Radikale Demokratietheorie und politische Urteilskraft. Die Stärke normativer Implikationen

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Radikale Demokratietheorien zeichnen sich durch ein umfassendes Verständnis von Kontingenz durch eine Kritik an Normen und normativ begründeter Herrschaft aus. Es wird jedoch diskutiert, ob die Aufhebung von Unterdrückungsverhältnissen und die Idee der Selbstbestimmung nicht ein normatives Verständnis implizieren. Der Beitrag diskutiert daher, welches Verständnis normativer politischer Theorie für radikale Demokratietheorien angemessen ist. Die These lautet, dass die Gleichsetzung von normativer Theorie und Normalisierungsdruck den Fehler begeht, Normativität nicht radikaldemokratisch oder negativ zu denken.

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  • 10.59704/51105916ed266604
Die Idee der Staatsräson im neuesten deutschen Recht
  • Jan 2, 2025
  • Florian Meinel

Wer sich von rechtszerstörenden Fiktionen heute ein Bild machen will, lese das kürzlich veröffentlichte und inzwischen rechtskräftige Urteil der 9. Kammer des Verwaltungsgerichts Regensburg vom 7. Oktober 2024. Es ist eine der ersten bekannt gewordenen gerichtlichen Entscheidungen, die zu der im Juni 2024 in Kraft getretenen Reform des Staatsangehörigkeitsrechts ergangen sind.

  • Book Chapter
  • 10.1093/oso/9780198848219.003.0025
Review of Friedrich Meinecke, Machiavellism: The Doctrine of Raison d’état and its Place in Modern History (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1957)
  • Dec 23, 2021
  • Martin Wight

Wight praised Meinecke’s Die Idee der Staatsräson, translated as Machiavellism: The Doctrine of Raison d’état and its Place in Modern History, as ‘by any odds the most important and enduring book on international relations published in the 1920s, and perhaps between the wars’. It is, Wight wrote, ‘an essay in the historiography of human thought, a study of how Machiavelli’s principles infiltrated into European statecraft, how thinkers and politicians who most strenuously repudiated him found it necessary to borrow from him, and how the idea of raison d’état developed to guide the greatest statesmen from Richelieu to Bismarck, until it was swamped by the ignorant popular passions of 1918’. Meinecke was preoccupied, Wight observed, with (in Meinecke’s words) ‘that tragic duality which came into historical life through the medium of Machiavellism—that indivisible and fateful combination of poison and curative power which it contained’. Moreover, Wight added, the tension between ‘necessity’ and ‘moral traditions’ has been recognized by some statesmen ‘as the central experience of international politics’. Wight noted that ‘Meinecke, despite his honourable retirement under the Nazis, was infected with the German heresy of idealizing State power and fatalistically abdicating personal responsibility. … Yet it was easier for a Burckhardt or an Acton, in the security of nineteenth-century Switzerland or Britain, to condemn power as evil without qualification.’

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  • Cite Count Icon 2
  • 10.1163/187226310x509529
Friedrich Meinecke: Panentheism and the Crisis of Historicism
  • Jan 1, 2010
  • Journal of the Philosophy of History
  • Reinbert A Krol

Friedrich Meinecke’s Die Idee der Staatsräson (1924) is generally seen as the study in which he replaced his monistic-idealistic philosophy of history ‐ as articulated in Weltbürgertum und Nationalstaat ‐ by a dualistic worldview. In this article I will argue against this view. I will do so on the basis of a brief analysis of Meinecke’s Staatsräson-study. I will show that Meinecke succeeded in combining his monism and his dualism within a so-called (harmonious) ‘panentheistic’ philosophy.Next, when discussing Meinecke’s position in the crisis of historicism, critics generally refer to Meinecke’s Die Entstehung des Historismus (1936) or his essays from around the 1920s, but refer rarely to Die Idee der Staatsräson. Yet it is precisely this study ‐ dealing with the theory and practice of statesmanship ‐ that gives us a good grasp of Meinecke’s reponse to the crisis of historicism, since it is in the state where idea and reality collide most brutally. Questions of ethical relativism, of the relationship between power and ethics, and of that between politics and history are nowhere more pressing than in the practice of statesmanship. It will become clear that, according to Meinecke, the statesman’s (or the historian’s) conscience moves him to a sphere of panentheistic harmony enabling him (and the historian) to overcome the aporias of historicism.

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  • 10.1111/j.1754-0208.2004.tb00281.x
Reviews
  • Mar 1, 2004
  • Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies

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  • Michel Cullin

Die politische Kultur der Zweiten Republik kann nicht ernsthaft analysiert werden, ohne den Bezug zur österreichischen Nation herzustellen. Dieses Konzept hat das politische Engagement des kommunistischen Widerstandskämpfers Felix Kreissler und dessen wissenschaftliches Werk grundlegend geprägt. Die Idee der österreichischen Nation, die nach 1945 eng mit der republikanischen Identität Österreichs verbunden ist, wurde u.a. von Ernst Karl Winter und Alfred Klahr vor dem Zweiten Weltkrieg entwickelt. Fern von jeder ethnischen oder metaphysischen Definition der Nation entsprach sie der Idee einer Staatsnation (konstitutionelle Monarchie oder demokratische Republik), die ihre Erinnerungskultur auf kultureller Diversität aufbaut.

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Katholischer Rechtspopulismus
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Review: Hermann Muthesius und die Idee der harmonischen Kultur, by Fedor Roth; Hermann Muthesius und die Reformdiskussion in der Gartenarchitektur des frühen 20. Jahrhunderts, by Uwe Schneider; and Hermann Muthesius, 1861–1927: Das Landhaus als kulturgeschichtlicher Entwurf, by Laurent Stalder
  • Dec 1, 2010
  • Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians
  • John V Maciuika

Book Review| December 01 2010 Review: Hermann Muthesius und die Idee der harmonischen Kultur by Fedor Roth; Hermann Muthesius und die Reformdiskussion in der Gartenarchitektur des früühen 20. Jahrhunderts by Uwe Schneider; Hermann Muthesius, 1861––1927: Das Landhaus als kulturgeschichtlicher Entwurf by Laurent Stalder Fedor Roth; Hermann Muthesius und die Idee der harmonischen Kultur; Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag, 2001, 310 pp., 45 b/w illus. $43 (cloth), ISBN 3786123306Uwe Schneider; Hermann Muthesius und die Reformdiskussion in der Gartenarchitektur des früühen 20. Jahrhunderts; Worms: Wernersche Verlagsgesellschaft, 2000, 334 pp., 53 b/w illus., $63 (cloth), ISBN 3884621653Laurent Stalder; Hermann Muthesius, 1861––1927: Das Landhaus als kulturgeschichtlicher Entwurf; Zurich: gta Verlag, 2008, 223 pp., 80 b/w illus. $42 (paper), ISBN 9783856762193 Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians (2010) 69 (4): 596–602. https://doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2010.69.4.596 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Review: Hermann Muthesius und die Idee der harmonischen Kultur by Fedor Roth; Hermann Muthesius und die Reformdiskussion in der Gartenarchitektur des früühen 20. Jahrhunderts by Uwe Schneider; Hermann Muthesius, 1861––1927: Das Landhaus als kulturgeschichtlicher Entwurf by Laurent Stalder. Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 1 December 2010; 69 (4): 596–602. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2010.69.4.596 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu nav search search input Search input auto suggest search filter All ContentJournal of the Society of Architectural Historians Search In the spring of 1945, the forty-one-year-old architect Eckart Muthesius returned home to Berlin-Nicolassee to the house and studio designed some four decades earlier by his father, Hermann Muthesius (Figure 1). He discovered a platoon of Soviet soldiers using the spacious suburban house as a field hospital in the battle for Berlin, then raging some seven miles to the northeast. In an effort to clear more space for the wounded in the home's crowded attic, a Russian lieutenant supervised as a group of soldiers lugged boxes of files and papers into the courtyard formed by the house and studio wing. There they hurled the boxes onto a raging bonfire, which, unbeknownst to the Soviet soldiers, was consuming decades' worth of the architect Hermann Muthesius's construction drawings and sketchbooks, transactions with the Deutscher Werkbund, and correspondence with clients and countless figures from the early twentieth-century architecture and design world. Frantically conveying... You do not currently have access to this content.

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L’idea della riduzione. Le riduzioni di Husserl – e il loro comune senso metodologico
  • Jan 1, 2013
  • Metodo. International Studies in Phenomenology and Philosophy
  • Dieter Lohmar

We present the Italian translation of a well-known contribution of Dieter Lohmar on the problem of phenomenological reduction which first appeared in German under the title Die Idee der Reduktion. Husserls Reduktionen und ihr gemeinsamer, methodischer Sinn (in Die erscheinende Welt. Festschrift für Klaus Held, hrsg. von H. Hüni und P. Trawny, Duncker&Humblot, Berlin 2002). The different reductive strategies in the Husserlian works are traced back to a common model that shows continuity and progress of the phenomenological method from what Lohmar identifies as a reduction to the reeller Bestand up to the transcendental, primordial, life-worldly forms of reduction.

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Hegel's Dialektik: Fünf hermeneutische Studien (review)
  • Jul 1, 1975
  • Journal of the History of Philosophy
  • Darrel E Christensen

416 HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY (pp. 321-430). Again the "Erste Einleitung" together with "Gebrauch teleologischer Prinzipien" and the third Critique provide the basis for the discussion; but references to the Opus postumum are also quite numerous and provide supportive evidence. The first topic being discussed is the interrelation of machanisms and purposiveness. Kant himself had argued that "in an animal body many parts can be conceived as concretions according to mechanical laws.... Yet the cause which brings together the required matter, modifies it, forms it, and puts it in its appropriate place, must always be judged of teleologically" (p. 324). This leads the author to a discussion of "external" and "relative" purposiveness (pp. 357-382); but the key to it all is Kant's statement in the third Critique that the principle involved here (which is at the same time a definition of the organism) is this: "An organized product of nature is one in which every part is reciprocally purpose and means." Nothing is without purpose, nor can it be ascribed to a blind mechanism of nature (p. 409). Corresponding formulations and arguments abound in the Opus postumum (pp. 411-425). But in the Opus also Kant goes beyond the third Critique, asserting, for example, that "the principle of the possibility of such bodies [i.e., of organisms] must be immaterial because it is possible only through purposes." And Kant wondered whether this "immaterial principle....encompasses the whole universe" and, "as world-soul (which must not be called spirit)," underlies all life, or whether there are several such principles subordinate to one another as levels of determination (p. 422). The author's "ultimate observation ": Kant has "decisively refuted any purely speculative philosophy" even as far as the ground of observable purposiveness is concerned. W. H. WERKMEISTER Florida State University Hegels Dialektik: Fiinf hermeneutische Studien. By Hans-Georg Gadamer. (Tfibingen: T. C. B. Mohr, 1971. Pp. 96) Three studies---bridge-pieces of an unwritten work--form the core of this small book. These contain analyses of portions of Hegel's Phiinomenologie des Geistes and Wissenschaft der Logik. They are: "Hegel und die antike Dialektik," "Hegel: die verkehrte Welt," and "Die Idee der Hegelschen Logik." Two previously unpublished Vortriige, "Hegel und die Heidelberger Romantik," treating Hegel's Heidelberg period, and "Hegel und Heidegger," complete the collection. According to Professor Gadamer, what Hegel correctly saw in the Greeks is that which he in general recognized in philosophy, the speculative element. Commensurate with this, he saw that the propositions of philosophy cannot be understood as judgments in the sense of the logic of predication. "Kant recognized the necessity through which reason involves itself in contradictions. Kant's successors, Fichte, Schelling, Schleiermacher and Hegel took up the proof of the necessity of such dialectic, overcame the negative valuation of dialectic and thereby recognized the peculiar possibility of reason reaching beyond the limits of the understanding" (p. 7). Even though the reach of Hegel's reason beyond the understanding did not attain to the Begriff in its concreteness, on the author's analysis, and even though, as a consequence , "dialectic must take itself back [sich zuriicknehmen] into hermeneutics," Hegel occupies a special position in this undertaking. Gadamer's historical interpretation of Hegel's inverted world also pertains to the development of the concept of motion in that here also dynamics figures importantly. In this account, Hegel portrays the moment of the recognition of the concept of power as the truth of perception. Consciousness of perception, which is exhibited for the philosophical BOOK REVIEWS 417 consciousness, experiences the truth. The philosophical consciousness must recognize that behind the properties in truth stand powers, which work out their effects in relation to one another. Science, which, because it goes behind this externality to inquire of the laws which govern the powers, here is called understanding, grasps much better what the truth of reality is. (p. 35) Precisely this is the actual world, which consists in that it ever undergoes change, permanently becoming different. Permanence is then no longer the mere contradictory to vanishing, but it is itself the truth of vanishing. This is the thesis of the inverted world. (p. 36) The true world is... the truth conceived...

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  • Cite Count Icon 1
  • 10.1080/01916599.2020.1818114
Arendt's idea of the university
  • Oct 23, 2020
  • History of European Ideas
  • Gent Carrabregu

This article offers the first comprehensive reconstruction of Hannah Arendt's contribution to the venerable chapter of modern intellectual history known as ‘the Idea of the university.’ Arendt first jotted down her thoughts on this topic in a 1946 letter to Karl Jaspers, in response to the manuscript of his then forthcoming book Die Idee der Universität. She later revisited the topic in three different moments. We trace these three sequels back to three contemporary political crises to which she bore witness: (i) the problem of Arab-Jewish relations following the founding of Israel, (ii) the suppression of freedom of speech during the McCarthy era, and (iii) the American student protest movement of the 1960s. At the heart of Arendt's idea of the university is a tension that she never managed to resolve: namely, that between the image of the university as a nonconformist community ethically committed to the transformation of the social world, on the one hand, and the image of the university as a secluded sanctuary of contemplative freedom dedicated to the disinterested pursuit of truth, on the other. Whereas the first puts her at odds with Jaspers and is predominant in the early reflections, the second pulls her closer to him and becomes prominent in the later ones. More broadly, the article contends that the history of Arendt's reflections on the university bears on our understanding of the evolution of her political thought.

  • Preprint Article
  • 10.59350/fluchtforschung.7543
Gegen die Idee der „Massenmigrationswaffe“
  • Nov 11, 2021
  • Felix Bender

<em> Was geschieht, wenn von „Massenmigrationswaffen“ an der Grenze zwischen Weißrussland und Polen die Rede ist? Diese Sprachformeln sind nicht nur moralisch verwerflich, sondern auch ein strategischer Fehler im Ringen mit dem weißrussischen Diktator. Sie erkennen Menschen den Status als Subjekte ab, legitimieren unmenschliche Behandlungen und signalisieren, dass Europa Asylsuchende als Gefahr betrachtet. </em>

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Die Idee der Nation als Implikat der Interpersonalitäts- und Geschichtstheorie
  • Feb 25, 1990
  • Fichte Studien
  • Karl Hahn

Die Idee der Nation als Implikat der Interpersonalitäts- und Geschichtstheorie

  • Book Chapter
  • Cite Count Icon 5
  • 10.1007/978-94-015-9924-5_24
Dietrich von Hildebrand: Master of Phenomenological Value-Ethics
  • Jan 1, 2002
  • John F Crosby

Dietrich von Hildebrand was born in Florence in 1889, the son of the great German sculptor, Adolf von Hildebrand. He was educated by tutors at home until he began his university studies in Munich in 1906. Between 1909 and 1911 he spent several semesters studying with Husserl in Gottingen. He was profoundly formed by Husserl’s Logische Untersuchungen (Logical Investigations), which gave him a fundamental philosophical orientation that he never lost. In Gottingen he also studied with Husserl’s assistant, Adolf Reinach, whom he always venerated as his real teacher in philosophy. Max Scheler lived in Gottingen at this time, and in fact shared an apartment with von Hildebrand, who acknowledged receiving immeasurably much for his moral philosophy from his fifteen-year association with Scheler. In 1912 von Hildebrand received his doctorate in Gottingen with a dissertation entitled “Die Idee der sittlichen Handlung” (The idea of moral action).1 Husserl wrote in his evaluation of it: “I almost want to say that the genius of Adolf von Hildebrand has been inherited by his son, the author, as a philosophical genius.” He also said that von Hildebrand “astonishes the reader by an incomparably intimate knowledge of the various formations of affective consciousness and their objective correlates.”2 Husserl published the dissertation in its entirety in his Jahrbuch fur Philosophie und phanomenologische Forschung in 1916. It has recently come to light that Husserl made repeated use of it in his own research.3

  • Book Chapter
  • 10.1007/978-3-658-21996-3_1
Introduction
  • Jan 1, 2018
  • Hiroshi Kabashima + 3 more

Our project “Idea of Justice in Literature/ Die Idee der Gerechtigkeit in der Literatur” was firstly proposed by the chief editor, Shing-I LIU from Taiwan, and planed as an international dialogue joined by the co-editors, Aurelio de PRADA from Spain, Christoph LUETGE from Germany, and Hiroshi KABASHIMA from Japan. For this international collaboration, we organized five sessions in two days in English and German, on Monday, 27 July and Thursday, 30 July, 2015, in the form of a Special Workshop at the “XXVII World Congress of the International Society for the Philosophy of Law and Social Philosophy (IVR)” held at the Georgetown Law School in Washington D.C., the United States of America. In the sessions, we, the organizers, enjoyed so much our intellectual exchange with the excellent presenters and participants of all ages from all over the world who were engaged in the issue of “Justice in Literature”, as it is now to trace in this editorial work on hand.

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