Racialized Surveillance and Voting: Connecting Government Monitoring to American Muslim Electoral Participation

Voter participation in general elections is an important aspect of a democratic state structure. Participation is determined by the level of public political awareness, if the level of public political awareness is low, voter participation tends to be passive (Abstinence). A mathematical model approach to voter participation in elections that has been modified to a saturated incidence rate is needed to predict voter participation in future elections. This thesis aims to analyze the stability of the equilibrium point and apply the optimal control variable in the form of an awareness campaign. In the model without control variables, we obtain two equilibriums, namely, the non-endemic equilibrium and the endemic equilibrium. Local stability and the existence of endemic equilibrium depend on the basic reproduction number (R0), where R0=bL/(g+m)m. There is voter participation in elections when R0 < 1 and the absence of voter participation in elections when R0 > 1. We also analyze the sensitivity of parameters to determine which parameters are the most influential in this mathematical model. Furthermore, the application of control variables in the mathematical model of voter participation in elections with saturated incidence rate is determined through the Pontryagin Maximum Principle method. Numerical simulation results show that providing control variables in the form of awareness campaign it is quite effective in minimize the number of the voting population who abstained from election.

This study aims to determine the basis of the development of Islam in the United States and the manifestations of the influence of Islamic development in the field of United States politics, both in domestic and foreign policy of the United States. In this study a descriptive analytic method will be used which uses data collection techniques in the form of literature review, while the type of data used is theoretical data obtained from literature in the form of books, documents, journals, and information related to the problem to be studied. The data analysis technique used in this study is a qualitative analysis technique. The results of the research show that the basis for the development of Islam in the United States and its influence in the political field is based on the political system and the basic values that apply and are adhered to by the people of the United States. Islam in the United States shows rapid development both in terms of quantity and quality. In the political field, Muslims have shown an increase in involvement in political activities, for example, an increase in the number of participation in elections and also an increase in the number of partisans who are active in political party activities and an increase in cooperation and lobbying with elites and political institutions. The highest achievement of Muslims in the political field is the election of members of the congress who are Muslims. Currently there are two members of Congress who are Muslims and several of them occupy important public positions in the political and governmental structures of the United States. Muslims are also actively fighting for civil rights including political rights through Islamic organizations formed by Muslims in the United States.

This article examines changes in the turnout of registered voters in presidential primaries over the last 12 years that result from changes in the primary environment. While previous research has been limited to static, cross-sectional analysis, we undertake a diachronic analysis of the link between changes in voter turnout and changes in the electoral framework and strategic campaign components of the primary environment. By making a controlled comparison of the impact of such changes on voter turnout, we are able to gauge the sensitivity of electorate responsiveness to primary environment change. In contrast to previous research, we find little or no difference between the behavior of Republican and Democratic electorates and no spillover effect on voter turnout. It is suggested that those interested in increasing voter turnout in the presidential primaries should focus on the design of competition, since turnout is considerably more sensitive to changes in strategic campaign factors than to changes in electoral framework factors.

O F ALL POSSIBLE POLITICAL ACTIONS the voting decision has received the most attention from behavioral political scientists. Probably we have compiled and analyzed more data on candidate choice and turnout than on any other form of political behavior. Of course, this heavy emphasis comes as no surprise. The voting act is the fundamental political act in a democracy. It is the most widespread political act. Furthermore, on the surface, at least, the voting act would appear to be one of the simplest (and therefore, most understandable) political acts. A heavy scholarly focus on the voting act follows naturally from these considerations. While our data base expands, however, our theoretical superstructure remains far from finished. It is fair to say that political science has relied chiefly on models rooted in the sociological, and later the social-psychological tradition.' These models hold that

In June 2013, the Supreme Court ruled in Shelby County v. Holder that states with a history of racial discrimination no longer needed to approve proposed changes to their voting procedures with the federal government. The court ruled that the coverage formula was based on 40-year-old data that was not applicable to current needs. Thus the 2016 presidential election was the first in 50 years without the full protections of the Voting Rights Act. The objective of this paper is to examine the changes in voter turnout between the 2012 and the 2016 national elections due to the changes in the Voting Rights Act. Using data from the voter file vendor Catalist and information from the U.S. Census Bureau, this paper examined changes in turnout rates for different racial/ethnic groups between 2012 and 2016. The findings indicated (1) African American turnout declined substantially; (2) white turnout increased considerably; (3) Latino American turnout increased, and (4) in the key swing states of Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania, fluctuations in voter participation were especially strong. Voter enthusiasm and perceived voter suppression efforts had a huge impact on voter turnout. In addition, not being able to identify with candidates or properly researching candidates’ political goals hampered the desire to vote, especially in Black Americans.

This chapter is the first of three chapters in part I of this study that offers a theoretical and historical critic of the WOI theory, the dominant paradigm governing Islam in America studies. It introduces the study's basic themes of struggle, flight, and community, and the critique of the dominant paradigm's assertion that Islam among blacks in the United States disappeared or virtually disappeared during 1870–1930. Chapter 2 provides preliminary evidence based on original field research of the possible survival of political Islam and Islamic institutions in early Florida previously ignored by WOI theory. Chapter 3 rounds out the first half of this study by exploring important divergent perspectives. The second half of this study, beginning with chapter 4, continues to examine divergent perspectives on Islam in America but with emphasis on black Muslim attitudes and thought. Chapter 5 examines 21 cases of prominent individuals associated with blacks and political Islam with emphasis on black Muslim political behavior. Chapter 6 compares the impact of US policy on minorities including black Muslims in the United States with Muslims, overseas. Chapter 7 offers detailed conclusions.KeywordsMuslim CommunityPublic DisplayDominant ParadigmMuslim WorldMuslim ImmigrationThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Race-based districting: does it help or hinder legislative representation?

Proponents of voter photographic identification (ID) laws in the United States have argued that such measures can increase overall voter turnout. The implications of this proposition contradict classic models of voting behavior, which state that voting costs and electoral participation are inversely related. The present article/research note explores this tension in the context of some fundamental economic concepts. Namely, after identifying characteristics of a voting “market” that might facilitate the outcome in question, a simple model of that market is developed and used to simulate changes in turnout due to changes in voter ID rules for a hypothetical polity. Counter to proponents’ claims, the findings suggest that voter ID laws tend to decrease turnout, even when most voters place positive value on stricter (i.e., fraud preventing) voting regulations. That being said, the model is intentionally simplistic, and it is put forward primarily as a tool for thinking critically about the relationship between voter ID laws and electoral participation. Because data that are suited to empirical analyses of this relationship are lacking, complementary techniques, such as modeling and simulation, are useful for testing unverified hypotheses about voter ID rules from the political discourse. The simple exercises in this research note begin to fill this gap, though they function most readily as points of departure for future research.

The purpose of this dissertation is to determine what factors account for variations in voter turnout in Louisiana contested nonpartisan trial and intermediate appellate court elections. The central questions to be addressed are: (1) what is the precise relationship between incumbency or prior judicial experience, campaign spending, and the race of judicial candidates, ceteris paribus (with all else remaining the same), on electoral participation in judicial elections in the State of Louisiana from 1981 to 1988 and (2) is the electorate that participates in judicial elections typical or atypical of the electorate that participates in presidential general races in terms of their demographic characteristics? Based upon my assessment of existing literature on state nonpartisan judicial elections, the present research adds considerably to what has not been explained with regards to factors which may influence voter turnout in these elections. Existing literature indicate that much research needs to be conducted on the subject of state judicial elections. Voter turnout in judicial elections has almost been ignored by scholars who have focused their attentions on electoral participation in major partisan contests such as presidential, congressional, or gubernatorial. Furthermore, researchers who have considered voter turnout in judicial elections have focused their attentions on electoral participation in state supreme court elections. This dissertation represents my attempt to fill the void which exists in the literature on voter turnout in state trial and intermediate appellate court elections.

Agency versus Insurgency

Voter participation in general elections is one of the challenges for general election organizers. Various attempts were made to increase voter participation in every general election. This study aims to identify the role of community-based democracy volunteers in increasing the voter participation, analyzing the increase in voter participation, and analyzing the obstacles that affect the implementation of community based democracy volunteer activities in 2019 in Pekalongan City. This research is a descriptive study with a qualitative approach case study toward The General Elections Commission of Pekalongan City. The results suggested that the role of community-based democracy volunteers in increasing voter participation was manifested through the socialization of elections to the community, considering the large number of communities in Pekalongan and the members who were also voters in the 2019 election. The socialization carried out by community-based democracy volunteers in Pekalongan greatly influenced the increase in voter turnout in the 2019 elections which reached 84%. The obstacles occurred during socialization by community-based democracy volunteers could be properly resolved. Community-based democracy volunteers have a very important role in increasing voter participation in elections through socialization activities carried out.

Let me begin by acknowledging that my primary area of research over the past six years has focused on African American Muslim movements. I began the project on a Lilly funded national research project, Islam in the African American Experience, working with Professor C. Eric Lincoln of Duke University before his untimely death in May 2000 and Dr. Ihsan Bagby of Shaw University. Most of the research for this paper is derived from that project, which reflected Eric Lincoln’s deep abiding interest in African American Muslims from the Nation of Islam and Sunni Muslims. I have also included some data on immigrant Muslims because they are very much a part of the contemporary picture of Islam in America. The data on immigrant Muslims are from a telephone survey conducted by Dr. Ihsan Bagby, who was then the director of the Islamic Resource Center in Orange County, California. Bagby’s study, which was done in 1999, covered 1,500 Muslim masjids across the country, including 350 predominantly African American masjids. My own study includes face-to-face surveys and interviews with the imams of 130 African American masjids nationwide, which represents about one-third to 40 percent of total African American masjids. We also did a survey of some 400 African American congregational participants of selected masjids.1

ObjectivePrevious studies demonstrate that campaigns play an important role in mobilizing citizen participation in elections. The present analysis examines the effects of campaign spending on voter turnout in the state legislative setting where our knowledge of campaign effects is quite limited.MethodIn an examination of state legislative elections across 20 states over two election cycles, the analysis considers the influence of candidate spending on voter turnout.ResultsThe findings demonstrate that campaign spending has a strong influence on voter participation; however, this effect is mitigated by contextual features. Legislative professionalism reduces the influence of spending, while the presence of a high‐stimulus statewide election enhances it. In addition, challenger spending is more effective at stimulating participation than incumbent spending.ConclusionsHigher levels of campaign spending increase voter participation in state legislative elections; however, these effects vary according to context. These findings have important implications for theories of participation in American democracy as well for normative issues concerning the role of money in elections.

The vast literature on voter turnout in the United States addresses a variety of theoretical perspectives with a range of methodological tools, but students often return to three basic questions: Why is American voter turnout so low? Why is American voter turnout declining? And does low turnout really matter? This article specifically deals with these questions. It also explores American voter participation with both comparative and longitudinal perspectives. In addition to the changes in the social and partisan landscapes, changes in mobilization patterns also accounted for a portion of the change in turnout. It shows the conflicting incentives felt by elites, who shape the environment in which Americans vote. Election officials and candidates may value higher voter turnout in the abstract, but not to the exclusion of other political concerns and motivations.

This chapter looks at the political trends associated with using social media sources as a way to enhance participation in national elections. It is hypothesized that participation has declined across groups and through time, regardless of the new uses of social media in political campaigning. The historical significance of voter participation is examined using Alexis De Tocqueville’s and Robert Putnam’s frameworks. The path is paved to examine both the importance of new media in the election process and its drawbacks. A national empirical test is presented that examines the correlation between race categories, genders, and age ranges, with the percentage of voter turnout in each presidential election year from 1964 to 2008. Regression analysis is also conducted to examine the predictive nature of increased time on national voter participation. The correlation and regression results are presented, indicating that, in general, participation has continued to decline among most groups, regardless of the perceived access and connection provided by social media outlets. However, a slight change after 1996 may indicate an effect from social media presence. The data presents a starting point for future evaluation of e-government effects on national voter participation in the election process, providing a benchmark for later empirical tests.