Rebranding the nation: advertising, ideology, and collective identity in post-revolutionary Iran

This article critically examines the emergence of nation branding as a commercial practice at the end of the Cold War by conceptualizing it as a means for nations to redefine and reposition themselves within the master narrative of globalization. It examines the industry literature of the nation branding movement, which seeks to legitimate the practice. It argues that nation branding is an engine of neo-liberalism that explicitly embraces a reductive logic, which privileges market relations (market fundamentalism) in articulations of national identity; also contends that nation branding is a risky business that can backfire, since its success depends, in large part, on the intuitive knowledge of individual industry ‘creatives’. It maintains that the methodology of nation branding, qua methodology, is profoundly anti-democratic. It offers recommendations for making nation branding more transparent and accountable to democratic values, but also explores Umberto's concept of ‘semiotic guerrilla warfare’ as a possible strategy for disrupting nation branding and redirecting initiatives to rethink national identity in more democratic directions.

Background. The use of innovative tools in various spheres of Ukraine’s tourist sys­tem, including in particular its branding, will provide new development opportunities in the context of the global pandemic COVID-19. Analysis of recent research and publications has shown that the problems of for­ma­tion Ukraine’s national tourism brand require systematic comprehensive research despite scientific interest and practical necessity. The aim of the article is to substantiate the peculiarities of reframing concept (from English reframe – to do over, to change) of tourism branding on the basis of the holistic approach. Materials and methods. The portfolio tools and methods of scientific research such as analysis, synthesis, analytical researches; systematization, decomposition and generali­za­tion were used to substantiate the concept of the national tourist brand of Ukraine, structuring of the process of tourist brand formation, descriptors identification of the brand semantic model. Results. Scientific hypotheses about the correlation between the share of problem loans in the total volume of issued loans and the ratio of individual macroeconomic indi­cators of the country’s development were suggested; their empirical testing was carried out. The range of proposals, based on the results of this study, was developed. It included res­triction of high-risk balance and off-balance banks credit operations; introduction of the mechanism for mandatory stress testing of credit risk, taking into account key indicators that characterize the level of global misbalances; establishment of a direct relationship bet­ween the level of credit rating of the country and the degree of credit activity of its banks; establishment by the mega-regulator of the critical value of the ratio between the volume of financial assets and GDP; determination of tight credit risk standards, etc. The implement­tation of these proposals will stabilize the situation in global financial markets. Conclusion. The generated national brand is a means of increasing tourist interest in Ukraine and a prerequisite for the tourist flows growth. The national brand value is not only in the feasibility to create a positive image, increase the benefits of activities in global, regional and national markets, but also in strengthening the country’s position at the inter­national level. Global economic asymmetries in tourism are not homogeneous, therefore new impul­ses and new quality of tourism can be obtained through the development of the tourism branding concept, which depends on the socio-economic and cultural impact of the tourist destina­tion, its attractiveness to potential tourists and export-oriented development model of tourism.

This study explores the extent to which a country's international political actions have the potential to affect the way foreign audiences perceive a country. It proposes that a nation has a political brand which is a vital component of the entire nation brand and has the potential to significantly affect the overall brand image of a country. The thesis is explored empirically through survey questionnaires examining perceptions of the United States of America (US). Theoretically, complementary fields of study examining concepts of nonprofit and government marketing, nation branding, political marketing and public diplomacy are combined to form an understanding of the link between nation branding and a nation's political brand. The findings of this research suggest that the perceptions of the US among those surveyed are largely negative, and anchored in the country's international political actions and policy as well as US President George W. Bush.

ABSTRACTThe study aims to examine (1) how the nation brands in Japan and Indonesia are represented by the performances of rural heritage, 2) how locals legitimate their collective identities with nation imaginings, and 3) how the brand association of rural heritage places contributes to the nation brand. Using a comparative study, this paper examines how the Tsumago post town in Nagano, Japan, and Penglipuran village in Bali demonstrate how for rural places to contribute to the idyllic rural imaginings for each nation. The research project use qualitative approach by interviewing local people and tourists, observing local activities, with the collection of media data, and an examination of the data using discourse analysis. The research results are that: (1) both destinations construct their nation brands through the discourses of space, (2) discourse of people movements, which circulate in a turbine model of heritage process, and (3) the discourse of nation branding. This study supports the need to study the local characteristics and performance patterns of rural places that are seemingly idyllic to represent the imaginings of nation. As a conclusion, both places, similarly and differently, combine the narratives of rural place using local, nation identity, and tourism imaginaries that are circulating globally.

ABSTRACTIf nation branding is about constructing and promoting national identity, what kind of ‘identity’ could it possibly be? This article analyses how the branded nation qualitatively differs from earlier forms of imagined communities by focusing on the tension between inward- and outward-directed dimensions of nation branding. A particular focus is placed on the concept of ‘identity’, which, it is argued, is insufficiently problematized in previous research. The discussion takes its departure in a case study of Ukraine, where all nation branding attempts came to an abrupt halt when political unrest broke out in late 2013. The political unrest led to a rapid shift in forms of concern over Ukraine, since nation branding can only be conducted in times of relative social harmony. The case further illustrates the argument that collective identity is not a main issue when branding a nation, and it is argued that a perspective of cosmopolitanism can bring new insights to the phenomenon.

Methods and techniques of organizing the process of teaching the state language-the Kazakh language through the theme “National brand” are presented in the article. Teaching the Kazakh language through the theme of the national brand is a communication, cognitive, axiological component of language teaching aimed at the development of the Kazakh culture in the modern global world, reflecting the national coloring of the Kazakh language inherent only to it, aimed at solving the most important communication problems in everyday life, in contact with other cultures in the Global interethnic language space. Therefore, the main goal of the research is to find methods and techniques of language teaching through the national brand theme. The object of the study is not only the structural and grammatical features of the language, but also the cultural and social aspect, the problem of teaching the Kazakh language through the linguistic and cultural aspect is analyzed. It was found that the methodology of language teaching was borrowed in connection with the progress of the development of general linguistics, and the emergence of new directions in linguistics also influenced the methodology, as a result of which new trends in language teaching appeared. The theme “National brand” is systematized from the integration of new trends and national values. Within the framework of this topic, the text is taken and an example of the implementation of the language learning process through this text is given. Key words: teaching the Kazakh language, national brand, methodology, methods, technologies, linguistics.

Three climates of contrarian discourse have thrived in post-revolutionary Iran. By far the most noticed and privileged among these is the cognitive discourse articulated by intellectuals. Meanwhile, the expressive discourse of the peer-group networks, and the traditionalist discourse developed by heterodox charismatic movements remain obscure to most observers. Cognitive discourses of dissent articulated by intellectuals mould the ‘public opinion’ and pave the path of organized collective action and social change. They embody deliberate and conscious resistance of what Robert Ezra Park called ‘the public’. Expressive and traditionalist discourses of dissent, on the other hand, reflect the temperament of Park’s ‘crowd’. Far from sober responses to oppression, they signify improvised and chaotic but tremendously effective reactions to repression. Their sparse articulation, their episodic resurgence (during football celebrations, sectarian revolts, and other occasions for spontaneous collective action), their dependence on visual and emotional means of expression, and their evanescence make them even more elusive and invisible to the investigative gaze. Nevertheless, as expressive and traditionalist discourses of discontent embody the needs and aspirations of vast segments of the population, they are indispensable to an adequate understanding of political culture in contemporary Iran. They contain energies that can, in time, fuel full-fledged dissident movements.1 We must not forget that the Revolution itself started not as a rational extension of the cognitive revolutionary discourse analyzable in purely political, organizational, cultural, economic, or military terms but as largely spontaneous collective action that proved unpredictable not only to Western analysts but even to its own leaders and participants. The Iranian Revolution, thus, sprang forth and gathered force in opposition to seemingly minor provocations, harvesting tremendous energy out of every measure taken for its suppression. Only after the Revolution had already started was the cognitive component made salient, causing the articulation of demands and selection of heroes and leaders.2 None of this is intended to belittle the role of cognitive discourse, which has been and continues to be central to opposition politics in Iran. Hence, we will start this study with a brief taxonomy of cognitive discourses of the opposition in contemporary Iran before moving on to the expressive and traditionalist discourses.

Since 2008, the South Korean administration has invested significant budgetary and political resources in its nation branding strategy, involving the private sector and Korean citizens in this endeavour. This article takes Korea as an exemplary case study of the way many states have enrolled their citizens, through nation branding, in the construction of a collective competitive identity. This study is based on an empirically deductive methodology, looking at the industry literature on nation branding, official sources, iconography and videos from the Korean nation branding campaign, and drawing on interviews with actors and observers of this campaign. I suggest that Korean nation branding should be seen as a continuation of the capitalist developmental project initiated by Park Chung-Hee in 1960s. Lee Myung-Bak’s nation branding campaign belongs to a series of strategies aiming at transforming South Korean into a successful global site of capitalist accumulation. This path dependency involves citizen mobilisation, and this is analysed through a Foucauldian prism: this article shows that although modalities of social control have evolved with the democratisation in 1987, they still play a role, combining coercion and non-coercive technologies of the self, in seeking to transform Korean citizens into competitive capitalist subjects.

The Swedish Number is a 2016 marketing campaign by an independent tourist association that relies heavily on a developing heritage of Swedish nation branding initiatives. It uses media technologies to encourage citizen participation in promoting Swedish values, partly for the purpose of showing the country’s authentic side and partly for generating publicity. This article conducts a case study of the campaign in order to explore the ways in which media technologies were used to circulate tropes originating in the official nation brand in the service of a commercial interest. We argue that Brand Sweden has established a set of national identity resources that may be leveraged through public participation, vast publicity drives via media technologies and through mimicry of the national interest. Such a study supports a closer analysis of the ways in which nation brands influence identity politics via media technologies. This article will be of much interest to scholars of nation brands, cultural studies, participatory culture, national identity and transmedia engagement. This article forms part of the ‘Theorizing Media in Nation Branding’ Special Issue.

Couponing Strategies in Competition Between a National Brand and a Private Label Product

Couponing Strategies in Competition between a National Brand and a Private Label Product

This study aims to analyze the impact of social and economic transformations on Saudi families amidst rapid developmental changes and in the context of Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030. It employs a sociological approach integrating both quantitative and qualitative methods to examine shifts in family values, roles, and consumption patterns. The study utilized a survey of 279 households, complemented by semi-structured interviews with 23 families from four regions representing the geographical and social diversity of the Kingdom. This approach allowed for an in-depth exploration of the cultural and social dimensions underlying changes in family values and consumption behaviors. The findings reveal substantial transformations in the value structure of Saudi families, including a shift from the traditional patriarchal model toward a partnership-based family model, the emergence of individual autonomy balanced with collective identity, and the influence of women’s economic empowerment on the redistribution of family roles and authority. Furthermore, the study demonstrates the role of digital transformation in shaping new consumption patterns characterized by comparison, informed choice, and rational digital consumption, while still preserving elements of tradition. These findings contributed to conceptualizing the “Conscious Family” model, which embodies a conscious adaptation to modernity while maintaining core identity and cultural values. The study recommends the development of family-oriented policies, community and educational programs to support this model, including women’s economic empowerment, enhanced digital literacy, and the adoption of sustainable consumption strategies tailored to local contexts. The significance of this study lies in its contribution to understanding Saudi social transformations not merely as behavioral or economic changes, but as a process of reproducing family identity and values within the framework of Vision 2030, offering an analytical model linking value-based, behavioral, and economic transformations within contemporary Saudi families.

Estimating Price Rigidity in Vertically Differentiated Food Product Categories with Private Labels

The Kremlin’s rhetoric of defending ‘traditional family values’ has been central to Russian justifications for its invasion of Ukraine and policies towards its children. This study analyzes the relationship between family, state ideologies, and child protection within this context by examining: (1) How are children positioned within Russia’s framework of family values and the roles of the state in enforcing them? (2) How have discourses on family values and child protection been used to justify Russia’s expansionist geopolitical objectives and application of biopolitical power in the Russia-Ukraine war? Through thematic analysis of political discourse, our research reveals how, through instrumentalization of narratives on ‘traditional family values’, childhood becomes a critical site where geo- and biopolitical strategies intersect and play a central role in nation-building, expansionist foreign policy, and constructing collective identities by imposing control over human bodies. We also examine how these justificatory narratives converse with global human rights and child protection discourses. Our study contributes to the scholarship of childhood and family as sites of social and political relations and how states use cultural narratives to secure geo- and biopolitical objectives. Confronting and subverting these narratives becomes critical to any post-conflict settlement and holding Russia accountable for its actions in Ukraine.

In this article we argue that the state of theory and concept development in political marketing needs to be related to several epistemological as well as topical themes and issues. Seven meta-theoretical issues are discussed with regard to current theoretical position of political marketing research and some initial recommendations are made on how these issues can be developed further. The second part of the article focuses on topical aspects of theory and concept development in political marketing and highlights nine themes for further research. These themes of political marketing are singled out because of their characteristics which show them to be significantly distinct from commercial marketing practice, and therefore need more careful modelling in concepts and theories of political marketing.