural sciences has been a permanent and still unresolved challenge (Alves et al., 2007; Alves, 2008; Geoghegan et al.,

Background. Literature indicates that in academic writing, authors are expected to demonstrate a noticeable stance so that they can make their meaning clear. Therefore, differences between native and non-native writers along with cross-disciplinary academic writing assume great significance. Purpose. The interactional, dialogic, and reflective nature of academic writing requires writers to utilize stance-establishing tools in their writing, the most prominent ones being stance nouns. In addition, the that-clause construction plays a vital role in conveying the author’s stance. Studies that compare L1 Turkish writers of English and L1 English writers regarding academic writing are rather scarce. As such, the present paper aims to analyze L1 Turkish writers of English and L1 English writers in eight disciplines from natural and social sciences in terms of the use of stance nouns in that-clause constructions. Methods. The study employs Jiang and Hyland's (2016) functional classification model in exploring the nominal stance in cross-disciplinary writing of L1 Turkish writers of English and L1 English writers. To this end, journals with high impact in eight disciplines from social and natural sciences were scanned and a total of 320 articles were included in the corpus. The social sciences included in the present study cover applied linguistics, history, psychology, and sociology while the natural sciences cover medicine, engineering, astronomy, and biology. In total, a corpus of 2.232.164 words was formed. Results and Implications. The study found significant differences not only in terms of natural and social sciences but also in terms of L1/L2 distinction. In addition, a secondary purpose of the study was to see whether writers in social and natural sciences differed in terms of empiricist and interpretive rationality. The results indicated that writers in social sciences tended to use more status and cognition nouns, indicating that they tend to be more interpretive. With significant differences between Turkish and English writers from a cross-disciplinary perspective, the present study offers important insights into how writers weave their stance in academic writing. Moreover, the present study also confirmed that writers in social sciences, whether L1 or L2, tend to use more stance nouns compared with writers in natural sciences.

Editorial

Arien Mack Editor’s Introduction WHEN I FIRST BEGAN TO DISCUSS THE THEME OF “ERRORS” WITH MY coeditor for this special issue, Gerald Holton, the question arose as to whether the kinds of “fruitful” mistakes that occur in the natural sciences also occur in the social sciences. While the degree of resem­ blance between the natural and social sciences has long been the subject of discussion within the social sciences themselves, I do not think the question has been much discussed in these particular terms. Since this issue ofSocialResearch attests to the presence of fruitful errors in the natural sciences, we invited several distinguished social scien­ tists to address the question of whether such errors occur in the social sciences. Many of the social scientists from whom I initially requested advice pointed out that, unlike physical laws in the natural sciences, “laws” in the social sciences—if there are any—are often contin­ gent and change as the social and cultural contexts change. In addi­ tion, two of the respondents pointed out, I think correctly, that the prim ary problem in the social sciences is not so much the validity of the claims of social scientists, which may or not be correct, but rather the consequences of those claims for social policies. An obvi­ ous instance of this was Cyril Burt’s claim about genetic differences in intelligence, which led to discriminatory immigration rules and other bad social policy. Fortunately for us at Sodal Research despite the general consen­ sus that “fruitful” errors were not characteristic of the social sciences, several distinguished social scientists agreed to explore the question of social research Vol 72 : No 1: Spring 2005 xl errors in the social sciences and have written interestingly about it for this issue. These articles stand as illuminating complements to the arti­ cles by historians of the natural sciences that also appear, and clarify one more dimension on which the social and natural sciences differ. Arien Mack xii social research ...