Reinterpreting the Levirate Injunction in Deuteronomy 25:5-10 and the Realities of Widowhood in Amike Aba, Ebonyi State

Democracy which is conceived as a system that gives periodic opportunities for the masses to choose their leaders has a lot to do with the rights of citizens in the society. It guarantees individual’s right of existence and promotes total participation of people in governance, while ensuring equality to all people. The debates about the role of human rights in the promotion of democracy and democratic practices, is in consonance with the degree to which there should be massive participation in the election/electoral practices in Nigeria. Therefore the extent to which human rights play positive or negative roles in Nigerian democratization process depends on the existing institutions in discouraging electoral irregularities such as violence, thuggery and in encouraging or facilitating mass participation which aims at ensuring transparency, free, fair and credible elections. This paper adopts relative depravation as a theoretical framework to argue that Nigeria’s democratic practices have no respect to human rights but a promotion of electoral violence, thuggery, snatching of ballot boxes and killing of people. The materials for his paper were sourced from secondary data. The paper concluded that weak institutions entrenched in Nigeria’s democracy promotes electoral violence, the spate of which led to human rights abuse in Ebonyi State. Hence the paper recommended that the institutions that allow for the practice of democracy should be judicially reviewed to discourage politicians from perpetuating electoral violence.

Gender Mainstreaming and Development: A Comparative Analysis of Widowhood Rights Among the Urhobos and Gbagyi People of Nigeria

Many cultures, in Nigeria today, are emerging from very traditional arcane cultural practices and are embracing more egalitarian and emancipatory values, especially for women. One of the cultural practices that have come under intense scrutiny in the treatment of women and the girl-child is the practice of Female Genital Mutilation or Cutting (FGM/C). It is one of the widely and deep-rooted cultural practices in Nigeria, especially in Ebonyi State. The aim of this paper is to examine the morality of female genital mutilation and its effect on the stability of marriages in Ebonyi state. The questions become, what is female genital mutilation? Is the practice morally justified and acceptable? Does it abuse the fundamental right of the woman? How does it affect the stability of marriages? These questions and many of its kinds surround the cultural practices of Female Genital Mutilation. This work is a contribution to the body of qualitative research, which explores the morality and effect of female genital mutilation on the stability of marriages, in Ebonyi state. The researchers contend that female genital mutilation (FGM) has a negative impact on the sexual life for women and therefore impacts negatively on their marriage. Using the moral prism and spectacles of virtue ethics and human right theories to examine the cultural practice of FGM, it therefore concludes that it should be discouraged because it violates women’s rights to life, physical integrity, good health and social flourishing.

This study explores the relationship between Cicero’s ideas included in De Officiis and De Legibus, and the modern human rights ideals, focusing on the extent to which the ideas of Cicero conform with those of modern human rights. It analyzes the similarity between these two ideas in the aspects of property rights, punishment, relationship with others; additionally, this research examines how Cicero’s ideas violate the modern human rights in the aspects of slavery and cosmopolitanism. The study clearly reveals the relationship between Cicero’s ideas, Stoicism, and modern human rights, reminding researchers to develop a more comprehensive view on the history of human rights.

This article indicates that there are various rights, or privileges, of the Crown (so - called ‘Crown prerogatives’) which still exist under English law and which are at variance with modern society and human rights. Indeed, one would assert the Crown prerogative is the biggest impediment in English based legal systems to an extension of human rights at present, since it is so ample in scope and yet so indeterminate in nature.This article argues that martial law - that is, the right of the Crown to apply military law to civilians (which often resulted in their summary trial and execution in past rebellions) - should be abolished. It is unnecessary and contrary to modern human rights. Also abolished should be the right of the Crown to billet members of the armed forces on the public - now governed by legislation. Finally, the Crown prerogative to forcibly conscript able-bodied male subjects into the army and navy should be abolished. It was replaced by legislation during World War I and II since it was thought to be too uncertain, legally.In conclusion, if these Crown prerogatives were abolished throughout the Commonwealth it would remove much old law and help human rights. It would also allow legislation enacted by Parliament to cover the field, as and when required in the case of martial law.

The subject of this book is the moral assessment of the system of international legal human rights. This legal system is the heart, or core of modern human rights practice. International legal human rights—not some philosopher’s theory of moral human rights nor a “folk” conception of human rights—provide the moral lingua franca of modern human rights practice. The practical effect of international legal human rights exceeds their legal reach: Various actors are sometimes able to hold states accountable for violations of international legal human rights even in the absence of clear legal duties on the part of the states in question. Given the pivotal role of international legal human rights in modern human rights practice, a moral assessment of the practice must begin with a moral assessment of the system of international legal human rights. The key question is whether it is morally justifiable to have a system of this sort, given the functions it is designed to serve and the claims of authority made on its behalf.

This article aims to examine why Jerusalem, which has maintained its importance as a religious, cultural and political center throughout history, has become a global issue today, from a historical perspective and in the context of peace experiences. Since ancient times, this city, which is considered sacred by the three major Abrahamic religions Judaism, Christianity and Islam, has changed hands many times throughout history and has always been at the center of religious, political, and sociocultural dynamics. Within this context, particular attention is given to the peace document known as the “Jerusalem covenant (amannama/the Assurance of Safety)”, declared by Caliph Umar following his conquest of Jerusalem in 638. This document is regarded as a significant source that deserves close examination, both historically and in terms of its relevance today. The central question of the study is how Caliph Umar’s Jerusalem covenant, which adopted an approach aimed at protecting a multi-religious and multicultural structure, might contribute to global peace in today’s complex conflict environment. Jerusalem is not merely a geopolitical zone; it is also a multidimensional space situated at the intersection of religious affiliations, identity struggles, and international politics. Therefore, the governance approaches and peace practices developed here are not only historical examples but also hold potential as models that can shed light on current issues. In this research, al-Tabarī's 11-volume work titled Tārīhu al-Tabarī (Tārīhu al-Rusul wa'l-mulūk) was analysed by using the literature review method. In addition, other sources of hadith and history have been utilized to contribute to our research. Within this framework, the article adopts a qualitative research approach, using historical document analysis and literature review techniques. The Jerusalem covenant of Caliph Umar has been analyzed within the socio-political context of the period and his conception of conquest. The document has also been comparatively analyzed alongside modern human rights norms, principles of multiculturalism, and contemporary international legal instruments. Furthermore, Jerusalem’s current political situation, religious tensions in the city, the approaches of international actors toward Jerusalem, and processes of urban transformation have also been considered within the scope of this analysis. The analysis concludes that Caliph Umar’s Jerusalem covenant demonstrated a remarkably advanced vision of tolerance and peace for its time. The assurance guaranteed fundamental rights to Christian and Jewish communities living in the city, such as freedom of worship, personal and property security, and the right to own property. It explicitly prohibited forced conversions or restrictions on religious practices. In this regard, the document is not merely a conquest agreement but stands as a written peace charter institutionalizing the principle of coexistence in a multicultural society. One of the key conclusions of the article is that Jerusalem today is not solely a territorial or sovereignty conflict; it is also a multilayered global issue involving moral, religious, and cultural responsibilities. Caliph Umar’s approach reveals a peace-oriented and inclusive governance model that goes beyond military victory and is rooted in justice. This approach is evaluated as a model of governance and peace that could serve as an example for contemporary international communities. Thus, the Jerusalem covenant emerges as an important historical reference point in modern peace studies, particularly in terms of governing multi-religious societies and promoting religious tolerance.

This chapter addresses the challenges posed by the modern human rights discourse to Orthodox Christianity, given that Orthodox Churches and individual Orthodox thinkers have expressed quite varied and diverging positions on this key issue; for example, the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople Bartholomew and the Russian Orthodox Church. The first part of the chapter deals with selective theoretical perspectives that have been applied so far to an analysis of the relations between Orthodox Christianity and modern human rights; for example, the comparative civilizational analysis, the multiple modernities paradigm, the post-secularity, de-secularization and multiple secularities approach, postcolonial and postmodern perspectives, ethnicity and nationalism studies, globalization studies, as well as political science and international relations perspectives. The second part of the chapter attempts to chart, contextualize and explain the various Orthodox Christian specificities with regard to modern human rights. These pertain, among other things, to the Orthodox introversive attitudes in modern times, the anti-Westernism, the still pending fruitful encounter between Orthodoxy and modernity, the weak world-relatedness, and the overall marginality of the Orthodox discourse. Nevertheless, the growing Orthodox interest in the topic is a positive sign and attests to the promising developments that are currently taking place within this traditional religious system.

Despite increasing calls for context-specific and practice-based strategic human resource management research in emerging economies, to date there have been limited empirical studies on Nigeria, one of Africa’s largest economies and a newly emerging economy experiencing strong economic development, rapid industrialisation, and integration into global markets. This study explores the moderating influence of contextual factors on the nexus of competitive strategy (CS) and human resource management practices (HRMPs) in Nigeria. We employ the social and comparative institutional theories to address the moderating influence of the contextual factors on the CS–HRMP nexus using a qualitative research approach. Data were collected from thirty human resource management professionals and top management across medium-sized enterprises in Nigeria via semi-structured interviews. The resulting data were analysed through thematic analysis. We establish six main contextual factors—culture and value system, religion, ethnicity and linguistic affinity, economic factors, politics and governmental policies, and quality of education and low-skilled workforce—and the processes through which these factors influence the CS–HRMP nexus in Nigeria.

This chapter is a preliminary attempt to grapple with the implications posed by the proliferation of different regimes of human rights – commonly described as second- and third-generation human rights – to the concept of human rights itself, especially its normativity. One common argument is that the proliferation of different types of human rights attests to the genuinely infinite and open-ended normativity of human rights as an ideal project because it shows a prodigious capacity for accommodating multiple universalisms that contest and compete with each other. This would lead to a gradual refining of human rights so that they can attain the greatest degree of universality possible in a current historical conjuncture. In this chapter, I suggest that regimes of human rights that focus on positive duties to fulfill human needs radically put into question the rational–normative structure of human rights because it puts their juridical form into communication with something else – the biological or natural dimension of human life – that deforms and even explodes this juridical form. We see this deformation in some of the negative consequences that mark the implementation of second-generation rights. I suggest that we can better account for these consequences by understanding these rights in terms of biopolitics. Second-generation human rights: the mistaken opposition of sovereignty and human rights Despite the clear indication of the structural connection between universal human rights and positive law in the stipulation of the preamble of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that “human rights should be protected by the rule of law,” the juridical form of modern human rights has often been called into question on the grounds that their normative validity is extra-legal and precedes and transcends sovereign states because they are “equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family” that are grounded in “the inherent dignity” of all human beings. Accordingly, it is customary to point out that modern human rights are influenced by ideas about natural liberties from the modern philosophy of natural rights, whereby rights are liberties ( jus ) that are prior to laws ( lex ), which imply obligation and, therefore, coercion and compulsion from a sovereign authority.

This paper examines Widowhood practices in Igboland, with a critical analysis of the plight and prospects for social change in Ekwulumili, Anambra state. Widowhood has become a topical and sensitive global issue because of the ugly practice associated with it. Widowhood is a sensitive social status. It befalls a male or a female but it is generally used in reference to females who have lost their husbands, since most men who lose their wives soon abandon this’ status by re-marrying. Widowhood practices in Igboland, particularly in Ekwulumili, Anambra State, Nigeria, have long been a topic of social, cultural, and academic interest. These practices are deeply embedded in the traditional customs and beliefs of the Igbo people. However, they often subject widows to various forms of discrimination and hardship, reflecting broader gender inequalities and social injustices. The objective of the study is to examine traditional widowhood practices in Ekwulumili, assess the socio-economic impact on widows, and identify the legal and Human Rights issues associated with the practice, evaluate efforts for social change and propose strategies for future interventions. The methodology used in the paper is the historical descriptive research method. The paper will also involve data collection and analysis where necessary, case studies, comparative analysis etc. By employing a comprehensive historical descriptive research methodology that incorporates these components, the study can generate robust insights and recommendations to inform evidence based and programmatic interventions for addressing widowhood practices in Igboland with special concentration in Ekwulumili, Anambra state. Findings in the study show that traditional widowhood practices in Ekwulumili subject women into forced seclusion, ritual cleansing, denial of inheritance rights, inhuman dress code pattern, social stigma, psychological stress, social isolation, economic hardship and human rights violations. Also current efforts for social change relating to the practice are: great awareness campaign, legal reforms, economic empowerment of widows, cultural dialogue, education awareness and establishment of monitoring and evaluation mechanisms by government. The study concluded that Widowhood practices in Ekwulumili, Anambra State, represent a critical intersection of tradition, gender, and human rights. While these practices are rooted in cultural beliefs and customs, they often lead to significant hardships for widows. Finally, the study recommends that addressing these issues requires a multifaceted approach that includes legal reforms, community education, cultural dialogue, economic empowerment and government intervention.

This chapter discusses the emergence of modern human rights following the establishment in 1948 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). The UDHR introduced the concept that a government’s treatment of its citizens is a matter of legitimate international concern and not simply a domestic issue. Even though the UDHR is neither a treaty nor a convention, it has achieved the status of customary international law. The author explains the differences between civil rights, political rights, social rights, economic rights, environmental rights, and cultural rights and provides details on some of the major international human rights treaties. The author discusses fundamental concepts in modern human rights such as rights and responsibilities, universalism and cultural relativism, progressive and immediate rights.

After World War II the United Nations developed new international law constructs in cooperation with the majority of the world’s nations, which were mainly based on a Western hermeneutic of rights. This international humanistic project provided new anthropological constructs which were seen as compatible or non-compatible, by Muslims or non-Muslims, with Islam. When analyzing these discussions on Islam and human rights discourse into a typology they can provide insights where compatibility and non-compatibility lies, and where possible reinterpretation is needed. Within the typology, two forms of discourses can be discerned: Islamic human rights discourse as the internal Muslim discourse on human rights and the external ‘Islam and human rights’ discourse which emerged together with the modern human rights regimes. By analyzing the different elements of what constitutes Islam and human rights discourse we can derive new understandings and strategies in how to engage a modern Islamic human rights discourse and constitute an Islamic science of human rights (ʿilm al-ḥuqūq) which provides a hermeneutics of continuity between Islam and modern human rights and overcomes both apologetics and othering.

Research Article| March 01 2020 A Renewed Call for a Robust Labor and Human Rights Agenda Cathy Feingold Cathy Feingold CATHY FEINGOLD is a leading advocate on global workers’ rights issues. As director of the AFL-CIO’s International Department, Feingold is a committed and passionate advocate, strategic campaigner, and policy expert. In 2018, Feingold was elected deputy president of the International Trade Union Confederation, the organization representing 200 million unionized workers worldwide. She has more than twenty years of experience in trade and global economic policy, and worker, human, and women’s rights issues. Her work in both global and grassroots fora reflect her commitment to strengthening the voice of working people in global policy debates. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Labor (2020) 17 (1): 113–121. https://doi.org/10.1215/15476715-7962864 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter Email Permissions Search Site Citation Cathy Feingold; A Renewed Call for a Robust Labor and Human Rights Agenda. Labor 1 March 2020; 17 (1): 113–121. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/15476715-7962864 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search nav search search input Search input auto suggest search filter Books & JournalsAll JournalsLabor Search Advanced Search In his recent book Not Enough: Human Rights in an Unequal World, Samuel Moyn argues that the modern human rights movement has failed to challenge the neoliberal economic model and the growing economic inequality of the past decades. His thesis underscores tensions that have existed between a human rights movement that has focused mostly on addressing individual civil and political rights versus the conceptions of collective economic and social rights proposed by unions and allied labor rights organizations. While some traditional human rights organizations continue to argue that social justice remains outside their mandate, other smaller human rights organizations are shifting resources to increase their work on economic rights and strengthen transnational partnerships between human, labor, women’s, and social rights movements that challenge the current economic model and call for new economic rules that promote the well-being of workers and... Copyright © 2020 Labor and Working-Class History Association2020 You do not currently have access to this content.

This study analyzes the role of women in climate resilience building and sustainable farming practices in Nigeria. The country's heavy reliance on agriculture and its vulnerability to climate change make it imperative to understand and enhance women's participation in these areas. Through a systematic review of literature, this research provides insights into the different levels of women's involvement in climate resilience building and sustainable farming practices. Women's contributions include knowledge and skills, natural resource management, community resilience, and education and awareness. However, women face challenges such as limited access to resources, gender-based discrimination, and exclusion from decision-making processes. Women's leadership in sustainable farming practices is crucial for global food security and sustainable development. Gender-inclusive policies and strategies are crucial for building climate resilience, as they acknowledge the unique challenges women face due to existing gender inequalities. Enhancing women's access to financing, training, and agricultural extension services is essential for gender equality and empowering women in the agricultural sector. The findings emphasize the importance of gender perspectives in addressing climate change impacts and highlight the vulnerabilities faced by women in Nigeria. Recommendations for policymakers, organizations, and stakeholders include developing gender-inclusive policies, providing access to financing, strengthening capacity-building initiatives, improving access to agricultural extension services, promoting women's leadership and representation, and fostering collaboration and knowledge sharing. This study highlights the significant role of women in climate resilience building and sustainable farming practices in Nigeria and calls for their enhanced participation and empowerment in these areas.