Reflections on the Fifteenth Anniversary of Suppressed Dissent

This chapter examines the role of the Nigerian Army in the management of internal security in the Fourth Republic. The deployment of the army on Internal Security Operations (ISOs) has dramatically increased since the return to democratic governance on May 29 1999. This is due to the liberalization of the political space which came as a result of the demystification of the 33-year military dictatorship that suppressed popular dissent and agitations from interest groups. The period of military dictatorship also took a serious toll on professionalism, operational effectiveness and accountability in the military. Another factor that is responsible for the excessive deployment of army on ISOs is the fact that the Nigeria Police Force that is constitutionally charged with the responsibility of tackling internal security challenges is largely poorly funded, ill-equipped and ill-trained to handle them. These factors have often made civilian authorities to heavily rely on the expertise of army and its sisters’ forces, the navy and air-force to manage internal security challenges. In effect, the regular engagements of its personnel have made the organization to assume the position of the first line of internal security defence which ordinarily is the role of the police. The data for this study was generated through primary and secondary data. While the primary data was sourced from officers of the Nigerian Army, civilians from the ministry of defence, legislators and academics, the secondary data was elicited from journal articles, books, archival materials, newspapers and so on. The study found out that the Nigerian Army has, so far, successfully played the role managing the country’s internal security effectively and efficiently to the extent that it has been able to prevent the democratic Fourth Republic from collapsing like the previous republics that were cut short by military officers with inordinate political ambitions. The army remains the bastion of Nigeria’s unity as its men and women have continued to keep the disparate entities within the country together as a corporate entity. However, the regular engagements of the army on ISOs have exposed its shortcomings, which include inadequate funding, personnel and training deficit, equipment and logistics deficit, human rights abuses and corruption within the institution. In order to address these challenges, the chapter recommends that the federal government and the National Assembly should ensure increased budgetary funding to the army which is very critical towards equipping the institution for better performance of ISOs. The army authorities should introduce human rights education in the army training modules as well as set up human rights desks in theatres of ISOs. These efforts will help to professionalize its men and women in conducting effective and efficient ISOs. More importantly, the federal government needs to empower the police and other traditional agencies of internal security management through increased funding so that these agencies can adequately equip their capacities in order to discharge their ISOs effectively and efficiently.

In the past decade, Thailand lived through an unprecedented period of popular social movements and street protest. Even though this era of mass politics is almost hard to remember after five years of Prayuth Chan-ocha’s military government, in that decade millions of people participated in street protests, organising meetings, political schools, and rallies across the country, from the highlands of northern Thailand to the sleepy Chinese towns of southern Thailand. This period of unprecedented political awakenings and popular direct actions, whether under yellow or red shirts, has generated a sea of analysis, articles, and books and will continue to do so once historians will begin to write about it. This chapter focuses on the Red Shirts and particularly on the five years between the 19 September 2006 military coup and the beginning of their largest political mobilisation in 2010. It sheds light on what often remains unexplored in the study of social movements, namely the genesis of their social composition and political imaginary.

The Helping for Blood-Letting

Pakistan faces numerous internal security challenges including sectarian, communal, and ethno-nationalist violence as well as terrorist and insurgent violence. The varied groups engaging in this wide array of political violence have targeted ordinary citizens; political leaders and government officials, as well as Pakistan’s security forces. Here, I argue that many of these threats — but no means all — stem from Pakistan’s founding ideology, the Two Nation Theory, and the particular ways in which the Pakistani state — under civilian and military governance — has sought to employ stylized versions of Islamism to manage Pakistan’s religious, sectarian, and ethnic differences. While the communal appeal of Two-Nation Theory had utility in generating support for an independent Pakistan to be carved from the detritus of the Raj, once Pakistan came into being the same ideology became dangerous because the new state was home to many minorities, including Hindus, Parsees, Christians, and Sikhs. Arguably, the divisive rhetoric that successfully tweezed apart the subcontinent, after 1947, should have been tempered if not outright jettisoned if Pakistan’s varied peoples were to live harmoniously within a new nation with a precarious political geography and strained resources. However, the political elites of the new country opted not “to promote an inclusive Pakistani nationalism that would have accommodated the divisive forces of ethnic and cultural diversity of the people of the new country” (Hassan 2014: 42). The consequences of this enduring choice and the enormous failures of managing the deleterious outcomes of this choice have been — and are — horrendous. In this background paper, I first aim to provide a historical overview of political violence in Pakistan’s recent past. Second, I provide a thumb-nail sketch of the key organizations providing this violence. Third, I exposit how Pakistan’s internal and external security environment are intrinsically interlinked. Here, I detail what is known (or suspected in most cases) about the linkages between these groups and Pakistan’s military and intelligence agencies and even political parties as appropriate. I contend that this linkage between external security policy and domestic security management poses enduring problems for the Pakistani state unless it adopts fundamental changes in the ways in which it manages its external security environment and even the fundamentally ideology of the state. Fourth, I provide an overview of security governance in Pakistan and the key roadblocks that prevent Pakistan from better managing its internal security despite systematic impediments operating in Pakistan (e.g. Pakistan’s commitment to jihad under its nuclear umbrella as a tool of foreign policy). I conclude with a discussion of implications.

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-US-ASCII text omitted.)In recent years, the explanation for Thailand's democratization has been subject to intense debate. The binary opposition between the urban elites and middle class people, on the one hand, and the rural majority on the other has led the country's democratic transformation into a situation of what I consider a polarization of two influential networks: the network of anti-Thaksin protests led by the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) in 2006 and 2008, and the network of pro-Thaksin demonstrations led by the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD) in 2009 and 2010. The past 10 years is viewed as a time of contentious politics, the politics of contested political networks.This paper is an attempt to investigate two contesting political networks in Thailand's politics, namely, the PAD and UDD. Using primary data and interviews with PAD and UDD members in 2009, 2010, and 2014, this paper explores the politics of contestation of the two political networks.1) While the first network is associated with the monarchy, the military, and the bureaucracy, the second network was led by former Prime Minister Thaksin and a series of his sequential political parties2) as well as individuals who disagreed with the 2006 military coup. The significance of these two networks can be seen from their politically influential roles in the Thai democratic process in the last five years.To understand these two networks, the paper will provide a brief background on Thai politics and its contextual conditions with regard to political networks. Second, it will examine both networks in three categories: political conception and perspectives; organizational structure, which includes key decision makers and networking; strategies and activities of network's members. Third, the paper will critically analyze specific characteristics of both networks, their key persons and affiliated members, as well as their functional mechanisms. Finally, the paper will offer a political interpretation of both networks with regard to their positioning in Thai politics.I Thailand's Politics from a Network Point of ViewFollowing the re-election of then Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra3) in 2005, Thailand has been caught up in a political contestation between two power networks: the PAD and UDD. This section provides a brief background of Thai politics and its contextual conditions with respect to the country's contemporary politics. It will discuss the dynamism of political and economic governances that have an impact on the politics of networking in Thailand.The Thai political system operates within the framework of a constitutional monarchy, whereby the prime minister is the head of the government and a hereditary monarch is head of state. The judiciary is independent of the executive and legislative branches. The country has a political history of long periods of authoritarianism alternating with periods of semi-democratic government. Since the installation of the first representative government in 1932, the military has interrupted the constitutional order more than 18 times, with Thai citizens witnessing more than 20 changes of government and 18 written constitutions after the abolition of absolute monarchy. In May 2014 there was a coup to remove Yingluck Shinawatra, the first female prime minister and youngest sister of Thaksin Shinawatra, who was ousted in the September 2006 military coup by a group known as the Council of Democratic Reform.4)After the September 19, 2006 military coup that removed Thaksin from office, the monarchy-centered network played a dominant role until December 2007, when the People Power Party-a successor of the Thai Ruk Thai party, which was dissolved due to a vote-buying scandal-won the first post-coup election. During most of 2008,5) a pro- Thaksin government held office under protracted protests by the PAD. It was judicially ousted in December of that year, when a backroom political deal made Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva prime minister without the benefit of an election. …

Internal Security Operations (ISO) are a critical yet often contentious component of counter-insurgency efforts, which directly impact local governance and public trust. This study assessed the Internal Security Operations of the 404th Regional Mobile Force Battalion 4A (RMFB4A) operating in the insurgency-affected areas of Rizal Province, Philippines. It focused on determining the unit's capability and effectiveness across four key operational domains: police-community relations, execution of warrants, intelligence operations, and counter-terrorism, and how these operations contribute to peace and order, public safety, economic stability, and community engagement. An explanatory-sequential mixed-methods design was employed, gathering quantitative data on operational capability and effectiveness from ISO personnel, supervisors, and community members, and followed by qualitative insights from interviews and focus group discussions to explore their challenges. The findings revealed a consistent pattern where ISO personnel and ISO supervisors rated their operational performance as highly capable and effective, while community members expressed more reserved assessments, highlighting a perception gap that warrants attention. Statistical analyses confirmed significant differences in ratings across all respondent groups and variables. Qualitative findings identified operational barriers such logistics limitations, persistent trust deficit, PNP and LGU partnership, environmental and logistical barriers, and communication, coordination and joint operations. To address these challenges, an intervention titled BRIDGE is proposed aimed at improving tactical readiness, fostering stronger police-community partnerships, and enhancing overall mission effectiveness. Generally, the study advocates for a more inclusive and community-driven approach to internal security that aligns operational strategies with developmental goals for lasting peace and stability in insurgency-affected areas. Keywords: Internal Security Operations, Regional Mobile Force Battalion, Police-Community Relations, Mixed-Methods, Rizal Province

İnsansız hava araçlarının dünya genelinde birçok kullanım alanı mevcuttur. Multidisipliner alanda kullanılan bu araçlar Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin terörle mücadele sürecinde taktiksel değişimi beraberinde getirmiş ve Millî Teknoloji Hamlesi kapsamında Türkiye’nin uluslararası güvenliğe katkısı açısından büyük öneme sahip olmuştur. IHA/SIHA üretimi sürecinde bu konuda çığır açan çalışmalar resmî kurumlar ve BAYKAR gibi şahsi girişimler tarafından geliştirilmiş ve Türkiye’nin liderlik ettiği sınır ötesi operasyonlarda önemli başarılar kat edilmiş ve bölgesel güvenliğin sağlanmasında Türkiye önemli bir rol oynamıştır. 1990’lardan bu yana yurtdışı bağımlılık neticesinde satın alınan cihaz ve silahların veri güvenliği sağlanamadığından ülke kendi savunma sanayi stratejisini oluşturmuş ve başarılı bir istihbarı temel ile havadan havaya füze atma kapasiteli son teknoloji savaş uçakları ve insansız hava araçları ile yapılan operasyonlar başta DAEŞ olmak üzere terör örgütlerinin hareket kabiliyetlerini önemli ölçüde kısıtlamış ve Türkiye’yi bölgesel ve uluslararası güvenlik alanında önemli bir oyuncu hâline getirmiştir. Ülkelerin bağımsızlığının sadece özgürlük ve demokrasi yönetimi ile sınırlandırılamayacağı günümüzde bir ülkenin kendi güvenliği için özellikle savunma sanayisinde yenilikler yapıp ilerleme kaydedebilmesi gerekmektedir. Türkiye’nin son yıllarda önemli bir ivme kazandığı insansız hava aracı sistemleri hem devlet güvenliği hem de bölgesel ve uluslararası güvenlik hususlarında ülkenin yeni bir rol elde etmesini sağlamıştır. Bir başka deyişle bu araçlar geleneksel askeri hava araçlarına kıyasla maliyet etkinliği ve riskin az olması gibi avantajlara sahip olup ayrıca Türkiye’nin IHA/SIHA’larını kendi iç güvenlik operasyonlarında ve sınır güvenliği gibi alanlarda kullanması bu teknolojinin stratejik önemini artırmıştır. Türkiye’nin bu alandaki ilerlemesi, uluslararası güvenlik politikaları ve savunma sanayisi trendleri açısından da önemli bir gelişme olarak değerlendirilebilir. Bu teknolojik gelişmelerin, Türkiye’nin dış politika ve savunma stratejilerini nasıl etkilediği konusunda detaylı bir analiz yapmak, bu konunun karmaşıklığını daha iyi anlamamıza yardımcı olabilir.

The purpose of the article is to study the subject matter and sources of international legal peace and security, to analyze the means of international dispute resolution, and to investigate Ukraine’s security priorities in times of war. Research methods: the chosen topic of research requires the use of various scientific methods and approaches to obtain high-quality results. Therefore, to solve the tasks, we used the following research methods: analysis - study of modern scientific approaches to the study of "international security"; systematic method helped to carry out a comprehensive analysis of the features of international legal documents on international security issues; analytical method provided an opportunity to analyze the state of cooperation between Ukraine and European security structures. Results: in accordance with the principles of international law, the structure of the international system and, ultimately, international relations themselves, different concepts of international security have been formed. All of them are based on scientific considerations, explain international processes, and are capable of making certain predictions about the future. At the same time, as we have noted, these concepts contain specific methods and means of ensuring international security. Among the most popular concepts are balance/balance of power, global/common/comprehensive security, collective security, cooperative security, as well as hegemonic stability, balance of threats, and peaceful coexistence. They are based on different principles: balance of power, hegemony, balance of interests, etc. Discussion: defining the essence of modern threats and challenges helps to determine the methodology for substantiating the tasks of ensuring international security in general, as well as the security of the state of Ukraine in particular, and to develop a regulatory framework for ensuring peace and security in the world.

This study appraises civil-military relations (CMR) in Nigeria's internal security operations from 2015 to 2024, examining their impact on sustainable development. Acknowledging the historical context of distrust, allegations of human rights abuses, and governance challenges that have shaped CMR in Nigeria, the research empirically evaluates the effects of these relations on long-term development outcomes. The study investigates the roles of the Nigerian Armed Forces in internal security, differentiating between kinetic (force-based) and non-kinetic (community engagement) approaches. Employing a mixed-methods research design, the study integrates qualitative and quantitative data collected from 395 respondents, including military personnel and civilians, to analyze perceptions of inclusiveness, justice, and accountability within CMR. Findings reveal that while non-kinetic interventions—such as humanitarian aid, medical outreaches, and infrastructure projects—have fostered improved community relations and intelligence-sharing, significant concerns remain regarding accountability, civilian oversight, and human rights compliance. The study concludes that strengthening transparency, building trust, institutionalizing collaborative mechanisms, and prioritizing human rights are crucial for fostering sustainable peace and development in Nigeria. It recommends specific policy reforms, enhanced community engagement strategies, and rigorous human rights training programs to optimize civil-military relations.

Since independence on October 1, 1960, Nigeria has been a victim, at one time or the other, of intra-ethnic, inter-ethnic, religious, and communal conflicts which have undermined the human security of her citizens. Nigeria’s corporate existence had also been threatened by 3 years (1967–1970) civil war which impacted negatively on the well-being of its people. In addition, the inability of the Nigerian Police to cope with the magnitude of the surge of violence in recent years has brought about the idea of involving the military, a core component of traditional security apparatus to deal with internal insecurity. This article is anchored on human security paradigm with reliance on secondary data to analyze the operations of the Nigerian Military in counterviolence campaigns between 1999 and 2017. This article points out that the involvement of the military in internal security has worsened the problem of insecurity due to the military’s unprofessional approach and, at times, deliberate targeting the civilian populace which it is supposed to protect. It, therefore, recommends among others, the need for the Federal Government of Nigeria to urgently review the role of the armed forces in addressing internal security situations in a way that will bring about respect for the rule of engagement in internal security operations and adherence to global best practices.

The evolution of information technology has defined a new concept for society - cyberspace. Cyberspace is described as a channel for creating and disseminating various data types on the Internet. In addition to providing information, cyberspace contains several problems that require efforts, resources, and the introduction of legal measures. The relevance of the study on this issue is stipulated by the development of information technologies and the high risks that occasionally manifest themselves as cyberattacks. Cyberattacks cannot be limited or deterred, but they can be protected against. For this reason, one of the main priorities for the state nowadays is to protect the information sphere from cyberattacks and cyber threats, as well as to introduce adequate mechanisms to reduce these risks at the legal level. When studying the issue of cybersecurity, it is essential to emphasize how this type of security matters no less than national or internal security. As Ukraine moves closer to the EU, it is crucial to strengthen the facilitation of protection against cyberattacks. It is also essential to find effective methods and tools to not only preserve sensitive information but also to help restore lost resources quickly and efficiently. In addition, it is necessary to bring national legislation in line by adopting regulations that can be really useful in countering external threats. Ukraine is currently an active participant in international efforts to counter cybercrime. The country participates in various projects initiated by the EU and NATO, including strengthening security and defense sector protection and joint exercises of security and defense actors as part of collective defense measures. The proper level of cybersecurity in the country determines society's standard of living and development. For this reason, special attention should be paid not only to the means and methods of protection against cyber threats and attacks but also to the relevant legislative elaborations.

The most outstanding challenge to the Nigerian state since the beginning of the twenty first century is probably the proliferation of internal conflicts. This is primarily because they impede the growth of democracy and threaten national security. In order to maintain peace and security, the military is given a constitutional role in managing internal conflicts through internal security operations when the police is overwhelmed. However, the military at times misuse the constitutional powers by violating the rights of the civilian population. This paper examines the connection between internal security operations and human rights abuses in Nigeria. The major direction is to provide a deeper understanding of the constitutional role of the military in the management of internal conflicts, while also looking at the challenges and the prospects for non violation of human rights of civilian population. The paper concludes with some recommendations on how the military can be involved ill internal security operations without violating citizens’ human rights.

No Longer the Gold Standard

The Philippine military performs on array of traditional (internal security and external defense) and non-traditional (development, disaster relief and rehabilitation, and environmental protection) functions. Historically, it was preoccupied with counterinsurgency operations, which included civic action and development component. After 7 986, the military's role in internal security operations has been streamlined and circumscribed by statutes which criminalize human rights violations. Plans for the military to shift to on external defense mode in 7 995 was scuttled after renewed insurgency threat. There was also a parallel expansion in the military's non-traditional functions after the transition owing to pragmatic considerations by civilian authorities to put the military's resources to use.

The paper has chronologically documented all incidences of collateral damage caused by military operations in Nigeria. From 2009 to 2025, military personnel, alongside other armed forces, were deployed to different parts of Nigeria as part of a strategy for internal security management. In the course of discharging their duty, the Nigerian forces missed their targets and their attacks hit defenceless civilians nineteen times. This research aims to identify the causal factors for collateral damage in internal security operations by the Nigerian military in Nigeria and to examine its implications. To explore redress options for the victims or their relatives. An explanatory research design is adopted to explain the episodic collateral damage that military operations cause, especially in Northern Nigeria. The findings revealed that a total of 19 episodes of collateral damage occurred in Nigeria and all in Northern Nigeria, because that is where the military has been battling with different non-state actors who took up arms against the government and those who have been kidnapping people for ransom, killing people, and stealing their livestock. Also, operational negligence was identified as one of the major causes of collateral damage in Nigeria because all of the fighter jets possessed by the Nigerian military have high definition cameras that can view images accurately regardless of the distance to the ground; hence, the operators are supposed to distinguish between armed & unarmed people on the ground. Another factor is operational recklessness because they are supposed to differentiate between settlements/villages of terrorists and non-targeted villages before launching an attack. Therefore, it is recommended that the Federal Government, which has all the armed forces in Nigeria under its control, should ensure that they are well-trained to protect civilians when carrying out air raids to avoid collateral damage at all costs. Members of the National Assembly should enact laws that specifically punish security operatives who, out of negligence or deliberately, kill defenceless civilians or non-targets of attacks during military operations.