Race, Comradeship, and National Questions During the New Communist Movement, 1974–1990

For many writers, accounting for nationalism has been marxism’s great historical failure. This chapter seeks to examine why that might have been the case. It starts, predictably, with the engagements of Marx and Engels with the pressing national questions of their day. This is followed by a cursory account of the communist movement’s interaction with nationalism. These were, after all, competing political movements and the heated debates between Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg on the ‘national question’ were no mere pedantic or esoteric terminological squabbles. Antonio Gramsci, as we saw in relation to marxist treatments of culture, was also an innovator in terms of nationalism. But our emphasis here lies in the partial, important yet neglected, break in marxist orthodoxy on the national question effected by the Austrian marxist Otto Bauer at the turn of the last century. Finally, we turn to certain crucial postmodern questionings of the whole marxist tradition’s limitations regarding the national. Firstly, we examine the deep Eurocentrism in the marxist, as well as liberal, views of the national question. Secondly, we sketch in the necessary engendering of the national question, so long subsumed under an implicit, if not explicit, androcentrism.

In this article I use an ‘outsider within’ epistemology to conduct a reflexive analysis of the impact of researcher characteristics on gathering data in multiracial organizations. The reported research elucidates that the intersection of race, gender, class background, age and occupational prestige influenced the ethnographer's social interactions with respondents in the teaching profession. With examples selected principally from two years of ethnographic fieldwork in two predominantly racial/ethnic minority multiracial schools in Southern California, I identify a hidden privilege for Latina professionals. I contend that unlike white or male privilege, which are granted consciously and unconsciously, the hidden privilege is fleeting, and works only when verbally revealed in occupations held in lower prestige.

Transgender and gender diverse (TGD) people have significantly higher rates of cardiovascular-related conditions than cisgender people, and Black and Hispanic people have higher rates of cardiovascular-related conditions than non-Hispanic White people. However, little is known about the prevalence of cardiovascular-related conditions among racial and ethnic subgroups of TGD people. To compare the prevalence of cardiovascular-related conditions across racial and ethnic groups for TGD and cisgender people using quantitative intersectional methods. Medicare enrollment and claims data were used from TGD and cisgender beneficiaries from 2011 to 2020. Using an established algorithm, likely TGD people were identified based on their diagnosis codes and care utilization. The 10 nearest-neighbor cisgender matches for each TGD beneficiary were identified based on propensity scores estimated from the original basis of eligibility, years of enrollment, age, and hospital service area. Race, ethnicity, and gender modality (TGD and cisgender). These data were analyzed from November 7, 2023, to October 31, 2024. Rate of cardiovascular-related conditions (peripheral vascular disease, congestive heart failure, diabetes, hypertension, and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease) among Asian and Pacific Islander, Black, and Hispanic TGD beneficiaries compared with non-Hispanic White cisgender counterparts using generalized estimating equations, cardiovascular diseases and their risk factors. Attributable proportions for TGD Asian and Pacific Islander, Black, and Hispanic beneficiaries were calculated. Of the 36 004 TGD beneficiaries, 714 Asian and Pacific Islander (2%), 4518 Black (13%), and Hispanic 2545 (7%) had higher rates of cardiovascular-related conditions than 28 227 non-Hispanic White (78%) beneficiaries and higher than the 323 613 cisgender beneficiaries (5981 Asian and Pacific Islander [2%]; 40 781 Black [13%]; 22 417 Hispanic [7%]; 254 434 White [79%]). Black TGD beneficiaries had a 74% higher prevalence of peripheral vascular disease, 76% higher prevalence of congestive heart failure, and 50% higher prevalence of diabetes than similar non-Hispanic White cisgender beneficiaries. Overall, 6.3% of the excess peripheral vascular disease among Black TGD beneficiaries and 19.9% of the excess peripheral vascular disease among Asian and Pacific Islander TGD beneficiaries were associated with being at the intersection of gender, race, and ethnicity. This cross-sectional study found that Asian and Pacific Islander, Black, and Hispanic TGD beneficiaries had a high prevalence of cardiovascular-related conditions and had an elevated prevalence of several conditions, attributable to the intersection of gender, race, and ethnicity. Medicare should use the tools at its disposal to support the health of TGD beneficiaries.

The Hollywood film Everything Everywhere All at Once (2022) depicts the story of an Asian American immigrant family grappling with their identity crises. Rather than viewing the film as an example of metamodern cinema, I interpret the Asian American identities through the lenses of postmodernism and metamodernism. Integrating crucial postmodern and metamodern concepts into the discussions of Asian American identity, I argue that the film’s portrayal of Asian American identities reflects a progression from differences, characterized by multiplicity and heterogeneity that cause tensions inside and outside their community, to utopian possibilities, marked by their reconciliation and constructing transcultural identities. The differences highlight the Asian American identity crises and allow the film to convey the multiplicity of voices within various subgroups from an internal vantage point. The utopian possibilities, in turn, suggest transcultural identities as a potential solution to these dilemmas, facilitating the reshaping of Asian American media representations. Through its experimental representations of Asian Americans and subsequent critical and commercial success, the film contributes to broader efforts to challenge the stereotyped media representations and advocate for social justice across intersections of ethnicity, race, gender, and sexuality.

Gay Asian Masculinities and Christian Theologies Patrick S. Cheng The gay Asian American male body is a highly contested site with respect to masculinity. On the one hand, we gay Asian men1 are often seen by the white gay community as sexually undesirable because our “oriental” racialized bodies are perceived to be less masculine. On the other hand, we are often seen by the straight Asian American community as sexually dangerous because of our perceived deviance from the heterosexual norms of masculinity. The experience of living at the intersections of racism and homophobia is a common theme in the narratives of gay Asian men. Many gay Asian men experience a profound sense of metaphorical homelessness. To paraphrase Jesus’ saying about the Son of Man, we have nowhere to rest our embattled bodies.2 We neither belong fully to the gay community that is overwhelmingly white nor do we belong fully to the overwhelmingly straight Asian American community. This essay will explore how the embattled gay Asian male body, like the bruised and battered corpus of Jesus Christ on the cross, might serve an atoning purpose by decolonizing the racism and homophobia of contemporary Christian theologies. That is, gay Asian men—by the very fact of our hybrid and intersectional existence—are called to challenge both the whiteness of queer theology and the heterosexuality of Asian American theology. Gay Asian Narratives Although Asian male bodies have existed in North America since at least the 1700s, the voices of gay Asian men did not emerge until the rise of the gay rights movement in the United States in the 1960s. One of the earliest of such voices is that of Kiyoshi Kuromiya. He was a gay activist of Asian descent who wrote about his hybridized experiences of both racism and homophobia. Kuromiya, a third‐generation Japanese American, was born in an internment camp during the Second World War and raised in a conservative Christian household. In 1965, he participated in one of the first‐ever gay rights demonstrations, which actually occurred in Philadelphia several years before the Stonewall Riots in New York City. As someone who lived on the intersections of racism and homophobia, Kuromiya criticized both the exclusion of people of color by the predominantly white and middle‐class homophile movement as well as the homophobic slurs of activists of color such as the Black Panthers.3 In the mid‐1990s, the voices of gay Asian men emerged with full force. During this time, a number of groundbreaking anthologies of the LGBTQ Asian experience were published, including Asian American Sexualities: Dimensions of the Gay and Lesbian Experience (1996), Q&A: Queer in Asian America (1998), and Rice: Explorations in Asian Gay Culture and Politics (1998).4 It also saw the rapid growth of many gay Asian organizations across the United States, including Gay Asian and Pacific Islander Men of New York (GAPIMNY) in New York City. The publication of several other anthologies of gay Asian voices followed, including Take Out: Queer Writing from Asian Pacific America (2000) and Embodying Asian/American Sexualities (2009).5 The narratives of gay Asian men in these anthologies include essays, short stories, poetry, art, and photography. One theme consistently appears throughout the various narratives: the experience of double marginalization in the form of racism from the white gay community and homophobia from the straight Asian American community. As the gay Asian writer Eric Wat puts it, those of us who are gay Asian men are caricatured as either submissive houseboys or corrupt perverts. In other words, we are “run over at the intersection of racism and homophobia” and “left in the middle of the road, unacceptable to those at either side of the street.”6 Racism and the Gay Community In a provocative essay from 1991, “Looking for My Penis: The Eroticized Asian in Gay Video Porn,” the gay Asian filmmaker Richard Fung writes about how Asian men are viewed as “undersexed” by the white gay community. In contrast to the Black man—who, according to the post‐colonial theorist Frantz Fanon, “is turned into a penis”7—Asian men are defined by a “striking absence” of the penis. As such, Asian men in gay...

Racial/ethnic minority populations underutilize mental health services, even in the presence of psychiatric disorder, and differences in perceived need may contribute to these disparities. Using the Collaborative Psychiatric Epidemiology Surveys, we assessed how the intersections of race/ethnicity, gender, and socioeconomic status affect perceived need. We analyzed a nationally representative sample of U.S. adults (18 years or older; N=14,906), including non-Latino whites, Asian Americans, Latinos, African Americans, and Afro-Caribbeans. Logistic regressions were estimated for the total sample, a clinical need subsample (meets lifetime diagnostic criteria), and a no disorder subsample. Perceived need varies by gender and nativity, but these patterns are conditional on race/ethnicity. Men are less likely than women to have a perceived need but only among non-Latino whites and African Americans. Foreign-born immigrants have lower perceived need than U.S.-born persons, only among Asian Americans. Intersectional approaches to understanding perceived need may help uncover social processes that lead to disparities in mental health care.

BackgroundDiagnosis of alcohol use disorder (AUD) in primary care is critical for increasing access to alcohol treatment. However, AUD is underdiagnosed and may be inequitably diagnosed due to societal structures that determine access to resources (e.g., structural racism that limits opportunities for some groups and influences interpersonal interactions in and beyond health care). This study described patterns of provider-documented AUD in primary care across intersections of race, ethnicity, sex, and community-level socioeconomic status (SES).MethodsThis cross-sectional study used EHR data from a regional healthcare system with 35 primary care clinics that included adult patients who completed alcohol screenings between 3/1/2015 and 9/30/2020. The prevalence of provider-documented AUD in primary care based on International Classification of Diseases-9 (ICD-9) and ICD-10 diagnoses was compared across intersections of race, ethnicity, sex, and community-level SES.ResultsAmong 439,375 patients, 6.6% were Latine, 11.0% Asian, 5.4% Black, 1.3% Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander (NH/PI), 1.5% American Indian/Alaska Native (AI/AN), and 74.2% White, and 58.3% women. The overall prevalence of provider-documented AUD was 1.0% and varied across intersecting identities. Among women, the prevalence was highest for AI/AN women with middle SES, 1.5% (95% CI 1.0–2.3), and lowest for Asian women with middle SES, 0.1% (95% CI 0.1–0.2). Among men, the prevalence was highest for AI/AN men with high and middle SES, 2.0% (95% CI 1.1–3.4) and 2.0% (95% CI 1.2–3.2), respectively, and lowest for Asian men with high SES, 0.5% (95% CI 0.3–0.7). Black and Latine patients tended to have a lower prevalence of AUD than White patients, across all intersections of sex and SES except for Black women with high SES. There were no consistent patterns of the prevalence of AUD diagnosis that emerged across SES.ConclusionThe prevalence of provider-documented AUD in primary care was highest in AI/AN men and women and lowest in Asian men and women. Findings of lower prevalence of provider-documented AUD in Black and Hispanic than White patients across most intersections of sex and SES differed from prior studies. Findings may suggest that differences in access to resources, which vary in effects across these identity characteristics and lived experiences, influence the diagnosis of AUD in clinical care.

BackgroundExisting studies have elucidated racial and ethnic disparities in COVID-19 hospitalizations, but few have examined disparities at the intersection of race and ethnicity and income.MethodsWe used a population-based probability survey of non-institutionalized adults in Michigan with a polymerase chain reaction-positive SARS-CoV-2 test before November 16, 2020. We categorized respondents by race and ethnicity and annual household income: low-income (< $50,000) Non-Hispanic (NH) Black, high-income (≥ $50,000) NH Black, low-income Hispanic, high-income Hispanic, low-income NH White, and high-income NH White. We used modified Poisson regression models, adjusting for sex, age group, survey mode, and sample wave, to estimate COVID-19 hospitalization prevalence ratios by race and ethnicity and income.ResultsOver half of the analytic sample (n = 1593) was female (54.9%) and age 45 or older (52.5%), with 14.5% hospitalized for COVID-19. Hospitalization was most prevalent among low-income (32.9%) and high-income (31.2%) Non-Hispanic (NH) Black adults, followed by low-income NH White (15.3%), low-income Hispanic (12.9%), high-income NH White (9.6%), and high-income Hispanic adults (8.8%). In adjusted models, NH Black adults, regardless of income (low-income prevalence ratio [PR]: 1.86, 95% CI: 1.36–2.54; high-income PR: 1.57, 95% CI: 1.07–2.31), and low-income NH White adults (PR: 1.52, 95% CI: 1.12–2.07), had higher prevalence of hospitalization compared to high-income NH White adults. We observed no significant difference in the prevalence of hospitalization among Hispanic adults relative to high-income NH White adults.ConclusionsWe observed disparities in COVID-19 hospitalization at the intersection of race and ethnicity and income for NH Black adults and low-income NH White adults relative to high-income NH White adults, but not for Hispanic adults.Supplementary InformationThe online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s40615-023-01591-9.

Abstract: Though today "Asian American" marks a category that has been used to indicate a narrowly racial or cultural identity, at its inception in the late 1960s, Asian American was an idea of political community routed through the language of national liberation. The emergence of Asian American was facilitated through the appearance of revolutionary subjects on the global stage of Third Worldism, in which Asian indexed a new radical political subject. This paper traces debates within the Asian American Movement over the national question, elucidating a historical moment in which activists sought to define the structural position of Asians in the US in relation to a global struggle against capitalism and towards decolonization. Drawing from archival research and original oral history interviews, I argue that national question debates indexed the contradictions of integrating the US and Asia, race and class, reform and revolution, into a unified political program. Furthermore, I trace the evolution of the idea of Asian American self-determination from its revolutionary Third Worldist roots in the 1970s to forays into electoral and special interest politics in the 1980s, arguing that the two periods held more continuity with each other than rupture. I suggest that the US transition from Third Worldism to multiculturalism was overdetermined by the decline of national liberation movements and the introduction of market reforms in Asian socialist states.

Social justice education recognizes the discrepancies in opportunities among disadvantaged groups in society. The purpose of the articles in this special topic on social justice is to (a) provide a critical reflection on issues of social justice within health pedagogy and youth sport of Black and ethnic-minority (BME) young people; (b) provide a framework for the importance of intersectionality research (mainly the intersection of social class, race, and ethnicity) in youth sport and health pedagogy for social justice; and (c) contextualize the complex intersection and interplay of social issues (i.e., race, ethnicity, social classes) and their influence in shaping physical culture among young people with a BME background. The article argues that there are several social identities in any given pedagogical terrain that need to be heard and legitimized to avoid neglect and “othering.” This article suggests that a resurgence of interest in theoretical frameworks such as intersectionality can provide an effective platform to legitimize “non-normative bodies” (diverse bodies) in health pedagogy and physical education and sport by voicing positionalities on agency and practice.

Since the late 1960s, Asian American studies began to become a significant discipline and a common response to the immigrant experiences, but most of the discussions unbalancedly focus on reacting against the racial and ethnic discrimination imposed on the minority immigrants; that is why the assertions such as “claiming American” (to quote Maxine Hong Kingston) or “uncovering the buried past (to quote Japanese American historian Yuji Ichioka) are advocated vehemently in their search of an (American) identity. However, the category of Asian American or Chinese American and the position against a hegemonic majority, is no longer sufficient and even not adequate for a more recent and diverse group of emerging Asian immigrants, who may not be primarily concerned with the to-be-or-not-to-be dilemma or worlds-choosing. Since Asian immigrants historically have been considered transnational and diasporic, Asian American studies' focus on either the American experiences of Asian immigrants or the rootedness of Asian Americans in the United States needs to be reevaluated. In other words, what emerges out of the hyphenated-status discussion is the demand to rethink and reconceptualize the original ideal of an Asian American identity rooted in the U.S. experience and the need to include a variety of Asian American experiences that go beyond the national boundary of the United States. Like what Evelyn Hu-DeHart and Arif Dirlik maintain in Across the Pacific: Asian Americans and Globalization, important issues, such as how Asian American studies involve more relevance to a transnational and immigrating aspect and also incorporate diasporic linkages in Asian immigrant experiences, need to be emphasized and scrutinized. The thesis is composed of two parts, attempting to incorporate textual analysis with the Chinese translation of the novel. The first part the thesis is composed of four chapters. In the first chapter, I provide a brief account of Chinese immigration history to serve as a background understanding of Chuang Hua’s Crossings. Besides, a succinct introduction of Crossings is presented too, partly to emphasize its significance and its difference from other Chinese immigrant narratives better known, and partly to spell out the issues of identity and exilic status. In Chapter Two of this thesis, my focus is on the protagonist, Fourth Jane, the patriarchal principles she has to obey, and the “system of balances” she is cast in. For this middle child in her traditional family, she experiences cross-cultural narratives about being a daughter and a female in an unyielding familiar structure and in a stagnant love relationship with her unnamed Parisian lover, as well as being a Chinese emigre in Europe in the 1960s. Her own individual displacement is a mobility not merely crossing from homecoming to wandering as a defiant female, but also crossing from England to America to Paris as a Chinese. Furthermore, I argue for a different reading of exile to elucidate the minority mobile subjects’ identities. Conventionally, exile is experienced as a dislocation, both physical and psychic. However, exile may also offer liberating possibilities. Amy Kaminsky notes that the experience of physical and emotional rupture can lead to personal growth and transformation. Through the discovery of an inner capacity “to survive and grow in the new environment” (37), one may find a greater independence and confidence and thus gain a more fulfilling self-affirmation and realization. This act of self-discovery to rebirth can be seen as an emergence of new personhood and subjectivity. The concept of “identity on the move” can also be associated with the immigrant’s position in exile and between worlds, and the unfixed ethnicity should be put within this framework of discussion as well. Chapter Three of the thesis reexamines the framework of “between-worlds” and the search of self under the “Orientalist” stereotype and in dislocation. The feeling of being between worlds, totally at home nowhere is a duality that is characteristic of all people on the move and in a minority position. The feeling of being between worlds is at the core of many ethnic minority writers and, consequently, of the books they write. Superficially, Chuang Hua’s Crossings deal with the “between-worlds” ambiguity fostered in the protagonist’s mind; however, Chuang Hua tries to accomplish more to carve out a new position for Fourth Jane while confronting the “between-worlds” complex and suffering from a personal fragmentedness. The between-world complexity is indeed a paradox, for Fourth Jane the female emigre is simultaneously subordinate and central, victimized and heroic and active. On the one hand, being caught between worlds can be interpreted to mean occupying the space or gulf between two banks; then, one is in a state of suspension, accepted by neither side and therefore truly belonging nowhere, which could lead to identity fragmentation. On the other hand, viewed from a different perspective, being between worlds may be considered as having footholds on both banks and therefore belonging to two worlds at once. One not only has less but also enjoys more. What is interesting is that Fourth Jane entirely experiences the two aspects of being between worlds, and the two aspects seem to be a linear procession from belonging to nowhere to owning both worlds. This is a path to epiphany. The space of alienation and the interstitial position between worlds become the space of self-liberation and self-exploration. Also, in the context of globalization and internationalization, not only the role of Asian American studies but the migrating subjects are going through an identity shift. The duality of the between-world condition and the hyphenated identity definitely need to be reexamined in dealing with narratives by Asians in exile. The traditional negotiation of being between “two” worlds and the embarrassment of hyphenated identity now seem to be limited and inconvincible while we read works of Asian immigrating writers. More and more critics have attempted to redefine the place of these hyphenated Asians, and to describe them in different ways. Sau-ling Wong, for instance, uses the term “denationalization” to explain the easing of cultural national concerns and the shifting from a domestic to a diasporic perspective. Shirley Geok-lin Lim in her essay “Immigration and Diaspora” employs the categories of “immigrant and diasporic” to view U.S. minority literature and cosmopolitan, metropolitan literature (290). These different perspectives could be a help for us to read the narratives of Asian immigrant writers of recent decades without identifying them as merely conventional ethnic minority and immigrants. As an immigrant narrative read within the parameters of Chinese American literature, the transnational and global constituents embedded in the novel can be neglected easily; thus in the concluding chapter, I attempt to discuss whether it is possible to view Chuang’s Crossings as a “global narrative,” with the hope to carve out a different way to read Chinese immigrant literature. In dealing with narratives by Asians in the diaspora, Eleanor Ty contends that “global novelists” or “global writing” is a more accurate term. Crossings, like the global narratives, highlights movement, instability, and the importance of standpoint or location. To a certain extent, it reveals the way transportation/moving, transnational crossing and globalization has shifted and changed the meaning and the signifier “Asian American” or “Asian European.” What I am also interested in looking at in the final section is narratives by Asians in the diaspora whose works fall outside of this hyphenated paradigm of Asian-plus-adopted-country. In the last few decades, Asians in the diaspora have produced books and films which deal not only with immigration or being caught “between worlds” but also with transnational mobility and exile. They contribute to the creation of what D. N. Rodowick calls a “globalized cosmopolitan public sphere,” a “contradictory and heterogeneous transnational space” (14). He argues that “postmodern forces of globalization have shifted or, more precisely multiplied and complicated centers of power so as to diminish the forms of self-identity conveyed or constructed by nationality” (14). Thus mobile identities and mobile citizens, including “expatriate intellectual” and the “new cosmopolitans,” emerge out. Chuang Hua’s Crossings does deal with questions of identity and subjectivity of the Asian subject, but it does not limit the subject in the adopted America or in the native China respectively, but relocates the subject in the suspension and duration of different continents. Chuang in a way brings a global perspective to the otherwise narrowly defined parameters of hyphenated identities of Asian American or Chinese American. I am not arguing for an abolition of the label Asian American or the Asian-plus-adopted-country paradigm per se. What I want to call attention to in this final section is the fluidity of subjectivity and positions available to Asian Americans. Stressing the unstable and cosmopolitan identity aspects of the novel is another way of pointing out the transnational, transcultural, and fluid potential that I think liberating in Crossings and in works by Chinese American or Asian American authors.

Race has always played a pivotal role in Jeremy Lin’s positioning as both a professional basketball player and cultural icon. To his credit, Lin has repeatedly showcased a keen understanding of the racial dynamics of professional sport by speaking publicly or writing about the liminality of his Asian American identity within a traditionally Black-White National Basketball Association, as well as more broadly ruminating about the intersections of race, ethnicity, culture, and sport. This chapter closely examines Lin’s first-hand musings about race and ethnicity as a professional basketball player, beginning from the so-called Linsanity period of 2012 and culminating with his Be the Light Campaign and social justice activism in 2020. We find considerable change in Lin’s engagement with these constructs over time, with him becoming noticeably more race-conscious and vocal about racism and racial injustice through his public persona. We argue that these changes represent both the potentials and limitations of professional athletes using the contested terrain of sport as a platform to advocate for social justice causes and activism during the age of social media. We conclude by discussing the sociopolitical significance of Lin’s continued participation in shaping racial discourse as an Asian American athlete.KeywordsJeremy LinAsian AmericansNBARaceSportSocial justice

This paper reports Phase II findings of an exploratory study of 26 families who have adopted children with Asian heritage, where at least one parent is Asian American. In-depth interviews provided a rich exploration of parents’ motivations to kin through adoption, the ways in which race and ethnicity factored into their child-selection preferences (if at all), their assumptions about their ability to create kinship bonds with an adopted child, and strategies for racial and ethnic socialization. The themes of approximating or performing family and inconspicuousness were repeated by parents when they considered how race and ethnicity factored into child-selection preferences and their assumptions about creating kinship bonds. The adoptive parents in this study were measured and nuanced in weighing the role of race and ethnicity for Asian adoptees, but the implicit strategies of modeling, mentoring, and intergenerational transmission were described less as strategies, and more about belonging and being a part of an extended tribe that was more authentic because of a shared identity as Asian Americans. Ultimately the question of whose interests are being served when race and ethnicity are considered has been dynamic and shifting throughout adoption history. This study sought to contribute in a small part to moving the conversation beyond the polarized Black-White racialized paradigm and provides direction for further research.

This chapter interrogates the so-called “problematic of homepage nationalisms” in analyses of online media. It argues that the problematic is produced through normative ideas about online media as “global” (which all too often is synonymous with “American”) technologies and cultural nationalism as a quintessentially immigrant or diasporic concern. It examines the politics underwriting the categorization of the global Web and digital diasporas, and links it to the continued undertheorization of “home” in home pages. Using the example of curry as a metaphor for the presence of Indian immigrants in the American software industry, the chapter demonstrates how reading race in narratives that are ostensibly about transnational migration can illuminate the nuances of belonging or being an outsider in the immigrant experience. An interdisciplinary approach that engages the question of “home” at the intersections of race, class, and gender can therefore help redefine the equation between nation and diaspora in examinations of digital diasporas, and help pose the question of nation more purposefully in discussion of the global Web.

Injuries from firearms and motor vehicle crashes (MVCs) are the leading causes of death among US children and youths aged 0 to 19 years. Examining the intersections of age group, sex, race, and ethnicity is essential to focus prevention efforts. To examine firearm and motor vehicle fatality rates by population subgroups and analyze changes over time. This cross-sectional study of firearm and MVC fatalities among US children and youths aged 0 to 19 years from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Web-Based Injury Statistics and Query Reporting System from 2011 to 2021. Participants included American Indian and Alaska Native; Asian, Hawaiian Native, and Pacific Islander; Black; Hispanic; and White youths. Data analysis was conducted from July 2023 to May 2024. Firearm or MVC fatality. Firearm and MVC fatality rates by year and over time, as measured by the Joinpoint regression annual percent change (APC). From 2011 to 2021 there were 35 684 firearm and 40 735 MVC fatalities among US youths aged 0 to 19 years. For firearm fatalities, there were 21 332 homicides (59.8%), 12 113 suicides (33.9%), 1359 unintentional shootings (3.8%), 277 by legal enforcement (0.8%), and 603 from unknown intents (1.6%). When considering the intersections of age group, sex, race, and ethnicity, for firearm homicides among youths aged 15 to 19 years, the APCs were similar for Black (21.8%) and Hispanic (22.2%) males from 2018 to 2021, although with different peak rates (104.22 per 100 000 individuals and 17.80 per 100 000 individuals, respectively, in 2021). Black females aged 15 to 19 years demonstrated a dramatic APC increase of 40.7% from 2019 to 2021 (peak rate, 14.07 per 100 000 individuals). For firearm suicide in youths aged 10 to 19 years by sex, Black females had the greatest APC increase of 22.0% from 2016 to 2021. For MVC fatalities, the highest APC increase of 24.9% occurred among American Indian and Alaska Native females aged 15 to 19 years from 2018 to 2021. The highest MVC fatality rates occurred in 2021 among American Indian and Alaska Native males (38.16 per 100 000 individuals) and females (29.31 per 100 000 individuals) aged 15 to 19 years. In this cross-sectional study, US youths aged 0 to 19 years experienced important disparities in firearm and MVC fatality rates and increases over time when considering the intersectionality by age group, sex, race, and ethnicity. These findings suggest that a multipronged strategy focused on individual, community, and policy level approaches for specific high-risk groups for each injury mechanism is necessary to address these leading causes of death in US youths.