Rational voting in Portuguese local elections: A fuzzy-set analysis on how corruption, education, inequality and government efficacy affect voter turnout

Democracy is an indicator of the implementation of the highest legitimate state power by the people (popular sovereignty), which is manifested by their involvement in the democratic party (election). The higher the level of political participation, the more likely it is that the people will follow, understand, and involve themselves in state activities. On the other hand, a low level of political participation generally indicates that the people have little appreciation or interest in state issues or activities. New voters are citizens who are exercising their right to vote for the first time in general election activities. They can come from Indonesian citizens (WNI) who are 17 years old or not yet 17 years old but have already been married. Young voters in the general election are a new generation of voters who have different traits and characteristics, backgrounds, experiences, and challenges from voters in the previous generation. Most of them are students, have good economic status, and generally live in urban areas or surrounding areas. This research focuses on Indonesian migrant workers in Penang, Malaysia, regarding the upcoming 2024 elections. The purpose of this paper is to determine the forms of political participation of novice voters in elections, the factors supporting the political participation of novice voters in elections, and the factors inhibiting the political participation of novice voters in elections.

In 2022, Brebes Regency will carry out the 3rd stage of Simultaneous Village Head Elections, including in Bangsri Village, which involves the participation of Beginner Voters. Political participation is a form of citizen participation in the political process. In a democracy, the people are expected to actively participate in politics. The political participation of the Bangsri Village novice voters can be seen in various forms, including Pre-Election, During Election and Post-Election. Judging from the three forms of participation, the participation of novice voters in the Bangsri Village head election looks low. This study uses the theory of Political Participation (Gabriel Almond), namely the Conventional Political Participation Form, which is a normal and legal form of participation as a research analysis knife and as an instrument to conduct in-depth studies to determine the political participation of the Bangsri Village community. This study uses descriptive qualitative research methods. Descriptive analysis method is used to obtain a systematic, factual and accurate description of the facts, characteristics and relationships between the phenomena being investigated. The results of this study indicate that the Political Participation of Beginner Voters in the Election of the Bangsri Village Head, Bulakamba District in participation in the KPPS Committee and Officer, knowing DPT information, seeing the determination and taking of the serial number of the village head candidate, participating in the Timses of one of the candidates, participating in the campaign agenda , voting, and watching the vote count is still considered low. There are several factors that cause the political participation of novice voters is still low, namely the heavy factor in work, heavy on school, wandering, and lack of experience. So that the political participation of novice voters in Bangsri Village is still not maximized.

The Political Consequences of the Financial and Economic Crisis in Europe: Electoral Punishment and Popular Protest

The chapter studies individual-level strategic voting in run-off elections and makes two contributions. On the theoretical side, we propose a typology of the strategic situations a voter can face and of the kind of reasoning that the rational voter should perform in such situations. On the empirical side, we conduct laboratory experiments and show that voters follow such reasoning when it is simple enough, particularly when there is a serious possibility that a candidate reaches the absolute majority threshold in the first round. More complex conditional reasonings based on ‘backward induction’ are seldom followed.

INTRODUCTION: Laws enacted by elected officials can affect how physicians practice. Although civic engagement is a value emphasized throughout medical training, physicians have been found less likely to vote in national elections. Little research has been conducted looking into factors that contribute to low medical trainee or physician voter turnout. This study was designed to look at what barriers medical students encounter that may prevent them from voting in elections. METHODS: An anonymous online survey was emailed to Medical Students at two Medical Schools in the spring of 2019. The survey assessed demographic information and barriers students encountered related to voting in recent elections. RESULTS: 353 medical students responded to the survey. 29% (104/352) of respondents did not vote in the 2018 Midterm election. 14% (50/352) of respondents did not vote in the 2016 Presidential election. The most prevalent voting barriers included limited time to learn about the candidates (35%, 124/353) and amendments (31%, 111/353). While 15.3% (54/353) of respondents reported that schools reminded them to vote, only 3.4% (12/353) reported that school provided time away from academic or clinical responsibilities to vote. CONCLUSION: Given the value that medical schools place on civic engagement, it is surprising that so few students are given time to vote. Medical schools can possibly enhance voter turnout by reminding students of upcoming elections and providing protected time to participate in elections. By reducing barriers to voting for medical trainees, medical schools can help create a generation of future physicians with a higher voter turnout.

The dynamics and reality of the Beginner Voters in each General Election is an exciting and vital entity to study and research, including the study of the First Voters in Purwakarta Regency in the 2018 West Java (Jabar) Regional Head Election (Pilkada). Beginner Voters in the 2018 West Java Pilkada, this study aims to reveal and describe: (1) the reality of the 2018 West Java Pilkada in Purwakarta Regency; (2) Types of Beginner Voters for the 2018 West Java Regional Head Elections in Purwakarta Regency. This research employs a qualitative descriptive-analytic method that includes three data gathering techniques: interviews, documents, and group discussion forums. This research is based on the voter typology idea. Two fundamental discoveries were discovered in this study as a consequence of data analysis, namely: (1) the category of Beginner Voters in the 2018 West Java Regional Head Elections in Purwakarta Regency were voters aged 17-20 years; (2) The Type of Beginner Voters in the 2018 West Java Pilkada in Purwakarta is Rational Voters. The findings of this investigation lead to two suggestions: (1) To develop a theory about political studies among adolescents; (2) As a guide in conducting political campaign strategies and political education for youth.

Elections in multi-level systems are challenging for voters because they are supposed to hold political representatives accountable in a complex system of responsibilities. Therefore, when casting their votes in elections at different levels of government, level-specific factors should be of relevance for voters when making voting decisions. We compare deviant voting behaviour in two specific types of local democracy, namely those where institutional and political factors cluster differently. While local candidate-oriented democracies are characterised by candidate-centred voting systems and local party systems with low degrees of nationalisation, local party-oriented democracies are characterised by closed list systems and local party systems that show high degrees of nationalisation. Using individual and aggregate data on local elections in Germany from 2014, we show that voters in local candidate-oriented democracies seem to be more affected by local factors when casting their votes. However, we also show that our results depend on the respective measurement strategies for deviant voting, as local vote intention in free list systems may be measured in alternative ways. The paper makes a significant contribution to the understanding of deviant and local voting behaviour in multi-level democracies with different voting systems.

1. Introduction.- An Introduction to the Analysis of Power, Voting, and Voting Power.- 2. The Idea of Power.- Power in Game Forms.- A Philosophical View of Power.- Power and Profit in Hierarchical Organizations.- Equivalent Concepts of Power in Voting Games.- Attribution and Social Power.- Power: An Amorphous Term - Diverse Conceptual Approaches.- 3. Formal Analysis of Representation and Voting Procedures.- Proportional Representation and Effective Number of Parties in Finland.- The Relationship Between Voting and Party Strength in an Electoral System.- Manipulation of the Agenda by Strategic Voting: Separable and Nonseparable Preferences.- Order-of-Voting Effects.- Strategic Voting in Multicandidate Elections under Uncertainty and under Risk.- Electoral Rules and Rational Voting: The Effects of Candidate Viability Perceptions on Voting Decisions.- 4. Concepts of Power Measurement.- The Problem of the Right Distribution of Voting Power.- An Axiomated Family of Power Indices for Simple n-Person Games.- Measuring Power in Voting Bodies: Linear Constraints, Spatial Analysis, and a Computer Program.- Modification of the Banzhaf-Coleman Index for Games with A Priori Unions.- Power and Satisfaction in an Ideologically Divided Voting Body.- Power in an Ideological Space.- Measuring Power.- 5. The Empirical Approach.- Party Power and Government Formation: A Case Study.- The Distribution of Power in Specific Decision-Making Bodies.- Political Geography and Political Power.- Regional Power Allocation: The Problem of British Devolution.- The Paradox of Redistribution: Some Theoretical and Empirical Results.

The relationship between postal voting and voter turnout in local elections needs to be investigated in the context of whether postal voting helps increase voter turnout in twenty-first century local elections. This assists to uplift the discourse about New Zealand and Australia local elections and its voter turnout. This article explores the method of postal voting history by looking at these two countries and analysing the method of political participation at the local level. It argues that postal voting no longer increases or decreases voter turnout in these countries.
 
 KEYWORDS: • postal voting • voter turnout • local elections • participation • New Zealand

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O F ALL POSSIBLE POLITICAL ACTIONS the voting decision has received the most attention from behavioral political scientists. Probably we have compiled and analyzed more data on candidate choice and turnout than on any other form of political behavior. Of course, this heavy emphasis comes as no surprise. The voting act is the fundamental political act in a democracy. It is the most widespread political act. Furthermore, on the surface, at least, the voting act would appear to be one of the simplest (and therefore, most understandable) political acts. A heavy scholarly focus on the voting act follows naturally from these considerations. While our data base expands, however, our theoretical superstructure remains far from finished. It is fair to say that political science has relied chiefly on models rooted in the sociological, and later the social-psychological tradition.' These models hold that

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This article seeks to discuss the influence of Islamic religious authorities on local electoral politics within the context of ongoing democratization in Indonesia. Although local elections are often portrayed as arenas of rational, performance-based democratic decision-making, evidence from several regions—particularly Madura—suggests that religious leaders continue to play a decisive role. Existing studies of Madurese politics consistently highlight the centrality of kiai and pesantren, yet few have systematically analyzed how religious authority interacts with rational voting considerations across different social groups and geographic contexts. To address this gap, this study presents a qualitative case analysis of local elections in Madura, drawing on in-depth interviews and participant observation involving santri, students, and the community across four districts. This article argues that religious authorities remain influential in shaping voter preferences through processes of conditional negotiation, resulting in variations in electoral behavior across rural–urban settings and social categories. Based on these patterns, the article proposes four voter typologies: traditional, rational, critical, and skeptical. Importantly, the observed rationalization of political behavior does not correspond with secularization; instead, it unfolds within—and remains conditioned by—the enduring authority of religious leadership.

Indonesian elections are a real expression of democracy and a vehicle for the people to declare their sovereignty over the state and government. Elections are based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. Elections are held in the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) based on the principles of direct, universal, free, confidential, honest and fair elections. Political participation in a democratic country is an indicator of the implementation of the highest legitimacy of state power by the people (people's sovereignty), which is manifested in participation in democratic parties (elections). It can be said that general elections are one of the means of democracy and a manifestation of people's sovereignty, to produce representatives and leaders who are ambitious, competent and responsible for the welfare of the people. A very interesting group of voters to follow and learn more about is first-time voters. New voters are voters who are voting for the first time in an election. The purpose of this research is to find out the forms of political participation of new voters in elections, the factors that support the political participation of new voters in elections, and the factors that hinder the political participation of new voters in elections. The writing method used in this journal article is a literature review supported by relevant research. New voters are expected to be more actively involved in political activities, dividing their time between studying.

The percentage of invalid votes in national elections in Poland, has not been studied as extensively as in the case of local elections. There are many research gaps in this area, starting with the description of the spatial patterns of this diverse phenomenon. This article has this main goal: to describe the spatial patterns of the percentage of invalid votes in the elections to the Sejm, the European Parliament and the President of the Republic of Poland in the years 2004–2019. The key of this study is a long-term analysis of the above-mentioned problem, as well as a look at the changes taking place in space-temporal terms. For this purpose, the methods of comparative map analysis, spatial classification and statistical analysis: Kruskal-Wallis and Student’s t-tests were used. The most important conclusion from this work is the universality of spatial patterns of the percentage of invalid votes in the case of elections to the Sejm and the European Parliament and some differences in the case of presidential elections. The persistence of interregional differences is also noticeable, but we can observe strengthening of these differences in the case of parliamentary and presidential elections, and weakening in the case of elections to the European Parliament. The article also presents an explanation for the significant increase of invalid votes in the Bydgoszcz district in the 2005 Sejm elections, which was caused by the unusual design of the brochure ballot card.