Receiving the Classics: The Curation of Ink Painting Animation in the Early People’s Republic of China

By the turn of the 21st century, animation production has grown to thousands of hours a year in the People's Republic of China (PRC). Despite this, and unlike American blockbuster productions and the diverse genres of Japanese anime, much animation from the PRC remains relatively unknown. This book is an historical and theoretical study of animation in the PRC. Although the Wan Brothers produced the first feature length animated film in 1941, the industry as we know it today truly began in the 1950s at the Shanghai Animation Film Studio (SAFS), which remained the sole animation studio until the 1980s. Considering animation in China as a convergence of the institutions of education, fine arts, literature, popular culture, and film, the book takes comparative approaches that link SAFS animation to contemporary cultural production including American and Japanese animation, Pop Art, and mass media theory. Through readings of classic films such as Princess Iron Fan, Uproar in Heaven, Princess Peacock, and Nezha Conquers the Dragon King, this study represents a revisionist history of animation in the PRC as a form of "postmodernism with Chinese characteristics." As a theoretical exploration of animation in the People's Republic of China, this book will appeal greatly to students and scholars of animation, film studies, Chinese studies, cultural studies, political and cultural theory.

The teaching of English in the primary schools across Taiwan has a ten-year history; therefore, it is appropriate at this time to look closely at the materials used and evaluate them for their effectiveness. In an EFL learning context such as Taiwan, where authentic and appropriate conversational examples are for the most part insufficient, how teachers remedy the deficiencies of textbook materials with supplementary materials is crucial. Video/film is one of the frequently used media cited by researchers to bring language models as well as cultural content into the EFL classroom. While the results of some relevant research seem promising (Grant & Starks, 2001; Rose, 2001; Jeon, 2003; Tatsuki et al., 2006), aspects of language used in film should be analyzed to determine their appropriateness for use in EFL classrooms. Among the most basic functions learned in primary school English are 1) greetings and 2) compliments, and 3) compliment responses (C & CRs). From the perspective of Speech Act Theory (Austin, 1962), the present study compared examples of these three speech acts in both textbook materials and animated films and investigated the pedagogical potential of using animated films in EFL teaching in the absence of satisfactory exposure to authentic language input. First, it reviewed the current textbook materials by collecting dialogues from the most frequently used series in elementary schools in a northern area in Taiwan. Second, in order to determine the adequacy of textbook materials, transcripts of five animated films were analyzed to compare frequency of occurrence of greetings and C & CRs in the textbook materials and animated films, and to investigate the potential of using animated films at the elementary school level. Detailed criteria of selection of textbook materials and animated films, and corpora of each source were set up and analyzed to discover the following: 1) the varieties of “greetings”, 2) the varieties of “C & CRs”, and 3) the pedagogical potential of using animated films to supplement textbook materials. Findings in the present study corroborate the pedagogical potential of using animated films to supplement textbook materials from the fact that both quantitatively and qualitatively and from both pragmalinguistic and sociopragmatic perspectives, animated films excel textbook materials in all areas except the quantities in greetings, imbalanced distribution of gender and topic choice, and the fewest quantities and varieties of examples in CRs. If future study or teaching practice is seeking further refinement to avoid unexpected shortages of speech examples, it is suggested in the present study that a clearer selection criteria of animated films through teachers’ teamwork to set up film language corpora in order to incorporate animated films into curriculum, the effect of using animated films to supplement textbook materials can then be maximized.

Artifice, Fantasy, and Exaggeration:The Boundless Limitations of Puppets Sean Macdonald (bio) Without a doubt, Jin Xi (1919–1997) is one of the masters of puppet animation in China. Jin Xi's "On the Distinguishing Characteristics of Puppet Films" is among the first explicit theoretical discussions of animation in Chinese. Jin Xi's theory shines a light on puppet animation production in China in the 1950s through a detailed discussion of themes and techniques in an international context, especially contemporary Czech and Russian (Soviet) puppet animation. In her 2011 study of the Quay Brothers, Suzanne Buchan bemoaned the scarcity of theory that focuses on puppet animation. Jin Xi's article adds an important theoretical statement to a growing body of work on international puppet animation.1 Puppet animation in China has been all but forgotten as part of animation's predigital past. Although cel-animated films such as Danao Tiangong (Uproar in Heaven; Wan Laiming, 1961, 1964) are deservedly celebrated as artistic and technical triumphs, Jin Xi's work is rarely discussed in or outside of China.2 A possible reason for the relative obscurity of Jin Xi in particular, and puppet animation in general, is an implicit selection process by which the Shanghai Animation Film Studio promoted cel animation over other forms. While films such as Danao Tiangong and Nezha naohai (Nezha Conquers the Dragon King, 1979) have received anniversary DVD packages, most puppet animation has been released only on VCD, including Jin Xi's masterpiece, the feature Kongque gongzhu (Princess Peacock, 1963). [End Page 114] By the time Jin Xi published "On the Distinguishing Characteristics of Puppet Films," he had already written and directed four films, including the first film in China to combine live-action actors and stop-motion puppets, Xiao Mei de meng (Xiao Mei's Dream, 1954), and Shen bi (The Magic Brush, 1956). Lauded at home as representative of minzu fenge (national style), The Magic Brush had just shared first prize for best children's film (category B, children aged 8–12) in the International Children's Film section of the 1956 Venice International Film Festival.3 This was also the first time an animated film from China won an international award.4 The year Jin Xi's article was published, 1957, was also the founding year of the Shanghai Animation Film Studio (SAFS). "On the Distinguishing Characteristics of Puppet Films" is the first article on animation by Jin Xi, whose writings constitute some of the earliest theory about this medium in Chinese. Jin Xi was born in the northern city of Tianjin in 1919. He studied in the Department of Western Painting at the Tianjin Municipal Museum of Fine Arts, which explains his references to Western oil-painting techniques in "On the Distinguishing Characteristics of Puppet Animation." Jin Xi joined the Eighth Route Army in 1937 and the Communist Party in 1938. During the Sino-Japanese War, he served various functions as propagandist and fine-arts journalist. In 1949, he joined other animators from the Northeast Film Studio (the first Communist-controlled film studio in China) to form the animation unit of the Shanghai Film Studio, which became the SAFS.5 When the first All China Congress of Literature and Art Workers was held on July 2, 1949, Jin Xi's speech on the artist Cao Zhenfeng was published in an account of the conference in the official government newspaper, the People's Daily.6 Like Jin Xi, many of the early animators at SAFS had a background in fine arts, which probably influenced their choice of neologism for animation, meishu pian (美术片), literally, "a fine-arts film."7 [End Page 115] Jin Xi's writing is distinguished from other film and animation writing during this period by its comprehensiveness. He not only discusses the literary aspects of puppet filmmaking—the way plots are derived and thematic aspects of the films—but also demonstrates interest in the technical aspects, from the camerawork down to the construction and movement of the puppets. China's revolutionary period (1949–1976) is often remembered as a time of little red books and propaganda, but from 1949 until the early 1960s and the debacle of the Cultural Revolution, the...

International Law and the Extraordinary Interaction Between the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China on Taiwan

Unethical studies on transplantation in cardiothoracic surgery journals

Reviewed by: China in International Society Since 1949: Alienation and Beyond Yafeng Xia (bio) Yongjin Zhang . China in International Society Since 1949: Alienation and Beyond. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998. viii, 345 pp. Hardcover $69.95 , ISBN 0-312-21540-1. Since the early 1980s, scholars have been introducing different approaches to the study of Chinese foreign policy. Utilizing the "international society" model associated with the English school as his theoretical framework, Yongjin Zhang has written a fine book on the international relations of the People's Republic of China (PRC). This is a continuation of his endeavor to interpret China's international behavior in the tumultuous world of twentieth-century politics, begun in his 1991 book China in the International System, 1918-1920: The Middle Kingdom at the Periphery. "The central argument of this study," Zhang declares of the work under review here, "is essentially a simple one. The international relations of the People's Republic of China is a saga of the isolation-alienation-socialisation-integration of China in international society since 1949. This saga is the continuation of a historical search by both China and the wider world for mutual accommodation" (p. 244 ). Zhang challenges the conventional wisdom that China was in isolation from the international system during much of the Cold War. He contends that China did not isolate itself, but rather was alienated from international society. To Zhang, "alienation" means that cordial relations between states "have been broken and friendly feelings toward each other have been turned into bitterness and hostility" (p. 44). "Alienation," therefore, is often accompanied by "violent confrontations and conflicts" (p. 45). Zhang advances a clear thesis that he develops consistently throughout his analysis. He discusses in detail the five stages of China's gradual alienation from international society, starting in 1949, when the PRC, as a revolutionary state, was mistrusted by the United States, which took measures to alienate the emerging new regime in Beijing from the international community. The United States adopted a policy of nonrecognition of "Red China" and urged its Western allies to take the same position. The second phase was dominated by the Korean War, which "created lasting enmity and apprehension between the two nations." The United States instituted a full trade embargo against the PRC and blocked its membership in the United Nations. The PRC was further alienated from an international society dominated by the United States. The third phase was "marked by crises and border wars in and around the PRC" (p. 53). The two Taiwan Strait crises in 1954-1955 and 1958, the Tibetan rebellion in 1959, and the Sino-Indian border war in 1962 only served to alienate the Beijing regime further from international society at a time when many regarded the PRC as an expansionist power. The fourth phase was dominated by the Sino-Soviet [End Page 495] polemics of the 1960s, which ended with the PRC's alienation from the Soviet bloc. This process came to a climax in the late 1960s during the Chinese Cultural Revolution when the PRC "called for and set out to establish an international united front against both superpowers, urging revolutionary changes to the international system" (p. 57). Thus, the author argues, the period from 1949-1970 "was characterized by the exclusion, more than seclusion, of China from the universal international organisations and international institutions" (p. 57). As international society refused to accord the PRC legitimacy as a normal player in the system of states, Beijing constantly posed itself as a challenge to the existing international system. Just as Zhang attributes China's alienation largely to "systemic factors," he claims that the de-alienation of China in international society since the early 1970s has depended "as much on the systemic changes as on the changing orientation of China's international policies" (p. 58). As the international system became more accommodating to the adversarial relationships between ideologically hostile power blocs, China's perception of changes in the international system led China to reconsider its international strategy. Structural change at the United Nations brought China into the world organization, thus beginning the acceptance of China into international society. China's de...

The civil war of China ended in 1949 with the People's Republic of China (PRC) founded in Beijing and the Republic of China (ROC) retreated to Taiwan. The confrontation of these two regimes resulted in a divided China. While the PRC claimed herself as the legitimate government succeeding the ROC and enjoyed effective control of the Mainland, the ROC still regarded herself as the legal government after the downfall of Qing Dynasty and her legitimacy did not end with the retreat to Taiwan. Hence, both regimes were fiercely engaged in diplomatic struggles for the ”sole legitimate” status. The fight for representation in the International Olympic Committee (IOC) in 1952 was the first cross-Strait diplomatic warfare. With the withdrawal of the PRC from the IOC around 1960, the international legal status of the ROC was more or less secured. However, with no effective control over the field of sports, the IOC considered neither regime representative of each other. Hence, the IOC adopted the principle of ”de facto controlled athletic area” in its Charter to regulate the membership of the PRC and ROC in the IOC. IOC asserted that ”since Taiwanese did not administer sport in China, the Republic of China was to taken off the IOC membership list. However, if it chose to reapply for admission under another name the application would be considered.” This provoked severe protest from Taiwan. Although the ROC was forced to reapply for membership under ”Republic of China Olympic Committee”, Taiwan still claimed to be the sole legitimate representative of China. This triggered the name ROC rectification campaign in the IOC. As demanded by IOC, Taipei had to give up her original membership title of ”Chinese Olympic Committee”, and to recognize her control over the field of sports only in Taiwan. Faced with such change in status, the ROC on the one hand reapply for admission to the IOC as ”Republic of China Olympic Committee, ROCOC”, and on the other hand, campaigned for effective control over the field of sports in the PRC. While the application for membership succeeded, the title was refused by the IOC. The bone contention remained the inclusion of 'China' in the title. The IOC was suspicious of Taiwan's intention to extend the ”de facto controlled athletic area” to Mainland China. To continue the fight, The ROC government through the Central Committee of KMT formed the Name Rectification Committee with the Sports Federation of the Republic of China as the convener and with members including the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Lobbying thus began through the support of overseas consulates and targeted at not only the IOC president and committee members, but also the participants of annual IOC executive committee meetings held in Baden-Baden, Innsbruck and Tokyo. Two achievements were eventually made. First, it was resolved at the Baden-Baden meeting that that ”ROC” could be embroidered on athletes' sportswear; and second, it was agreed at the Tokyo meeting that ”Republic of China” in Chinese characters could be added under the word ”TAIWAN” in English on the nameplate of the ROC delegation. Hence, the humble wish of the ROC was granted. Nevertheless, besides athletes from countries in East Asia using Chinese characters, most of the foreign athletes from western countries would hardly see the difference, nor understand its meaning or significance. 1960 to 1964 saw persistent efforts of the ROC in name rectification in the IOC but with little success. The same plight was suffered in her other battles in the international arena. The culture and value of status and rank provided the impetus to ROC's name-rectification campaign.

Annual income data may provide a misleading indicator of enduring income inequality in societies where there is considerable year-to-year income mobility. Using two rounds of data on households, the paper measures income mobility in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) between the early 1990s and early 2000s. In the early 1990s, the increase in income inequality in the PRC was accompanied by a level of income mobility comparable to other developing countries in transition, and was higher than that found in developed countries such as the United States. By the early 2000s, however, while the PRC’s income inequality increased further, income mobility decreased, implying that the probability of being stuck in a relatively lower level of income increased for households. The paper also finds divergent experiences of urban and rural households as the urban–rural gap widens. In the early 1990s, income mobility was higher among urban than rural households. Between the early 1990s and early 2000s, income mobility decreased for both urban and rural households, but the decrease was more pronounced for the former; therefore, in the early 2000s, urban and rural households had more or less the same level of income mobility. These findings are found to be robust to alternative ways of defining household income groups and analyzing income mobility.

Annual income data may provide a misleading indicator of enduring income inequality in societies where there is considerable year-to-year income mobility. Using two rounds of data on households, the paper measures income mobility in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) between the early 1990s and early 2000s. In the early 1990s, the increase in income inequality in the PRC was accompanied by a level of income mobility comparable to other developing countries in transition, and was higher than that found in developed countries such as the United States. By the early 2000s, however, while the PRC’s income inequality increased further, income mobility decreased, implying that the probability of being stuck in a relatively lower level of income increased for households. The paper also finds divergent experiences of urban and rural households as the urban-rural gap widens. In the early 1990s, income mobility was higher among urban than rural households. Between the early 1990s and early 2000s, income mobility decreased for both urban and rural households, but the decrease was more pronounced for the former; therefore, in the early 2000s, urban and rural households had more or less the same level of income mobility. These findings are found to be robust to alternative ways of defining household income groups and analyzing income mobility.

Today’s economic civilization has shift from the age of knowledge economy to the age of creative economy; the standards and the scale of development of the cultural creative industry has gradually become one of the key indicators for a country or a region’s competitiveness. It can be clearly identified that cultural creative quarters are one of the most effective method to promote a country’s cultural creative industry. The essence of the cultural creative industry is to match fine arts with commercial activity; therefore, in the process of promoting the development of the cultural creative industry, the fine arts and the commercial activity are the two key factors for it to occur. However, there are only a limited number of researches done on the connections between cultural creative quarters, fine arts and commercial activity, the same gap also exist for the case study of cultural creative quarters. Therefore, this research selected three cases of cultural creative quarter for analysis, they are: the Huashan 1914, Taipei, Taiwan; M50, Shanghai, China and the SoHo of New York, the United States of America. This research begins with discussions on the essence and characteristics of the fine arts and commercial activity, cultural creative industry and cultural creative quarters, and then employs empirical research method to take a look at the diversiform of the integration of fine arts and commercial activity of cultural creative quarters. The case study utilizes the method of field study in combination with primary and secondary data collection, with the 5P model used as the framework of the analysis, the Policy, Person, Process, Place and Product are then analyzed to explore the ways of coexistence of fine arts and commercial activity in cultural creative quarters. This research discovered that, the Huashan 1914 uses great amount and diversity of cultural and artistic events as its mean for development, while the M50 cultural creative quarter employs the image of visual arts industry cluster for development. The SoHo areas make use of it rich artistic heritage and atmosphere to build an artistic commercial zone, having huge business potential as a brand. The aims of this research are to discuss the development of the cultural creative quarters discussed in the case study, and to make recommendations and to provide insights on issues of managing and coordinating cultural creative quarters, since the balance and coexistence of both the fine arts and commercial activity should be an important issue for the administration to consider when running cultural creative quarters.

ABSTRACTIn early 1950s, India's Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru turned down suggestions that India become a Security Council Permanent Member. As per suggestions, India would either take China's seat occupied by Republic of China (RoC) or become the sixth member alongside RoC. Nehru turned down these overtures arguing that People's Republic of China (PRC) should occupy China's seat at the Security Council. This study ascertains why India turned down apparently good offers and instead championed PRC's cause at a time when there existed marked political differences between them. While some have analyzed India's stand strictly in bilateral terms, this study casts the net wider. By closely examining Nehru's writings and correspondences, it argues that Nehru's support was based on his understanding of PRC and its position as a great power in international relations. Early twentieth-century developments had taught him that great powers that were ostracized became a source of instability. In an era that saw the unveiling of nuclear bombs, the cost of a dissatisfied PRC would be tragic. To stabilize the system, it was necessary to accommodate PRC within the Security Council and provide it with the veto. This would assuage PRC and check its revisionist tendencies.

This dissertation examines the motivations, logic, and functions of media control in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Rather than telling the history of media control in modern China, or giving a comprehensive account of the techniques employed by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to control the media, it investigates the origins of the CCP’s theoretical approach to the media, as well as the consequences of the resulting concepts for practical media work in the PRC. The first half of the thesis tracks the genesis of the Party’s media concept and reconstructs the conditions that contributed to its rise in the first half of the twentieth century; the chapters in the latter half follow this concept in its implementation through a number of case studies from the early 1950s through the late 1990s. Since the day of its founding, the CCP has placed great emphasis on questions of media and propaganda; after 1949 the party-state has claimed full control of the Chinese print, broadcast, and electronic media. Asking for the reasons behind this claim, I argue that it must be traced back to the Party’s desire to bring about the transformation of human consciousness and to create an environment conducive to this process, a utopian project informed as much by the Leninist version of Marxism as by Neo-Confucian ideas of education and state-society relations prevalent in the late imperial era. This project and its underlying fundamental assumptions have survived – in greatly transmuted form – to the present day and continue to inform the strict control of the Chinese media, even when such controls clash with other political and socio-economic interests of the Party-state. I propose to take the media as a variable to measure changes in the CCP’s approach to governance. The Party’s handling of the media serves as a mirror of state-society relations; consequently, the investigation into the media provides us with information on the CCP’s conceptions of governance under changing circumstances. I argue that over the past twenty years, the CCP has successfully altered and reinterpreted its vision of the state and its position therein; it has adopted a more flexible set of methods to achieve its fundamental political objectives. At the same time, however, the ultimate goals of the Party – originally formulated in Yan’an – have changed remarkably little.

The Saudi Arabia’s “Fundamentalists” the position runs counter in the basic religious doctrine with, and People's Republic of China ’s “Communist” and “Socialism” the idea, also can affect the Saudi Arabian imperial family’s benefit and the stability. However the Saudi Arabia actually purchases the missile to the People’s Republic of China, and established diplomatic relations in 1990 . The Transformation in Diplomatic Relations between Saudi-Arabia and China was really worth studying and the discussion truly. Because in 1973 the petroleum crisis took Saudi Arabia the huge economic interest, enable Saudi Arabia’s government to have the abundant financial resource to foster the talent, but caused in this border to have the social structure change, because the group accepted the higher education or overseas abroad study return to homeland, dominated the political power to Saudi Arabian’s Government and the traditional royal court to be discontented, finally urged Saudi Arabian’s King to implement the reform as well as the cabinet carries on the reorganization, in addition, also enabled the sand country tradition political power abandonment passing the country to have to “the communism” first impressions ares most lasting the hostility, and after suffered US ‘s Parliament to go back a promise to sell the Saudi Arabian F-15 fighter plane, originated the policy using the disperser arms sale to purchase missiles form People’s Republic of China. In the international environment aspect, the Saudi Arabia after the excavating petroleum, is admires the US military force to protect its petroleum benefit, but because US's Israel's policy, causes the Saudi Arabia to the American confidence vacillation, however, this time People’s Republic of China actually unceasingly (the People’s Republic of China using the United Nations Security Council), the economy (purchases petrified industry and wheat), the military (sells the missiles), the psychology (using religious relations), at that time Saudi Arabia is in order to maintain the Saudi Arabian leader regime stably, strengthens own national defense military force, by the consolidated this country in under the Islam world leading positions consideration, urges Saudi Arabia choose People’s Republic of China to purchases missiles, and establishes both sides official foreign relations.

The Republic of China and Japan signed the ”Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty” in April 28, 1952. When this treaty became effective in August 5, 1952, both sides also ended the state of war. According to this treaty, the Republic of China (ROC) and Japan should negotiate quickly agreements on matters such as commercial affairs, navigation and aviation. Because the issue of the fishery right was a controversial problem between the ROC and Japan, both sides hoped to solve this controversial issue by the Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty. Thus, the article 9 indicated ”The Republic of China and Japan will endeavor to conclude, as soon as possible, an agreement providing for the regulation or limitation of fishing and the conservation and development of fisheries on the high seas.” Both sides wanted to sign the agreement of fishery based on the Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty.After signing the Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty, the ROC and Japan were expected to consume and preserve the sea resource together in accordance with the agreement of fishery, thus solving the Sino-Japanese dispute over fishery since 1920s. The ROC and Japan attempted to negotiate the issue of fishery between August 1 and 8 in 1952, but there was a wide gap between their standpoints. All the ROC hoped was to sign the agreement of fishery with Japan and to take advantage of this occasion to learn Japanese fishery technology. The Japanese government, however, intended to legitimate the use of the fishing ground around the Chinese coast lest the Japanese fishing boats were seized by the ROC, the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the USSR anymore. There was a small scale cooperation of mackerel pole and line between the ROC and Japan, but both sides stood on the different standpoints, causing the agreement of fishery between the ROC and Japan breakdown. Japan then contacted the PRC.Because Yoshida Shigeru held the diplomatic principle that-politics and economics should be separated and the PRC hoped to extend her foreign relation, Japan and the PRC signed the agreement of fishery in 1955. By this agreement, Japan obtained the right of fishing around Chinese coast, and the PRC also extended her foreign relations, they could say each shining more brilliantly in the other's company. Because of the accident concerning the PRC national flag in Japan in 1958, Japan and the PRC fall foul of each other. Meanwhile, the ROC began the negotiations with Japan once again, but their differing standpoints made the negotiation break down again. In 1963, under Ikeda Hayato's economic diplomacy the relation between Japan and the PRC improved. Both sides signed the second agreement of fishery at the end of the year, this agreement was valid until Japan and PRC established the diplomatic relation in 1972. Even when the ROC and Japan still had diplomatic relation, they failed to reach an agreement on the fishery right, which symbolized their sovereign rights to them, not to mention after Japan and the PRC established the diplomatic relations in 1972. Given that Japan no longer recognized the ROC, the negotiations on the agreement of fishery between the two countries finally closed its door.

If an animated film wants to present extraordinary visual effects, the successful use of art colors is the key to the success or failure of an animated film. Although our country’s animated film started a short time ago, its development has been slow. In modern times, it is difficult to compete with excellent animation works of other countries; animation is an art form that requires the combination of modern technology and traditional cultural areas. Chinese cartoons are gradually declining today when the technology is taking off. The reason is that the traditional culture of the country has not been thoroughly explored. In today’s diversified world, if you want to revive the brilliance of Chinese animation, you must deeply and systematically study various elements of national art and form your own creative thinking and creation system. Particularly under computer vision, the gap is very obvious. Under the computer vision, in order to study the characteristics and techniques of the use of fine art colors in animated films, to promote the development of animated films in China, this article analyzes the role of art color in the animation of excellent Chinese and foreign animation works in recent years, through literature analysis, comprehensive qualitative and quantitative analysis, etc., to study the meaning and application of color symbols, hoping to be a Chinese animation providing useful help for film creation and development. Studies have shown that color has a strong influence on animated films. A good use of artistic color can add a lot of color to an animated film. According to statistics, art colors account for at least 20% of excellent animation works, which can be integrated into animation colors. Animation works with domestic characteristics are easier to succeed. This shows that the use of artistic colors can play a key role in animated films.