“Radical Listening for Racial Exhaustion”

Throughout its history, radio in the US has reflected and reproduced dominant racial ideologies. This article highlights the experiences of individuals who shared their stories for the 2016 “Radical Listening” equity-focused podcasting project. As part of this project, participants recorded stories of racism and resistance from the larger Seattle area. Some participants chose to broadcast edited segments from their stories on the local public radio station. Their experience working with producers to broadcast their clips exposed the sonic centering of whiteness within public radio. The musical choices and stylistic norms of the station catered to the predominantly white listening audience, leaving contributors of color to accept these terms or keep their stories off the airwaves. Moments of suffering packaged and made public are inherently risky. Through mapping a particular instance of failed listening and its reverberations, this article traces the complicated ethical entanglements that can arise between storytellers and producers when editing audio for broadcast. How personal stories are disseminated and by whom impacts how these stories are then taken up and understood as meaningful by listeners. Listening occurs within gendered and raced bodies, and our positionality impacts how we understand the significance of the stories we hear. As their narratives traveled farther from the recording studio through radio and online spaces, participants contended with their inability to control the soundtrack of their experiences.

Ask a Political Scientist: A Conversation with Katherine J. Cramer about Listening as a Way of Democratic and Scholarly Life

HUMBLE PIE IS COLD COMFORT Comment on M. Sandel’s <i>The Tyranny of Merit</i>

Racial disparities in cancer care: can we close the gap?

Coronary Heart Disease Genetic Risk Score Predicts Cardiovascular Disease Risk in Men, Not Women.

Before we begin, we should note that we are not here speaking on behalf of either the United Nations (UN) generally or the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR) specifically. As researchers at UNIDIR, we are afforded both a valuable space to generate ideas for the improvement of UN operations or practices, and a chance to look and comment upon its performance with an interest in doing so. If at any point we seem less than fully impressed by UN conduct, you should think of our comments less as criticism and more as ... tough love. This event is quite exciting for us. It is the first time that we have had the opportunity to talk about design to a room full of actual designers and people concerned with design questions. Normally, the people that we talk to about program design are diplomats, practitioners in security, development, or humanitarian action, academic researchers, or field staff of the United Nations. The response we often get, when speaking of design, is akin to the look one makes when handed unfamiliar food: alternatively respectful, skeptical, or suspicious, and sometimes a bit put off. Yet, we speak about it often, and we think about it even more. The reason is that we think design looks promising for addressing some of the challenges faced in the international public policy domains of security, development, and humanitarian action. And we now believe that a new agenda needs to be formed around the investigation of the capabilities and limitations of design as a tool for public policy. This event is also a bit intimidating for us precisely because it is the first time we have had a chance to talk to a room full of designers. In many of our lectures, we argue for the benefits of design processes and techniques. We advocate for the conceptual and procedural value of design space at the nexus between defining problems and taking programmatic action. But ultimately, we need to learn from designers, from you, whether our suspicions about the power of collaboration here may prove as fruitful as we suspect. In international public policy, design is the dark space between knowledge and action. It is where the murky terms, metaphors, and conventional wisdom lurk that are often antagonistic to design as a professional activity. Design, after all, requires a

White males perceive the risks of health and technology hazards as low compared to white females and people of colour, a phenomenon termed the 'white male' effect. White males' low risk perceptions are associated with individualist and hierarchist worldviews as opposed to an egalitarian worldview. However, there is evidence that Asian males also perceive health and technology risks as low. Thus, the 'white male' effect may be more complex than originally thought. The current study investigated the 'white male' effect in a sample of US whites, African-Americans, Mexican-Americans, and Taiwanese-Americans for health, technology, and financial activities. White males and Taiwanese-American males perceived health and technology risks as low compared to others and endorsed an individualist rather than an egalitarian worldview. Furthermore, African-Americans perceived health and technology risks as high compared to others and were more likely to endorse an egalitarian worldview. There was no evidence for a 'white male' or high risk effect for financial activities. Thus, 'white male' and high risk effects may be limited to the domain of health and technology risks. Because risk perceptions and worldviews of white males and Asian males are similar, 'low risk' effect may be a more suitable term than 'white male' effect.

Conference Examines Cultural Histories Leading to Unrest in Ferguson

Contributors’ Notes

Whose Midwest? Paul Finkelman (bio) "They're Selling postcards of the hanging,they're painting the passports brown,The beauty parlor is filled with sailors,the circus is in town… And I look out tonight From Desolation Row." Bob Dylan, 1965 Much of my scholarship has focused on race and race relations in the Midwest. Thus, I was genuinely delighted to review a book that would help explain the very complicated and contentious history of race in the Midwest and how such issues play out today. For example, I thought the authors might explore why Iowa, which jump-started Barack Obama's presidential aspirations in the 2008 caucuses, and voted for him twice for president, then twice voted for Donald Trump. Sadly, this book offers few answers or insights to such questions. One major problem with this book is its use—or failure to use—evidence, and the authors' apparent lack of understanding of basic U.S. history. They make assertions that are only partially accurate or demonstrably untrue, such as the truly weird claim that such states as Iowa, Indiana, Wisconsin, and Michigan "all enrolled more soldiers [in the Civil War] than New York or anywhere else in the East." (61) In fact, New York enrolled more than 400,000 soldiers in the War, about the same as the combined total of these four states. Pennsylvania, another eastern state, enrolled 360,000 soldiers. The authors are quite open about their strategy of skewing evidence to make their points, noting they will make their arguments "through a selective analysis" of data. (40) They are also aggressive about reading into the past what they "see" as the intentions of actors. This is not exactly the "alternative facts" of Kellyanne Conway, but it comes close. [End Page 111] I: Who Can Write About the Midwest? Throughout this book the authors tell personal stories—they call them "reflections." They seem to feel a need to establish their bona fides to write about the Midwest. Professor Halvorson grew up in Muskegon, Michigan, which establishes her Midwest-street cred. Professor Reno went to graduate school in Ann Arbor and lived in Livonia and Ypsilanti, Michigan and we assume this makes him an expert on the vast area of the Midwest. For a scholarly book, I find this odd. By their standard, the Englishman Edward Gibbon should never have written The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Robert Caro, the son of a Jewish immigrant from Poland, should not have won a Pulitzer for writing about Lyndon Johnson of Texas, and David Blight, a White man from Flint, Michigan, should not have won the Pulitzer for a book about Frederick Douglass, a Black man from Maryland. But, since the authors think that one must be connected to the Midwest to understand it, I suppose I should establish my street cred. I did my Ph.D. in Chicago, lived in South Shore and Hyde Park, and delivered pizzas and once served as an election judge on the south side. I later taught at Chicago-Kent Law School, living in downtown Chicago. I currently hold a chair at Gustavus Adolphus College in St. Peter, Minnesota. I have taught at Hamline University in St. Paul, Cleveland State University, University of Akron, and Washington University in St. Louis. I edit a book series on the Midwest at Ohio University Press, and I have been a consultant to historic homes in both St. Louis and in Muscatine, Iowa. I have published many articles and book chapters on slavery and civil rights, Native American history, and ethnic and religious persecution in the Midwest. I am the co-editor of A History of Michigan Law, which won a "best book" prize from the Michigan Historical Society and was named a notable Michigan book by the Library of Michigan. And I once got fogged in for two days after lecturing at Michigan Tech, on the Upper Peninsula. So much for my bona fides. II: Defining the Midwest This book is supposed to be about "the Midwest," but we are quickly told it is "not a book about the Midwest, the place, or Midwesterners." Rather it is about something called "place making." (11) The...

Commentary: Diversity in physics: Are you part of the problem?

Highlights From the Circulation Family of Journals.

ABSTRACTYoga has seen an explosion of popularity in the United States. Though the practice can be traced to the Indus Valley civilization, its mass media representation is dominated by young, thin, white women. Little is known about how the practice came to be portrayed in this manner. However, scholars suggest that when media outlets target (white) women, they often encourage them to adopt “technologies of femininity” that may include instructions on how to tame, diminish, or banish fat. In this article, we examined if and how yoga has been presented in this fashion in the mainstream media. We performed a mixed-method analysis of cover images and articles featured in Yoga Journal from 1975 to 2015. Findings revealed that since 1998, men and people of color have seen a steep decline in representation on the covers. Full-body shots of white women have increased precipitously. We also found that the articles promote yoga as a part of a beauty regime. This regime relies on a dubious mix of self-love and fat aversion for white women, while people of color are almost entirely excluded from consideration. We conclude that, since 1998, coinciding with the latest yoga boom, Yoga Journal has encouraged white women to adopt yoga as a technology of femininity that tames fat. It has concomitantly disappeared people of color.

Although scholars have suggested that relationships with people of color can enhance White people’s commitment to racial justice, many women of color have questioned whether White people, and White women in particular, actually “show up” to protest for racial justice. Focusing on the contact experiences and closeness White women have with people from racial and ethnic groups different from their own, we tested how these relationships may predict their reported motivations to engage in protests for racial justice. With a broad online sample of White American women (Study 1), and White women who attended the 2017 Women’s March (Study 2), our results showed that both positive contact and closeness to people targeted by prejudice predicted White women’s willingness to participate in protests for racial justice (Studies 1 and 2). Only closeness to people targeted by prejudice significantly predicted actual participation in collective action for racial justice (Studies 1 and 2) and also predicted motivation for racial justice among those who attended the 2017 Women’s March (Study 2). Findings suggest that White women’s inclinations to protest for racial justice may be linked to the close relationships they have with people targeted by prejudice, while more general forms of positive contact may not be related to such action. Additional online materials for this article are available on PWQ ’s website at https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/suppl/10.1177/0361684319840269 . Online slides for instructors who want to use this article for teaching are available on PWQ' s website at http://journals.sagepub.com/page/pwq/suppl/index

SERIAL PROSTATE SPECIFIC ANTIGEN, FREE-TO-TOTAL PROSTATE SPECIFIC ANTIGEN RATIO AND COMPLEXED PROSTATE SPECIFIC ANTIGEN FOR THE DIAGNOSIS OF PROSTATE CANCER