Religion and Politics in Iberia

<i>Sacred Sounds, Secular Spaces: Transforming Catholicism through the Music of Third-Republic Paris</i>, by Jennifer Walker

Religious individuals and communities have been at the heart of civil society and played a crucial role in the social and historical sphere of twentieth-century Korea. In particular, the Catholic Church in Korea had been widely credited for its dedication to justice for the weak and to democracy. However, it is undeniable that the Catholic Church in South Korea has lost its social influence. Indeed, over the past decade there has been a significant drop in the number of Catholics and the Church, once a pillar of civil society, has continuously lost its social position. While there are various possible explanations for this circumstance, a satisfactory one can be found in its recent past history. During the 1970s and 1980s the Church was the symbol of social and political resistance, and there was a lay leader and activist, who played a significant background role. Admittedly, Jang Ilsoon (1924-1994) is a little-known figure and thinker within Christian communities in contemporary Korea, but his teachings are far more influential among non-believers than Catholics regardless of their faith and political stance. The rationale is that he has been known to be a social activist or thinker rather than a Catholic lay leader. This is the first study to identify him as a Catholic activist and religious thinker. It aims to make an original contribution to growing interest in him and his ideological contributions to modern Korean. To scrutinise his socio-religious thought and life, this study grapples with his biographical facts and ideas, focusing on his interaction with the Catholic Church in twentieth-century Korea. As an introduction to his religious thought, this study focuses its religious background to explain how his thinking is shaped by three distinct religious ideas: Donghak, Seon Buddhism and Catholic teachings, and examines the influence of these religious ideas to grasp his thought and to understand his socio-political action. This study also discusses the way in which his religious idea can contribute to the recent pastoral realities of the Church.

Introduction to the Special Issue <i>Catholicism and Gender in Modern Spain</i>^†

In 1797 Robert Southey published a richly detailed account of his journey in Spain and Portugal between December 1795 and May 1796, from his arrival in Coruna in the northwest of the Spanish coast to the heart of Castile and into Madrid, before making his way to Lisbon. Structured as a series of letters written as he travelled across the Iberian Peninsula, Letters Written During a Short Residence in Spain and Portugal engages with the tradition of English travelogues, while borrowing traits from other genres such as the journal, translation, literary criticism, history, and the picturesque guidebook. On his way, Southey comments on every aspect of Spanish and Portuguese society, from local food and wine, bizarre customs, literature and theatregoing, to Iberian politics and religion. In his letters Southey, who would grow to become one of the leading Hispanists in late Georgian England, contrasts the political, religious, cultural and social systems of Britain and two of the oldest nations in the European continent in a way that raises important questions about cultural contact and transmission during the Romantic period. This edition critically reassesses Letters Written During a Short Residence in Spain and Portugal by looking at Southey's deeply ambiguous cultural cosmopolitanism and his life-long investment in all things Spanish and Portuguese.

The aim of our work is the thematization, from a predominantly historical point of view, of an issue that has gone through the history of the church from the beginning of the modern era until the beginning of the twentieth century. Specifically, it deals with the problem concerning the numerous and systematic interference of European temporal sovereigns, in particular the kings of Spain, France and Austria (Holy Roman Empire), towards the regular conduct of the papal election during the conclave. These interferences, illegal but accepted by ecclesiastical superiors, were exercised through the use of ius exclusivae or a veto right enjoyed for centuries by the rulers of the aforementioned European Catholic States. This right was made to be used against an unwelcome participant in the conclave to make it ineligible. We will go through the history related to the exercise of this ambiguous juridical instrument, a history that inevitably intertwines with the political events of the European continent, also focusing on the numerous attempts of the Church to oppose it.

Holy Cross College, Woollahra, was established in the newly formed parish of Holy Cross by Cardinal Moran and the Parramatta Sisters of Mercy in 1908 as a select high school for middle class Catholic girls in the northern section of the Eastern Suburbs of Sydney. Moran made it clear, and it was obvious that the sisters agreed, that the primary purpose of the College was the imparting of the Catholic Faith integrated with a suitable middle class education equal to, but preferably excelling, that provided by the secular state schools. This thesis is informed by two questions: Why did Holy Cross College close in 2001? Did the College achieve the objectives of the founding pioneers of the school, including Cardinal Moran? This strongly contextualised thesis demonstrates that for almost a century Holy Cross College was a microcosm of a complex world, one which was influenced by many factors, at local, state, federal and international levels. These factors, in the early days, included the rapid response of Catholic educators to Peter Board's 'New Syllabus', the first wave women's movement; and the dubious rationalising argument of Cardinal Moran to extract aid for Catholic schools from the state, which remains an ongoing problem for Catholic education in Australia. While the College in the 1920s was enjoying a growing reputation for highly successful music and academic tuition, it was challenged, through to the 1950s, by such factors as: Pope Pius XI's call to Catholic Action as interpreted for the Archdiocese of Sydney by Archbishop Kelly; participation in the various public displays of Catholic faith; the rigours of the Great Depression; and the dangers of being in an especially vulnerable location during World War Two. The community of the College which inhabited this complex 'mini' world was strongly bonded by common goals and values for the first fifty years of the school's existence.;This was a community which aspired to the fullest possible development of the spiritual, intellectual, cultural and physical attributes of girls through a Catholic education inspired by the Mercy Vision, but always constrained by the reality of finances, staffing, physical resources, and imposed authority. The somewhat idyllic existence of the College with its relatively small numbers and homely atmosphere was disrupted in the 1960s when Holy Cross was selected by the Sydney archdiocesan educational authorities to be a regional school. This study reveals the increasing complexity of the various levels at which authority was exerted over Holy Cross College as a regional school. Regionalisation was a central element in the Sydney Archdiocese's wide ranging plan to cope with the enormous strains on the Catholic educational system caused by such post-war challenges as the influx of Catholic migrants and the implementation of the Wyndham comprehensive secondary education scheme. There followed the success of the state aid campaigns and the challenges of Vatican II Council, movements which impacted upon the personal and communal lives of the women religious who staffed the College, as well as their students. Also impacting upon the College was the cultural revolution and the second wave women's movement of the 1960s and 1970s. Throughout this study the geographical setting of the school in Sydney's Eastern Suburbs and the region's socio-economic characteristics are explored and emerge as significant factors in both the creation and maintenance of a unique school culture and the decline of Holy Cross College in the 1990s. Finally this decline is mapped in terms of the erosion of the College's unique identity, which was forged by religious, cultural, geographical, political and pedagogical forces, and eroded by a complex of factors including demography, centralised authority, class, and international economic downturns.;It is concluded that the founding sisters and Moran would have mixed and nuanced responses to the question: Did the College achieve the objectives of the founding pioneers?

Liberalism and Married Women’s Property Rights in Nineteenth-Century Latin America

Rewriting History from the Shore:A Spanish Dominican Nun's Encounter with Japan During the First Half of the Twentieth Century Timothy P. Gaster (bio) Introduction There are relatively few texts dealing with Japan written by women during the first half the twentieth century, and most of the ones that do exist were authored by English-speaking women.1 As Gayle Nunley in her study of Spanish travel narratives points out, owing to the persistence of cultural attitudes and the fact that travelogues often narrate "work-related journeys," international travel and the texts generated from these travels were predominately male endeavors.2 Yet there was one career for women in Spain that provided the opportunity for travel: that of missionary. Dominican Spanish nun Sor María Rosa Miranda was one such missionary who wrote travelogues, and her A través del Japón [Across Japan] (1942) is the focus of this study.3 Paying attention to the historical context within which the text was written, I show that A través del Japón exhibits a multiple discourse on the Orient. Sor Miranda's text reflects the hegemonic discourses prevalent at that time (orientalism, fascism, etc.), but at the same time, it presents the reader with an alternative narrative: one that emphasizes the story of women and that challenges those very same hegemonic discourses. The first part of this essay points out where Sor Miranda's text manifests oriental-ist precepts. The second part outlines some of the fundamental aspects of Span ish conservative ideologies, the fascist interest in Japan in the first half of the twentieth century, and the presence of a fascist discourse on Japan [End Page 42] in Sor Miranda's text. The third part highlights the themes and writing techniques Sor Miranda employs to create an alternative narrative. The final part of this essay elucidates how Sor Miranda uses Japanese myth and legends to establish an alternative version of history and an alternative idea of education for women that works to counteract (male) tradition. However, before I examine the orientalist aspect of Sor Miranda's work, it will be helpful to detail some aspects of Sor Miranda's life and to flesh out the historical context in which she wrote her text. In the introduction to A través del Japón, Sor Miranda states that she lived in Japan for five years and spoke Japanese (10). Unfortunately, there is not much information about her life aside from this. From one other source we do know she was born in Oviedo, Spain, in 1910.4 We also know she traveled to Japan before she was twenty. After five years in Japan she spent four years in the Philippines and then returned to Spain by "superior mandate" immediately preceding the start of the Spanish Civil War.5 Owing to the persecution of the church by the communists and anarchists at the outset of the war, Sor Miranda was forced to flee to France and, later, Italy.6 From this information it can be deduced that she was seventeen in 1927 when she went to Japan. And similar to the famous Mexican colonial-period writer Sor Juana, one source states that Sor Miranda at a young age showed a desire for learning but was denied entry into the School for Women Teachers (Escuela Normal de Maestras). Not taking no for an answer, she educated herself and found another way to become a teacher.7 She traveled to Japan and worked with children in schools, probably in the kindergartens that were set up by the Dominicans.8 It seems that her place of residence and work would have been at a mission either in the rural and poor zones of the island of Shikoku (probably in Matsuyama), in Tokushima, or in the few areas of Tokyo where there were Spanish Catholic churches and schools. Early twentieth-century Spain was marked by ideological struggles and debates that resulted in long years of dictatorship grounded in conservative ideologies, starting with Manuel Primo de Rivera's rule from 1923 to 1930.10 Furthermore, the ubiquitous presence of the Catholic Church in Spanish society should be taken into account. Primo de Rivera's...

“It's the Union Man That Holds the Winning Hand”:

Historical Atlas of Central Europe

The Garden Atonement and the Mormon Cross Taboo

Roman Catholic Church involvement can be seen in all aspects of human activity. It shows how visible the Church gets involved in religious, social, political, cultural, and educational development. This qualitative-historical research was focused on determining how the Roman Catholic Churches in the six (6) Municipalities of the district came into existence. The research was backed up by interviews and observation and analysis of existing related documents. Results of the study showed that most of the oldest Roman Catholic Churches in the Fifth District of Camarines Sur were built in 1578; made of nipa and bamboo and that all of these Churches were destroyed by fire which resulted to the construction of concrete Churches which have already been improved in the present time. The Roman Catholic Churches in the Fifth District of Camarines Sur which were built during the Spanish period contributed much to the development of the district in terms of Cultural, Social, and political aspects. As a result, a reference material in teaching local History was made to address the dearth of instructional materials in teaching history from grade school to graduate education.

Orthodox Christians in Poland have faced numerous attempts to be forced into union with the Roman Catholic Church, ranging from the thirteenth to the twentieth century. The first attempt at a union between the Roman Catholic Church and the Orthodox Church took place as early as the mid-thirteenth century. Another attempt at forcing the Orthodox Church into union with Rome took place during the reign of Ladislaŭ II Yagiello. The problem of church union returned in the reign of Alexander the Yagiellonian. When Ivan III rejected all projects for bringing the Florence such a union into practice, discussion on church union disappeared until the end of the sixteenth century. The mission of the papal legate, Father Antonio Possevino, to Ivan IV, had been intended to draw Moscow into the union, and its failure caused the papacy to concentrate its efforts on the Orthodox Church in Poland. The Ruthenian bishops’ obedience to the Pope was officially announced on the 8 October 1596. The decisions of the Uniate-Catholic synod were met with numerous protests from the Orthodox clergy and nobility. The larger part of the clergy and the faithful, together with bishops remained in the Orthodox camp. Despite the failure of the Brest Synod in fully uniting Orthodox and Roman churches, new union projects concerning the Orthodox Church in Poland continued to arise prior to the end of 18th century. The Vatican’s interest in the Orthodox Church in Central Europe was renewed at the end of the First World War. On April 1st, 1917, the Pope created the Congregation for the Oriental Churches which was responsibile for all issues relating to the activities of all the Eastern denominations. Despite aims at unification, attempts at church union have had a negative influence on the relations between the Roman Catholic and Polish Orthodox Church in contemporary Poland. The result of centuries of attempts at unification under the Pope has been fragmentation and division.

Orthodox Christians in Poland have faced numerous attempts to be forced into union with the Roman Catholic Church, ranging from the thirteenth to the twentieth century. The first attempt at a union between the Roman Catholic Church and the Orthodox Church took place as early as the mid-thirteenth century. Another attempt at forcing the Orthodox Church into union with Rome took place during the reign of Ladislaŭ II Yagiello. The problem of church union returned in the reign of Alexander the Yagiellonian. When Ivan III rejected all projects for bringing the Florence such a union into practice, discussion on church union disappeared until the end of the sixteenth century. The mission of the papal legate, Father Antonio Possevino, to Ivan IV, had been intended to draw Moscow into the union, and its failure caused the papacy to concentrate its efforts on the Orthodox Church in Poland. The Ruthenian bishops’ obedience to the Pope was officially announced on the 8 October 1596. The decisions of the Uniate-Catholic synod were met with numerous protests from the Orthodox clergy and nobility. The larger part of the clergy and the faithful, together with bishops remained in the Orthodox camp. Despite the failure of the Brest Synod in fully uniting Orthodox and Roman churches, new union projects concerning the Orthodox Church in Poland continued to arise prior to the end of 18th century. The Vatican’s interest in the Orthodox Church in Central Europe was renewed at the end of the First World War. On April 1st, 1917, the Pope created the Congregation for the Oriental Churches which was responsibile for all issues relating to the activities of all the Eastern denominations. Despite aims at unification, attempts at church union have had a negative influence on the relations between the Roman Catholic and Polish Orthodox Church in contemporary Poland. The result of centuries of attempts at unification under the Pope has been fragmentation and division.

This chapter analyzes the Spanish gay marriage campaign to suggest how its moral framing enabled the legalization of gay marriage with relatively little backlash and considerable support for the expansion of LGBTQ equality. The chapter begins with a historical overview of the rise of the Spanish gay rights movement in the mid-1970s. This timeframe coincided with the end of the Franco dictatorship and the advent of a new democratic regime. It continues with a broad analysis of the framing of the gay marriage campaign begun in the late 1990s. At the heart of the campaign were moral themes such as redemption for past offenses against the gay community and the extension of full citizenship to gay and lesbian couples. The chapter concludes with a discussion of how the moral framing of the campaign helped to blunt the backlash from the Catholic Church and bolster policies intended to expand equality for the LGBTQ community. Among other things, the moral framing generated a robust debate about homosexuality in Spanish society. It served as an effective counter-framing to the activism against gay marriage by the Spanish Catholic Church.