RAP, MÚSICA E VOZ DA EMANCIPAÇÃO SOCIAL

Social networks amplify inequalities by fundamental mechanisms of social tie formation such as homophily and triadic closure. These forces sharpen social segregation, which is reflected in fragmented social network structure. Geographical impediments such as distance and physical or administrative boundaries also reinforce social segregation. Yet, less is known about the joint relationships between social network structure, urban geography, and inequality. In this paper we analyze an online social network and find that the fragmentation of social networks is significantly higher in towns in which residential neighborhoods are divided by physical barriers such as rivers and railroads. Towns in which neighborhoods are relatively distant from the center of town and amenities are spatially concentrated are also more socially segregated. Using a two-stage model, we show that these urban geography features have significant relationships with income inequality via social network fragmentation. In other words, the geographic features of a place can compound economic inequalities via social networks.

Controversies around race and machine learning have sparked debate among computer scientists over how to design machine learning systems that guarantee fairness. These debates rarely engage with how racial identity is embedded in our social experience, making for sociological and psychological complexity. This complexity challenges the paradigm of considering fairness to be a formal property of supervised learning with respect to protected personal attributes. Racial identity is not simply a personal subjective quality. For people labeled "Black" it is an ascribed political category that has consequences for social differentiation embedded in systemic patterns of social inequality achieved through both social and spatial segregation. In the United States, racial classification can best be understood as a system of inherently unequal status categories that places whites as the most privileged category while signifying the Negro/black category as stigmatized. Social stigma is reinforced through the unequal distribution of societal rewards and goods along racial lines that is reinforced by state, corporate, and civic institutions and practices. This creates a dilemma for society and designers: be blind to racial group disparities and thereby reify racialized social inequality by no longer measuring systemic inequality, or be conscious of racial categories in a way that itself reifies race. We propose a third option. By preceding group fairness interventions with unsupervised learning to dynamically detect patterns of segregation, machine learning systems can mitigate the root cause of social disparities, social segregation and stratification, without further anchoring status categories of disadvantage.

Gender, Sovereignty, Rights:Native Women's Activism against Social Inequality and Violence in Canada Joanne Barker (bio) Contemporary Native women's struggles against social inequality and violence and for Native sovereignty and self-determination are mired in histories of sexist ideologies and practices. While these struggles and histories did not begin in the nineteenth century (sexism certainly existed before then), they were fortified in powerful ways by the Indian Act of 1868. The act consolidated under Canadian Parliament authority all previous colonial legislation addressing the status and rights of Native people in Canada. In 1876, the act was amended to establish patrilineality as the criterion for determining Indian status, including the rights of Indians to participate in band government, have access to band services and programs, and live on the reserves.1 The amendment instanced and reified the sexist ideologies and practices of colonialism in which the act emerged and functioned, and it did so specifically by empowering status Indian men with all of the rights, privileges, and entitlements of status in band government and reserve life. Over time, this led status Indian men to an expectation of entitlement in band government and property rights over Indian women, irrespective of their status. The provisions of the Indian Act and its enforcement by Canada only affirmed and perpetuated those expectations.2 In 1983 and 1985, several different kinds of Indian women's constituencies (status, nonstatus, reserve, urban, rural) and their allies (including Indian men) secured constitutional and legislative amendments that partially reversed the 1876 criterion.3 The amendments were not passed easily. Status Indian men who then dominated band governments and organizations protested vehemently against the women and their efforts. They accused the women of being complicit with a long history of colonization and racism that imposed, often violently, non-Indian principles and institutions on Indian peoples. This history was represented for the men by the women's appeals to civil and human rights laws, and more particularly to feminism, to challenge the [End Page 259] constitutionality and human rights compliance of the Indian Act, an act the men represented as providing the only real legal protection of Indian rights to sovereignty in Canada. Demonized as the proponents of an ideology of rights based on selfish individualism, and damned for being "women's libbers" out to force Indian peoples into compliance with that ideology, the women and their concerns were dismissed as embodying all things not only non- but anti-Indian.4 Their agendas for reform were dismissed as not only irrelevant but dangerous to Indian sovereignty. These dismissals perpetuated sexist ideologies and discriminatory and violent practices against Indian women within Indian communities by normalizing the men's discourses regarding the irrelevance of gender as well as the disenfranchisement of women in Indian sovereignty struggles. The longer work from which this article is drawn examines the 1983 and 1985 amendments and the activism that led to their development and passage as an instance of the co-constitutive relationship of sovereignty and gender.5 By developing how and which specific discourses of rights were mobilized by various constituencies of Indian men, women, and their allies, the article opens up the conflicts surrounding gender politics and women's rights within Native sovereignty movements. In doing so, it intends to provide a forum for thinking about the kinds of social reformations needed to bring about equity between and for men and women in Indian communities, an essential aspect of any agenda for decolonization and social justice for Native peoples. Structuring Inequalities: Understanding the Indian Act System Canada's Constitution Act of 1867 assigned "exclusive jurisdiction" to Parliament over "Indians, and Lands reserved for the Indians" (Section 91, 24).6 Canada's Indian Act of 1868 enumerated these powers by defining the laws and procedures of band governments as well as the terms of occupancy and use by bands of trust lands or reserves. It commissioned the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development (DIAND) to oversee band government operations and the management of reserve lands, resources, housing, and all related program and funding issues, such as education and health care. DIAND agents were also given the authority to remove band officials from office if...

This chapter examines various strategies deployed by El Salvador’s upper middle classes to contend with social violence and also addresses their role in configuring their nation’s persistent social inequalities. Specifically, it analyzes the way in which practices and representations associated with these strategies for dealing with violence contribute to creating a social distance between the upper middle class and the lower classes. El Salvador is characterized by persistent and profound inequality, and high levels of social violence and poverty. The approach considers the sociocultural practices associated with the reproduction of social inequalities.

Book Reviews New Directions in the Gendered Study of Peace, Social Violence, Militarism, and War Valarie H. Ziegler. The Advocates of Peace in Antebellum America. Bloomington : Indiana University Press, 1992. xi + 241 pp.; bibl; index. ISBN 0-253-36864-2 (cl); $35.00. Harriet Hyman Alonso. Peace as a Women's Issue: A History of the U.S. Movement for World Peace and Women's Rights. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1993. xix + 340 pp; illus; appendixes; bibl; index. 0-8156-2565-0 (cl); 0-8156-0269-3 (pb); $39.95 (cl); $17.95 (pb). Amy Swerdlow. Women Strike for Peace: Traditional Motherhood and Radical Politics in the 1960s. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993.450 pp. (est.); illus; bibl; index. 0-226-78635-8 (cl); 0-226-78636 (pb); $45.00 (cl); $19.95 (pb). Margaret Hope Bacon. One Woman's Passion for Peace and Freedom: The Life of Mildred Scott Olmsted. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1993. xix + 414 pp.; 30 illus, index. 0-8156-0270-7 (cl); $34.95. Louise Krasniewicz. Nuclear Summer: The Clash of Communities at the Seneca Women's Peace Encampment. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992. xiii + 259 pp; illus; bibl; index. 0-8014-2635-9 (cl); 0-8014-9938-0 (pb); $45.00 (cl); $14.95 (pb). Jean Bethke Elshtain and Sheila Tobias, eds. Women, Militarism, and War: Essays in History, Politics, and Social Theory. Savage, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 1990. xii + 272 pp.; index. 0-84767469 -X (cl); 0-8476-7470-3 (pb); $48.00 (cl); $23.50 (pb). Frances Early In 1967, Women Strike for Peace spokesperson Dagmar Wilson challenged a Washington Post reporter to reach toward a new understanding of Vietnam: "You have no idea of who the enemy is—the enemy is war and violence" (quoted in Swerdlow, p. 218). The books reviewed here span diverse subject matter and represent the work of scholars in a variety of disciplines. Yet with the exception of Valarie Ziegler's book, which is somewhat tangential thematically to the others, they all share an appreciation of the way in which women have sought to question, reshape, and even transcend established authority structures, particularly institutions and patterns of thought that legitimize war and social inequalities within © 1994 Journal of Women's History, Vol 6 No. ι (Spring) 76 Journal of Women's History Spring the larger framework of a patriarchal, racist state. These studies bring important chapters of women's history out of the shadows of neglect and elucidate a long, largely unbroken tradition of creative peace work hitherto scarcely recognized. Each scholar's work attests in some way to the importance of engendering the study of history and contemporary social movements . Furthermore, these books demonstrate that feminist theory-building in relation to questions of peace and war has always been integral to women's peace and social justice work. Valarie Ziegler's study examines the beginnings of mixed-gender peace reform organizations in the United States. Ziegler, a religious studies scholar, analyzes the underlying assumptions and values guiding peace activism in the antebellum era in order to understand the bifurcation of the peace movement into moderate cultural Christians in the American Peace Society (founded 1828) and the radical sectarian nonresistants of the New England Non-Resistant Society (founded in 1838 as a splitaway group of the parent American Peace Society). She uncovers two conflicting theological tenets, an ethic of coercion (cultural Christian) and an ethic of love (sectarian nonresistant), both of which she locates within mainstream nineteenth-century evangelical theology. Ziegler also demonstrates two differing temperaments which roughly approximate the cultural Christian /sectarian nonresistant polarity in the organizational structure of the peace movement. Concentrating for the most part on male leadership styles and thought, she argues that articulate members of the American Peace Society such as Noah Worcester epitomized "the confident Christian" who believed in the ability of people like themselves to convince public opinion that war was wrong and could be abolished through established institutional channels. However, Worcester and others like him were willing under certain circumstances to subscribe to an ethic of coercion : violent means were sometimes necessary to order society as they saw fit. In contrast to such individuals, members of the...

Introduction. Beyond the Black Report: Mel Bartley (International Center for Health and Society), David Blane (Imperial School of Science Technology and Medicine), and George Davey Smith (Bristol University Medical School). Part I: Understanding the social dynamics of health inequalities:. 1. Mortality, the social environment, crime and violence: Richard G. Wilkinson (University of Sussex), Ichiro Kawachi (Harvard School of Public Health) and Bruce Kennedy (Harvard School of Public Health). 2. The psycho--social perspective on social inequalities in health: Jon Ivar Elstad (Norwegian Social Research). 3. Theorizing inequalities in health: the place of lay knowledge: Jennie Popay (University of Salford), Gareth Williams (University of Salford), Carol Thomas (University of Lancaster). 4. Is there a place for geography in the analysis of health inequality?: Sarah Curtis and Ian Rees Jones (Queen Mary and Westfield College, University of London). Part II: Social and spatial inequalities in health:. 5. Gender and disadvantage in health: mena s health for a change: Elaine Cameron (University of Wolverhampton). 6. Changing the map: health in Britain 1951 -- 1991: Mary Shaw, Danny Dorling and Nic Brimblecombe (University of Bristol). 7. Genetic, cultural or socio--economic vulnerability? Explaining ethnic inequalities in health: James Nazroo (Policy Studies Institute, London). 8. Mortgage debt, insecure home ownership and health: an exploratory analysis: Sarah Nettleton and Roger Burrows (University of York). 9. A lifecourse perspective on socio--economic inequalities in health: H. Dike van de Mheen, Karien Stronks and Johann P. Mackenback (University of Rotterdam). Notes on Contributors. Index.

Urbanization in major cities such as Jakarta frequently results in heightened social inequality and economic segregation, further widening the gap between different societal groups. Jakarta vs Everybody portrays these urban challenges by depicting the harsh realities of city life through characters ensnared in crime and economic hardship. This study adopts a qualitative methodology, employing semiotic and discourse analysis to examine how the film represents social inequality in the context of urbanization. The findings reveal that the film effectively illustrates marginalization, social injustice, and economic segregation present in Jakarta. Specifically, it highlights disparities in access to opportunities and resources among various social groups, which drive the main characters toward a life of crime as a shortcut to survival. These results bolster existing theories of social and economic segregation in urbanized settings, demonstrating that inequality in large cities extends beyond economic factors and shapes broader social and cultural dynamics. The implications of this research underscore the need to address uneven urbanization, which exacerbates inequality and crime in big cities. The film serves not only as a medium for raising social awareness but also as a platform for provoking deeper discussions on spatial policies and social justice in urban environments. Consequently, this study contributes to the literature on the interaction between popular media and social issue representation in urban society.

Geographers have always studied urbanisation as a social response to problems of uneven development. Though there is far less consensus of the precise causes social inequalities there is a general recognition that the implementation of neoliberalism as a social, economic and political project has led to further marginalisation of the urban poor and increased spatial inequalities. South African urban landscape has gone through several phases of spatial-social restructuring which have all variously contributed to uneven development and spatial-social marginalisation. Early phases of urban development during the colonial and apartheid period were mainly about implementation of the ideology of spatial and social segregation within the context of free-liberal economy doctrines. Spatial and social differentiation was an official formal programme for urban landscape. The uneasy relationship between the colonial-apartheid ideology of racial spatial segregation and `capitalist free-liberal economy’ find significant convergence in spatialisation of inequalities and left persistent spatial-social legacies of inequalities. The collapse of `formal official apartheid’ ideology in 1994, and the subsequent transformation programme created an opportunity for neoliberalism as a political, social, economic project and dominated all areas of post-apartheid urban transformation. This paper explores how the principles of neoliberalism became embedded in new transformative legislative, regulatory and institutional frameworks and reproduced on post-apartheid urban space. The purpose of this paper is to review the spatialisation of post-apartheid urban inequalities and explores the resurgence of new forms neoliberalised spatial inequalities on South African urban landscape.

This article examines the political role of documentary film in Chile between 1970 and 1973. Based on a careful study of two influential films, Pedro Chaskel and Hector Ríos's Venceremos and Patricio Guzman's The Battle of Chile, the author argues that documentary filmmakers engaged, analyzed, and sought to inform the political trajectory of Allende's peaceful road to socialism, highlighting the revolutionary potential of film while experimenting with aesthetic and formal languages appropriate to the political context of the time. Turning their attention to the ways in which everyday experience was politicized, and paying special attention to the political struggle played out in city streets, these filmmakers were able to explore the relationship between political change, social inequality, and everyday and state violence. These films are, in short, important documents for the writing of a cultural history of political change in the late twentieth century.

This paper adds to knowledge on the role of politicians’ and voters’ identities in influencing policy-making in societies marked by ethnic inequality. The outcome we investigate is the initiatives and policies targeting Indigenous populations in the context of Australia. We ask whether and how politicians’ and voters’ identities, defined based on a range of their observable characteristics, shape initiation and support of Indigenous-focused policies. Drawing on data on the voting history of members of the two houses of the Australian parliament, we provide an analysis of law-making behaviour and show that political ideology, and to some extent politicians’ propensity to act rebelliously and diligently, are significant determinants of their agreement on Indigenous-focused policies. Our complementary analysis of voters’ attitudes and preferences on issues concerning Indigenous Australians points to the high relevance of political ideology, and in doing so, highlights the alignments in the behaviours of politicians and voters.

This paper adds to knowledge on the role of politicians’ and voters’ identities in influencing policy-making in societies marked by ethnic inequality. The outcome we investigate is the initiatives and policies targeting Indigenous populations in the context of Australia. We ask whether and how politicians’ and voters’ identities, defined based on a range of their observable characteristics, shape initiation and support of Indigenous-focused policies. Drawing on data on the voting history of members of the two houses of the Australian parliament, we provide an analysis of law-making behaviour and show that political ideology, and to some extent politicians’ propensity to act rebelliously and diligently, are significant determinants of their agreement on Indigenous policies. Our complementary analysis of voters’ attitudes on issues concerning Indigenous Australians points to the high relevance of political ideology, and in doing so, highlights the alignments in the behaviours of politicians and voters.

This article offers an updated revision of the research field commonly known as Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). First, some sensitive aspects related to its multidisciplinary and dissident nature are clarified. Then a triangulated theoretical framework, which is based on the relationship among discourse, cognition, and society is presented. The ways in which hegemonic groups control text and context and, consequently, people's minds, and the macro and micro dimensions of social structures where such discursive control is embodied -being its most prominent forms of domination power abuse and social inequality- are addressed through this theoretical framework. Later, some researches of CDA on discourse and gender, discourse and racism, discourse and media, political, professional and institutional power are revised. The article concludes pointing to certain theoretical and methodological pending issues, which highlight the necessity to count on a manifest cognitive interface, and a suitable integration between linguistic and sociopolitical approaches, and a more explicit analysis of counter hegemonic or resistance discourses, among others.

EnglishAfter the Second World War, capitalist economies were affected by inclusive growth. In the last decades this trend has changed. Economic growth in the advanced countries slowed down and associated to increasing social inequalities. However, there are significant differences among countries. Some of them were affected by higher rates of growth and high degrees of inequalities. Others showed economic dynamism with more Iimited social inequalities. The worst case involved low growth and extended inequalities. The Iiterature on the varieties of capitalism has offered interesting hypotheses to explain such differences, and therefore to shed light on the institutional bases of models that are more compatible with inclusive growth. However, this literature has mainly looked at the connections among economic and social policies and usually considered institutional assets as given. The aim of this paper is to propose a new comparative research agenda that could enhance the analytical tools of the varieties of capitalismo In this perspective, attention is drawn to the role of politics in shaping regulative policies by assessing empirical and theoretical links berween types of democracy (majoritarian vs. consensual) and models of capitalism. Politics has been overlooked so far, but it appears crucial in order to understand the economic as well as the political conditions of an inclusive growth: its origins and its future. italianoIntroduzione. - Tre percorsi di sviluppo. - La sfera delle politiche: fattori che influenzano la crescita inclusiva. - fattori che compensano i costi di politiche di contrasto della disuguaglianza. - La sfera della politica: il ruolo dei partiti. - Frammentazione sociale e personalizzazione politica. - Tipi di democrazia e scelte regolative. - Avvertenze finali.

Contemporary debates about social polarisation and divided cities emphasise common influences on social and economic change in cities. The development of a global economy and of global influences on both market systems and on public policy regimes encourages an expectation that there is a convergence in processes and policies affecting cities and a convergence in outcomes—in terms of increasingly similar patterns of polarisation and division. This paper considers data from Britain and the Netherlands relating to changes in the housing sector and to social segregation and indicates that emerging patterns are very different. Socio-tenurial polarisation and social segregation are not as marked in the Netherlands as in Britain and are not changing as fast. The discussion arising from these data suggests that concern with globalisation and common influences on change should be balanced with a recognition of the importance of other factors in determining the pattern and pace of change in cities. Within this it is important to recognise not just differences in housing finance and policy but the degree of social and income inequality and the wider functioning of the welfare state.

We analyze the representatives’ views of the school of revived natural law on the social human rights problem. We note that a key milestone in the state and legal transformations of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century was the consolidation of civil rights and freedoms for Russian citi-zens. We establish that representatives of the school of revived natural law developed a theory of individual rights and freedoms in the context of the re-lationship between the constitutional state with the ethics and morality prob-lems. We doctrinally justify that social rights, along with political rights, oc-cupied an important place in the catalog of human rights classification developed by scientists, due to the fact that they were associated with values such as social justice and social equality. We offer arguments indicating that representatives of the school of revived natural law considered the right to a dignified human existence as the source of social rights emergence, which were a prerequisite for the individual’s social emancipation and an attempt to transform the estate society into a civil one.