Rationale of Female UN Peacekeepers: The Case of Indonesia

The Blue Beret

BackgroundConflicts, natural disasters, and complex emergencies present substantial health challenges to United Nations (UN) peacekeepers deployed in mission areas. This scoping review aims at summarizing previous research on the health of UN peacekeepers and identifies issues for further investigation.MethodsFollowing the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) extension for Scoping Reviews, we systematically searched Web of Science, PubMed, EMBASE, Scopus and China National Knowledge Infrastructure (CNKI) for English and Chinese literature published from April 1997 to November 2023. A data charting form was developed by two reviewers to extract relevant themes and provided narrative descriptions.ResultsWe screened 1079 de-duplicated records and included 143 studies in this scoping review. There were 112 studies on the health status of UN peacekeepers, with more than half on mental health problems such as stress and anxiety. Many studies explored the health status of UN peacekeepers in African countries deployed from mainly U.S., Canada, U.K., China, Australia and Norway. There were 39 studies on the health risk factors of UN peacekeepers, including natural environmental, social environmental, psychological, behavioral lifestyle, biological factors and health service factors. There were 62 articles on the health protection of UN peacekeepers, mainly based on previous deployment experience, with a lack of theoretical guidance from global health perspectives. This scoping review found that health problems of UN peacekeepers are complicated, and whose impacts are cross-border. Social environmental factors were explored the most among health risk factors. Disease prevention measures, medical and health measures, and psychosocial measures were the main health protection for UN peacekeepers.ConclusionsThis scoping review highlighted that health problems of UN peacekeepers were typical global health issues with complicated and cross-border health risk factors. Therefore, comprehensive strategies could be taken from global health perspectives, including multi-phases (before-deployment, during-deployment, and post-deployment), multi-disciplines (public health, medicine, politics, health diplomacy, and others), and multi-levels (the UN, host countries, troop-contributing countries, the UN peacekeeping team, and UN peacekeepers).

Sexual abuse is a very human stain that has marked many organizations that define themselves through virtue, including the church, schools, scouting organizations and other humanitarian organizations. The exposure of sexual abuse by United Nations (UN) peacekeepers reveals behaviour that is undoubtedly unconscionable, but surely not inconceivable. While the UN was constructed from plans to deliver peace, security, development and human rights, the organization was inescapably hewn from the crooked timber of humanity. The UN is ultimately a creature of the world upon which it seeks to act. The reality of sexual abuse by UN peacekeepers has been destructive of the organization’s legitimacy, yet so is any fantasy about the imagined purity of the organization and its personnel. Scholarly attention to the development of an accountability framework for UN peacekeeping is critical so as to avoid not only overly romantic, but also overly cynical, readings of the nature of the organization. Rosa Freedman’s article calls for a ‘new approach to accountability’ in response to sexual abuse by UN peacekeepers. Her focus is on accountability as a process rather than a value. Freedman highlights the importance of a victim-centred approach, arguing for the need to place relevant aspects of criminal justice, truth and reconciliation mechanisms, human rights law and political processes at the heart of accountability responses. In this short article, my focus will be on the currency, rather than the metal, of the accountability coin, giving regard to the value or values we expect accountability to serve in this setting rather than to its processes. It is hoped that this will provide an interesting foundation to support, but also to critique, elements of Freedman’s discussion. History tells that the humanitarian nature of an institution or authority is no antidote to misdeed. Certainly for the countries in which the highest number of UN sexual abuse allegations has been recorded (Haiti, the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and South Sudan), the history of humanitarianism is also a history of paternalism. Both ‘isms’ involve ‘the act of interfering in the lives of others, often without their permission, on the grounds that such interventions are for their own good’.1 In order to avoid one sliding into the other, humanitarians must navigate a delicate balance between care and control. Michael Barnett has tracked the history of humanitarianism, drawing chilling comparisons between the ‘civilizing mission’ of empire and liberal humanitarianism.2 Of course, there is also a key normative distinction between these projects. To effectively distinguish itself from imperial governance, humanitarian governance must stake its legitimacy on purpose: to act for the benefit of the ruled rather than of the rulers. The legitimacy of humanitarian governance is dependent on the idea that humanitarian agencies act not out of self-interest but, rather, as a public trustee and for the benefit of the ruled. At the heart of the relationship, therefore, is trust. In the literature responding to the problem of sexual violence by UN peacekeepers, scholars have focused on ‘shame’, ‘danger’ and even ‘hope’.3 My argument is that ‘trust’, at least from an institutional perspective, is the key institutional value that is betrayed by reported (and unreported) cases of sexual abuse by UN peacekeepers and is the value that accountability processes must seek to restore. Of course, the concept of trust is context specific and can have interpersonal, financial and political manifestations and implications.4 It also has legal relevance. I argue that trust is foundational to our understanding of the legal authority exercised by UN peacekeepers. In legal terms, we can classify the relationship between UN peacekeepers and the foreign populations over which they exercise authority in the nature of a fiduciary relationship. Because the fiduciary relationship is legal in nature, it generates legal duties, including the duty upon the UN to account to those over whom it exercises control.

United Nations (UN) peacekeepers have the responsibility of aiding nations that are affected by conflicts or disasters in their efforts to achieve peace. They are often referred to as ‘blue berets’ or ‘blue helmets’ due to the distinctly recognized light-blue coloured headwear during their deployments. While peacekeepers themselves represent international bodies of ‘peace’, ‘stability’ and ‘protection’, their uniforms, on the other hand, represent more complex symbols of culture and identity. The unique combination of this blue headwear worn by the peacekeepers in combination with clothing from their national institutions, such as military battledress, are more than mere items of clothing. Rather, the colour, material and style of the UN peacekeeper uniform represent juxtaposing economic, social and ideological symbols, that influence both micro (individual and group) and macro (organizational) behaviours, interactions and culture. Using data collected from semi-structured interviews with international human rights and gender experts from various fields and institutions, including media and journalism, legal, military and non-governmental organizations, this article examines the semiosis of UN peacekeepers’ uniforms. By focusing specifically on military personnel, the article discusses how traditional notions of the militarized solider have been appropriated and reimagined into the figure of the peacekeeper. I discuss that while uniforms continue to be used as symbols of ‘peace’ by the UN to sustain its institutional power and legitimacy in world politics, the ‘blue beret’ is often seen as a token of ‘fear’ or ‘distrust’ among host-peacekeeping nationals, thereby revealing the contradictory, and oft-times problematic, nature of UN peacekeeping.

Safety and security of United Nations (UN) peacekeepers is a ‘top priority’ for the UN and has been made a focus-area of the Action for Peacekeeping (A4P) initiative. Risk stemming from the threat of deliberate acts of violence against peacekeeping personnel, in particular, has come into focus. Many aspects related to violence against UN peacekeepers remain poorly understood even though they matter for safeguarding effective operations and mandate implementation. Recent years’ advances to protect UN peacekeepers from harm have heavily focused on improving their access to training and equipment. Added efforts to track and analyse patterns of attacks, including drivers and wider consequences, can also contribute to the safety and security of peacekeeping personnel. This background paper highlights some key findings from existing studies by scholars to stimulate discussion at the 2022 Challenges Annual Forum CAF22.

Cancer risk and all-cause mortality among Norwegian military United Nations peacekeepers deployed to Kosovo between 1999 and 2011

The essay delves into Nepal's substantial involvement in UN peacekeeping, particularly examining the Nepali Army's role in Operation Lifeline within the UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS). It traces the historical origins of Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS) and its transformation into Operation Lifeline (OLL) within UNMISS, emphasizing Nepal's enduring commitment to global peace. The narrative focuses on OLL-54, where the Nepali High Readiness Company (NEPHRC) played a crucial role, exceeding agreed-upon limits to ensure the safe passage of the barge in a complex security situation. The essay underscores the operational credibility and professionalism of the Nepali contingents especially NEPHRC, suggesting it as a case for Nepal's unique contribution to future UN peacekeeping efforts. It advocates for the systematic documentation of such experiences, envisioning the development of a unique Nepali peacekeeping model for the world. In conclusion, the essay asserts that Nepal has an opportunity to showcase its commitment and achievements in international peacekeeping, reinforcing its position as a significant contributor to the evolving landscape of UN peace missions.
 Nepali Army's (NA) six decades in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping is a reflection of Nepal's enduring commitment to global peace and security. This is not merely a legacy or an aggregate of numbers of participation, achievements, and sacrifices. NA today carries a huge baggage of experience and knowledgebase derived from different peacekeeping environments of conflict zones across the world from as many as 44 traditional and multi-dimensional UN peacekeeping missions. Quite significantly, NA can offer the UN a Nepali peacekeeping model based on lessons acquired through involvement and practice. From each mission and (the number of) contingents in those missions, NA has gathered tremendous lessons and learning (experience) from individuals - leaders and men alike and participating units. Yet very few attempts were made to collect those experiences and bring about inferences for its future application. The author believes that Nepal can contribute to the world with a unique outlook for future UN peacekeeping, which is always evolving. This paper, however, only attempts to discuss Operation Lifeline (OLL) of the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) in particular to derive lessons relevant for Nepal/NA to consider for the future.

What strains working relationships between United Nations (UN) peacekeepers and the humanitarian community? That is the question answered by this article. As UN peacekeeping missions and their practices evolve over time, so to do their relationships with partners and other actors in the field. The partnerships needed for a peacekeeping mission to be deployed and achieve its mandate are diverse and multifaceted. Missions such as United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA), United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) and the recently closed MINUSMA have undertaken ‘robust’ stabilisation mandates with more military capabilities than ever before which has been argued to have had a negative impact on the missions’ relationships with non-governmental organizations NGOs). This article gathers recent experiences of how UN peacekeeping missions and the humanitarian community (including other UN agencies, funds and programmes, and NGOs) work together in the field to draw out the straining factors in those relationships. To do this, 31 semi-structured interviews were undertaken between September 2023 and February 2024 with participants with experience of such relationships between peacekeepers and humanitarian actors. Whilst presenting a rich dataset of experiences of individuals working in this space, the article highlights the importance of leadership across all organisations to drive common agendas and positive working relationships that are in the interest of conflict-affected communities.

United Nations (UN) peacekeepers tend to be deployed to ‘hard-to-resolve’ civil wars. Much less is known about where peacekeepers are deployedwithina country. However, to assess peacekeepers’ contribution to peace, it matters whether they are deployed to conflict or relatively safe areas. This article examines subnational UN peacekeeping deployment, contrasting an ‘instrumental’ logic of deployment versus a logic of ‘convenience’. These logics are evaluated using geographically and temporally disaggregated data on UN peacekeepers’ deployment in eight African countries between 1989 and 2006. The analysis demonstrates that peacekeepers are deployed on the frontline: they go where conflict occurs, but there is a notable delay in their deployment. Furthermore, peacekeepers tend to be deployed near major urban areas.

Over the last 30 years, the People’s Republic of China (China) has evolved from a skeptic to a champion of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping. During that same period, UN peacekeeping has greatly changed. This paper traces how China has reacted to the various practical and doctrinal innovations of UN peacekeeping, such as the turn to more robust peacekeeping, the protection of civilians, the responsibility to protect, the call for better force protection as outlined in the Cruz report, and, finally, the Action for Peacekeeping initiative. The paper then discusses possible future developments of China’s role in UN peacekeeping. Given the increasing weight of China within the UN, it is likely that China will gradually become more involved in shaping peacekeeping concepts. Early signs can be seen in its approach to the role of human rights in peacekeeping and in its emerging conceptual understanding of peacebuilding.

This commentary traces the increasing importance of early warning in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping, an emphasis that has emerged in connection with the evolution of protection of civilians mandates in UN peacekeeping missions. It examines the current and emerging practice of early warning in UN peacekeeping as well as the challenges faced, drawing on case studies from the UN missions in South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The authors also propose a set of basic principles upon which early warning in UN peacekeeping operations might be approached in the future.

The main aim of this research is to explore the legal issues arising from the possible inclusion of Private Military Companies (PMC) as a military component of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping. It takes a step forward and explores the legal implications, consequences and limitations if such a policy option were to be chosen, but it does not expressly argue in favour or against such an option.The organization of the research is the following: First, main concepts used here, namely, peacekeeping and a private military company, are clarified. Secondly, the legal framework applicable to PMC-peacekeeping is then outlined in detail: the two scenarios for PMC-inclusion are defined, the legal subjects involved are identified and the applicable substantive rules of international law are surveyed. Emphasis is placed on the rules related to UN-peacekeeping and applied in analogy at the end of each section regarding either private contractors or the two hypothetical scenarios. Next, the two scenarios are tested with rules of international responsibility for wrongful acts.The conclusion outlines the major finding and legal limitations accompanying the possible use of PMCs in UN peacekeeping. First, one can conclude with confidence that there exists a certain detachment between the current use and status of private contractors in UN operations and the modalities which would be required for the implementation of the two hypothetical scenarios presented, namely the utilisation of PMCs as security-providing and combat forces under UN control and command. Second, both core parts of the analysis indicated that there currently exists a firmer case for the implementation of the first scenario that assumes an active role of states as providers of PMC-peacekeepers as seconded entities, similar to that of the national peacekeeping contingents. Third, the international responsibility debate is insufficient and needs to be supplemented by the individual criminal responsibility debate when exploring the option of PMC inclusion in UN peacekeeping.

Recent studies have shown that United Nations (UN) peacekeepers are deployed to active conflict zones and are effective in reducing violence against civilians and between armed actors. Yet, while existing research has explored where peacekeepers are initially deployed, we know less about where peacekeepers patrol after deployment in which existing evidence remains largely anecdotal. We contend that UN peacekeeping patrols are generally conducted in areas where they are most needed in areas of armed violence and where civilians are targeted as UN peacekeepers are mandated to anticipate and respond to violence. We assess this argument using unique, geocoded mission report data compiled by the Joint Mission Analysis Center (JMAC) on UNAMID patrols across Darfur between January 2008 and April 2009. We find that, while UN patrols often stayed closer to the base, many patrols did venture far from base into the “sea of instability,” in locations with armed clashes and civilian violence.

ABSTRACTThis article analyses direct forms of the ‘protection of civilians’ (PoC) in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping, and how this links to aspirations outlined by cosmopolitan scholarship at the turn of the twentieth century. Its main contention is that cosmopolitan conceptions of peacekeeping, which advocate more active forms of civilian protection, have faced significant challenges in the UN peacekeeping system. These challenges (internal and external) are a result of the state-based nature of the UN, and its peacekeeping practice. Therefore, the UN’s flexibility to adopt ethical practices associated with PoC can only be contained within confined boundaries. The article takes as its starting point the aspirations of cosmopolitan scholarship before outlining policy development in UN peacekeeping concerning PoC. It then explores internal and external challenges faced in operationalizing PoC in UN peacekeeping practice before arguing that the UN may be at a stage where it is ‘muddling through’ in terms of PoC. The article contributes to debates about the role of peacekeeping in global politics, through seeking to understand the possible limits of cosmopolitanism within peacekeeping practice. Moreover, it offers a contemporary understanding of where the UN has developed PoC in its deployments and what challenges remain.

Based on spatial panel regressions for 1990–2012, this article draws publicness differences between peacekeeping personnel contributions to UN and non-UN peacekeeping operations. The analysis shows that UN missions are much less responsive to personnel spillovers, derived from other contributors’ peacekeepers, than is the case of non-UN missions. UN peacekeeping missions display either no response or free riding to these personnel spillovers, while non-UN missions indicate spillover complementarity. Moreover, a number of controls distinguish the two kinds of peacekeeping, where non-UN missions display income normality and UN missions’ deployments increase with the number of concurrent peacekeeping missions. The latter suggests that some countries specialize in supplying UN peacekeepers as a money-making venture. The positive response to the population variable supports this conjecture for UN missions, because a greater population base provides the recruits for peacekeeping operations. Our spatial empirical analysis accounts for the endogeneity of peacekeeper spillovers. The article concludes with a host of robustness tests that account for the alternative classes of peacekeepers, African Union and ECOWAS missions, and other empirical variants.