Reexamining the Relationship Between Gender and Abstraction: Does Context Matter?

Gender stereotypes have descriptive components, or beliefs about how males and females typically act, as well as prescriptive components, or beliefs about how males and females should act. For example, women are supposed to be nurturing and avoid dominance, and men are supposed to be agentic and avoid weakness. However, it is not clear whether people hold prescriptive gender stereotypes about children of different age groups. In addition, research has not addressed prescriptive gender stereotypes for the elderly. The current research measured prescriptive gender stereotypes for children, adults, and elderly men and women in 3 studies to (a) compare how prescriptive gender stereotypes change across age groups and (b) address whether stereotypes of males are more restrictive than stereotypes of females. Students (Studies 1 and 2) and community members (Study 3), which were all U.S. and majority White samples, rated how desirable it was for different target groups to possess a list of characteristics from 1 (very undesirable) to 9 (very desirable). The target age groups included toddlers, elementary-aged, adolescent, young adult, adult, and elderly males and females. The list of 21 characteristics was created to encompass traits and behaviors relevant across a wide age range. In a meta-analysis across studies, prescriptive stereotypes were defined as characteristics displaying a sex difference of d > 0.40 and an average rating as desirable for positive prescriptive stereotypes (PPS) or undesirable for negative proscriptive stereotypes (NPS) for male or females of each age group. Results replicated previous research on prescriptive stereotypes for adults: Women should be communal and avoid being dominant. Men should be agentic, independent, masculine in appearance, and interested in science and technology, but avoid being weak, emotional, shy, and feminine in appearance. Stereotypes of boys and girls from elementary-aged to young adults still included these components, but stereotypes of toddlers involved mainly physical appearance and play behaviors. Prescriptive stereotypes of elderly men and women were weaker. Overall, boys and men had more restrictive prescriptive stereotypes than girls and women in terms of strength and number. These findings demonstrate the applicability of prescriptive stereotypes to different age groups.

This study investigated gender differences in the reading behaviors of Chinese middle school students, and whether gender stereotypes relating to choices of reading matter are supported. A mixed-methods approach was adopted. Three thousand nine hundred and fifteen middle school (Grade 7) students completed a questionnaire designed to assess reading behaviors. Independent sample t-test and chi-square analyses were employed to examine gender differences in reading behaviors. The qualitative survey was supplemented with an open response survey (94 boys, 50 girls), which provided further insights into individuals' specific experiences and perspectives regarding reading behaviors and gender stereotypes in reading choices. This study revealed a number of gender-linked differences. Boys spent more time reading than girls but read the same number of books; boys were also more likely than girls to read digital texts, while girls were more likely to borrow their reading material. Choice of subject matter also differed: boys were more likely to read factual and action-based books, while girls' choices focused more on motives and emotions. Another significant difference was that boys paid more attention to the overall experience of reading, while girls paid more attention to the details of reading. Responses to the open response survey indicated that gender stereotypes in reading choices were prevalent among respondents, but some students' reading choices did not align with the stereotype associated with their gender. The mixed-methods approach proved valuable in both identifying gender differences in reading behaviors, and in highlighting the prevalence of gender stereotypes in reading choices among middle school students.

PurposeExisting entrepreneurship literature has provided mixed evidence as to whether resource providers discriminate against female-led innovative start-up ventures in their resource commitment decisions either in terms of the likelihood or conditions of resource provision. While some studies revealed evidence indicative of negative discrimination against female entrepreneurs, others have provided evidence suggestive of positive discrimination. In light of these divergent findings, the purpose of this paper is to develop a more nuanced and integrative approach to studying gender biases in entrepreneurial resource provision with greater attention paid to both moderating contingency factors and mediating mechanisms.Design/methodology/approachThe authors develop a conceptual model and empirically testable propositions describing whether, how and when entrepreneurial resource providers are likely to under-, over- and equivalue female-led innovative start-up ventures relative to equivalent male-led start-up ventures. The model applies not only to institutional or private investors as providers of financial capital to start-up ventures as discussed extensively in extant entrepreneurship literature but also to prospective employees as providers of human capital and prospective consumers as providers of money in exchange for an entrepreneurial product or service. The authors discuss the gender-typing of the entrepreneur's core product/service offering as a key contingency factor likely to moderate the proposed relation. The authors further delineate the importance of what they refer to as the “first”- and “second-order” mediating mechanisms underlying the hypothesized relation between resource provider evaluations of the male versus female founder-CEO, the attractiveness of his/her start-up venture and the (conditions of) resource provision to their start-ups.FindingsBuilding on social-psychological theories of descriptive and prescriptive gender stereotypes and extant entrepreneurship literature, the authors establish that gender biases are likely to occur because of resource providers' perceptions of women entrepreneurs at the helm of male-typed start-up ventures to be less competent and agentic, as well as less warm and other-oriented than equivalent male entrepreneurs leading male-typed start-up ventures. The authors discuss the implications of such gender-biased evaluations for the application of stricter performance standards to female-led-male-typed start-up ventures and the likelihood and conditions of resource provision to their companies. The authors further discuss why and when female founder-CEOs of a female-typed (gender-neutral) start-up venture are likely to be overvalued (equivalued) compared to equivalent male founder-CEOs. The authors also develop propositions on additional contingency factors and mediators of the gendered evaluations of founder-CEOs and their start-up ventures, including resource providers' “second-order” gender beliefs, the high-cost versus low-cost resource commitment, individual differences in gender stereotyping and the perceived entrepreneurial commitment of the founder-CEO. The authors conclude by suggesting some practical implications for how to mitigate gender biases and discrimination by prospective resource providers.Originality/valueDiscussing the implications of descriptive and prescriptive gender stereotypes on evaluative decisions of entrepreneurial resources providers, this study advances not only the women's entrepreneurship literature but also the more-established scholarship on the role of gender stereotypes for women's advancement opportunities in the corporate world that has traditionally viewed entrepreneurship as the solution for women fleeing the gender-stereotype-based discrimination in the corporate setting to advance their careers.

Descriptive stereotypes such as “girls are not good at mathematics” or prescriptive stereotypes, that is, fixed views about women’s societal roles, can explain the persistent gender gap in mathematics. Stereotypes lower girls’ beliefs, expectations, and incentives to put forth effort, and can constrain girls’ choices in male-dominated high-paying careers that are math-intensive and that require strong math skills. This gap slows progress toward gender equality in the labor market and hinders productivity and economic growth. Policy interventions to alleviate the negative impacts of descriptive stereotypes aim to prevent girls from internalizing socially constructed behaviors aligned with prevalent gender stereotypes regarding the innate mathematical abilities of boys and girls. Boosting girls’ confidence in their math skills includes introducing them to female role models, such as women math teachers, using gender-neutral language, and providing textbooks and other teaching materials that challenge gender stereotypes. A different set of policies focuses on altering the environment in which girls learn, rather than modifying their beliefs. By adjusting the testing methods (such as reducing the level of competition) or adapting the instructional approach to better align with the learning style of girls, it is possible to create an environment that enables more girls to achieve their maximum potential and to accurately assess their math abilities and interests, rather than simply their test-taking or classroom performance. However, interventions that aim to modify the beliefs and attitudes of girls and women ex post, as well as those that seek to alter the environment, may not work in the long term because they reinforce preexisting stereotypes and operate within the constraints of those stereotypes. For instance, while modifying the testing environment may result in higher grades for girls, it may not necessarily alter the perception that girls are incapable of excelling in math. In some cases, these interventions may even have negative consequences. Encouraging girls to “lean in” and behave like boys, for example, can lead to unequal, unjust, and inefficient outcomes because the benefits (economic returns) of doing so are lower or even negative for girls in light of existing gender stereotypes. One popular and affordable approach to combating gender stereotypes involves addressing (unconscious) biases among teachers, parents, and peers through initiatives such as unconscious bias training and self-reflection on biases. The underlying premise is that by increasing awareness of their own (unconscious) biases, individuals will engage their more conscious, non-gender-stereotypical thinking processes. However, such behavioral interventions can sometimes have unintended consequences and result in backlash, and their effectiveness may vary significantly depending on the context, so that their external validity is often called into question. The recognition of the adaptable nature of both conscious and unconscious stereotypes has led to progress in economics, with the development of social learning and information-based theories. Interventions resulting from these models can effectively counteract prescriptive stereotypes that limit girls’ education to certain fields based on societal expectations of gender roles. However, prescriptive gender stereotypes are often based on biased beliefs about the innate abilities of girls and women. Overcoming deeply ingrained descriptive stereotypes about innate abilities of boys and girls is a fruitful avenue for future economics research and can help close the gender performance gap in mathematics.

Gender stereotypes and workplace bias

Debate has continued throughout the last decade over the existence and possible causes of differences between males' and females' mathematical skills. Several observations recur as the focus of this controversy. First, adolescent boys have been found to score higher than girls on standardized mathematics achievement tests.' Second, males are more likely than females to engage in a variety of optional activities related to mathematics, from technical hobbies to careers in which math skills play an important role.2 Third, adolescent males typically perform better than their female

INTRODUCTION: Research highlights discrepancies in recognition of borderline personality disorder (BPD) in men, despite similar rates of prevalence across genders. To investigate inpatient mental health professionals' experiences of delivering treatment for males with a diagnosis of BPD. Six mental health professionals working within adult acute inpatient wards completed a semi-structured interview. All participants were members of the nursing team. Thematic analysis was used to analyse the data. Five themes were identified: Gender Differences, Stereotyping, Facilitators to Care Delivery, Barriers to Care Delivery and Ways to Improve Care. Participants talked of a lack of awareness and understanding of BPD in males impacting both diagnosis and treatment in an acute inpatient setting. There may be factors ranging from gender stereotypes, limited knowledge and understanding of gender differences in presentations, and personal/organisational cultures influencing the formulation and treatment of males with a diagnosis of BPD in inpatient settings. The findings suggest that gender stereotypes such as masculine norms may influence how male patients' emotional difficulties are understood and managed, and that additional training in male-specific issues to improve knowledge and care provision. This research will support inpatient staff, service leads and clinical educators to identify ways to adapt care provision for men.

This chapter describes how both descriptive and prescriptive gender stereotypes can give rise to gender bias and discrimination in work settings, creating obstacles for upwardly aspiring women. It describes how descriptive gender stereotypes produce negative performance expectations that are a result of perceived lack of fit, and how these expectations lead to faulty information processing and biased evaluations. It also describes how prescriptive gender stereotypes promote gender bias by designating “shoulds” and “should nots” for women—normative standards that prompt disapproval and dislike both when directly violated and when violation is inferred because of a woman’s success. Some methods for deterring the negative effects of gender stereotypes are explored.

This chapter focuses on the implications of both the descriptive and prescriptive aspects of gender stereotypes for women in the workplace. Using the Lack of Fit model, we review how performance expectations deriving from descriptive gender stereotypes (i.e., what women are like) can impede women's career progress. We then identify organizational conditions that may weaken the influence of these expectations. In addition, we discuss how prescriptive gender stereotypes (i.e., what women should be like) promote sex bias by creating norms that, when not followed, induce disapproval and social penalties for women. We then review recent research exploring the conditions under which women experience penalties for direct, or inferred, prescriptive norm violations.

This symposium introduces new perspectives and applications of gender stereotypes in organizations via four presentations. The authors examine perceptions of leaders, leadership behavior, and occupational advancement through a gender lens. The first presentation uses archival and experimental data to highlight the emphasis placed on female politicians’ physical appearance and the detrimental effects appearance discussions have on observers’ perceptions of high-status women. The second presentation reveals that stereotypes associated with two forms of distributive justice (equity vs. equality) mirror the stereotype content model (masculinity/agency vs. femininity/communion). This intersection of justice and gender stereotypes poses significant implications for employees’ attitudes toward male and female managers. The third presentation demonstrates that women leaders are targeted with less hostility, particularly by conservative observers, when they reinforce the traditional gender hierarchy by engaging in “queen bee” behavior. The author discusses the bind women leaders may experience when employed in sexist environments. The fourth presentation examines the role of gender in leadership claiming (i.e., claiming leadership for oneself) and granting (i.e., accepting and encouraging others’ leadership), revealing that gender identity and gender stereotypic beliefs about leadership predict sex differences in leadership behaviors and perceptions. These four studies integrate numerous theories (e.g., gender role incongruity, fairness theory, prescriptive gender stereotypes), shedding light on the effects of gender roles and stereotyping on both women’s and men’s workforce advancement and leadership. The session will conclude with a discussion by Dr. Robin Ely, an acclaimed scholar on workplace diversity and women’s advancement. Does Reinforcing the Gender Hierarchy Reduce Conservatives' Hostility toward Gender Role Violators? Presenter: Alexander Garcia Muradov; U. of Toronto The Role of Gender in Claiming and Granting Leadership Presenter: Veronica C. Rabelo; U. of Michigan, Ann Arbor Presenter: Lisa A Marchiondo; Wayne State U. Presenter: Susan J. Ashford; U. of Michigan Is Distributive Justice Gendered? Reactions to Men’s and Women’s Allocation Violations Presenter: Suzette Caleo; Louisiana State U. The Mere Mention of Physical Appearance Negatively Impacts Women in High-Status Occupations Presenter: Victoria L Brescoll; Yale U.

Purpose Given the socialisation of men and women to their gender roles and expression of emotion, this study aims to investigate whether there are gender differences in the use of emotive language in electronic word-of-mouth (eWOM), specifically in online reviews. The authors propose that female reviewers will use strong emotive terms, such as love, more frequently in online reviews than do male reviewers. The authors further propose that the gender of the reviewer influences audience responses to the reviewer’s use of emotive terms in online reviews. Design/methodology/approach The authors conducted secondary data analysis of restaurant reviews (Study 1) to provide evidence on whether the gender of the reviewer affects the frequency of use of emotive terms in an online review. In addition, three separate experiments (Studies 2–4) were conducted to test the theoretical arguments. Findings The results of the secondary data analysis indicated that female online reviewers used the term “love” much more frequently in their reviews than male reviewers, whereas there was no usage difference for the term “like”. The experimental studies further showed that an emotive review by a male reviewer containing the word “love” resulted in a higher evaluation of the restaurant being reviewed than a non-emotive review containing the word “like”. This difference was stronger when the overall rating was less salient and for consumers who believe (vs do not believe) that men and women use emotional language differently. Research limitations/implications First, the paper extends our understanding of gender differences in emotional expression within the domain of eWOM and online reviews as well as our understanding of consumer responses to these gender differences. Second, the authors identify a boundary condition for these gender effects, namely, the overall rating score. Third, the authors find that consumer beliefs regarding gender stereotypes in emotional expression provide an explanation for these effects. Practical implications The results of the research indicate that the electronic algorithms operating on review sites might be modified in terms of their criteria for selecting the reviews to display to consumers, as consumer decision-makers may find greater utility in reviews written by male reviewers that contain strongly positive emotive terms. Originality/value The research extends the knowledge on gender differences in emotional expression in online reviews by demonstrating the actual usage patterns and differing responses to the emotional expressions of each gender.

Research on gender differences in students' motivation to succeed has essential economic and social implications. In a modern economy based on knowledge and innovation, gender differences in motivation can significantly influence the distribution and efficiency of human capital. The study aims to identify gender differences in personal and professional achievements among university students. Research shows that men are more likely to strive for high goals and demonstrate high motivation to succeed, while women tend to have more realistic goals and sustainable achievements. Diagnosing motivation using T. Ehlers' method showed that boys have a high level of motivation (25.6), while girls have an average level of motivation (21.85). A moderately high level of motivation was more pronounced in girls (12.5) than boys (9.3). Cultural and social factors, gender stereotypes, and societal expectations may explain these differences. Understanding gender differences in motivation can help develop educational and professional programs that promote equal motivation in students of both genders. This paper contributes to increased productivity, innovation, and competitiveness in the labor market. Considering motivational factors allows the creation of more effective systems for stimulating labor and optimizing resources, which leads to sustainable economic growth and development.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to clarify the nature of counterproductive work behavior (CWB) gender stereotypicality, and to consider whether despite efforts to systematically evaluate employees through formalized performance appraisal processes, gender-stereotypic bias is likely to enter into performance management systems.Design/methodology/approachStudy 1 used archival data from 197 federal employees to explore actual punishment recommendations allocated to men and women who engaged in a variety of CWBs. Study 2 tested the causal effect of gender stereotypicality on punishment recommendations with 47 EMBA students who participated in a laboratory study.FindingsStudy 1 revealed an interaction between appellant gender and CWB stereotypicality with regard to termination decisions suggesting that women who engage in stereotypical (i.e. feminine) CWBs and men who engage in stereotypical (i.e. masculine) CWBs are more likely to be terminated than women and men who engage in gender counter-stereotypic CWB. Study 2 revealed that women (not men) tended to receive harsher punishment recommendations for stereotypical (i.e. feminine) CWB than for counter-stereotypical (i.e. masculine) CWB.Practical implicationsFindings illustrate that punishments are not universally extreme, as men and women are denigrated differentially depending on the stereotypicality of their behavior. The current research affirms that there are social constructions for evaluating performance that may continue to confound evaluations of performance.Originality/valueThis is one of the first studies to explore the gendered nature of CWB and supports the argument that prescriptive gender stereotypes shape reactions to CWBs.

PurposeThe extant literature on leadership in the Arab world reflects the traditional bias of leadership being a male domain. Arising out of a patriarchal social structure, men assume leadership in organizations while women are often confined to work at home. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the emergence of women leaders in UAE organizations by going beyond biological sex role biases to identify leadership as masculine or feminine gendered role stereotypes in organizations.Design/methodology/approachThe data collected over two periods comprised two sets of Schein Descriptive Index (SDI) together with those of leadership intention and behaviour style; correlations thereof were computed to test hypotheses constructed from the literature.FindingsThe findings indicate that within organizations in the UAE, employee feedback highlights gender‐role stereotypes as defining leadership roles, rather than individual biological sex and their traditional family and social role. The findings reveal that in the UAE, gender stereotypes influence leadership intention and behaviour rather than individual biological sex and related traditions. Accordingly, women leaders having higher proportions of “agentic” characteristics of male gender stereotype together with lower proportions of “people orientation” of female gender stereotype, which makes successful leaders in the UAE break the proverbial “glass ceiling”. This explains the emergence of an increasing number of women leaders in the UAE.Research limitations/implicationsGeneralizability of the findings is limited by non‐representation of countries with high gender egalitarianism, as well as the geographical limitation of the study to the UAE only. In the context of traditional male‐dominated organizations in the UAE, the findings on gender‐role stereotypes of leaders in these organizations cannot only help organizations take informed decisions in choosing leaders without the “glass ceiling” biases, but can go further to identify and nurture potential leaders, including women leaders, within organizations. These findings are of considerable significance to the Middle East and the Arab world in general, in the wake of the developments witnessed there.Originality/valueThe paper explains women leadership in organizations in the UAE, a part of the Arab world of the Middle East, from the perspective of gender‐role stereotypes, as opposed to traditional sex‐role biases, to bring women leaders there into the mainstream gender literature.

Introduction As mounting evidence underscores the importance of both men and women taking steps before pregnancy to improve reproductive outcomes, public health priorities are shifting toward a more gender-inclusive program of promoting preconception health (PCH). This study examined whether prescriptive gender stereotypes, defined as men's and women's beliefs about PCH behavioral norms each gender should uphold, were positively associated with intentions to engage in behaviors to protect a future child's health. Methods Data came from a June 2017 online survey of 609 U.S. men and women ages 18-44. Two six-item scales of prescriptive same- and opposite-gender stereotypes were used to predict a six-item scale of intentions to engage in six recommended PCH behaviors (i.e., avoiding smoking, secondhand smoke, drinking, exposure to bisphenol A and pesticides, and preventing Zika infection). Multiple linear regression models also adjusted for demographic, socioeconomic, and health characteristics. Results Among both male and female respondents, PCH prescriptive gender stereotypes for men were rated significantly lower than those for women. Adjusting for covariates, stronger prescriptive same-gender stereotypes were associated with increased PCH intentions (men: B = 0.496, p < 0.001; women: B = 0.486, p < 0.001). Opposite-gender stereotypes were also positively associated with PCH intentions (men: B = 0.205, p < 0.001; women: B = 0.235, p < 0.001). Current every day smoking status (men and women), being uninsured (women only), and having children (women only) were also associated with lower PCH intentions. Conclusion Prescriptive gender stereotypes may play an important, yet slightly different, role in promoting PCH behavior among men and women.