Queering the Ukrainian Diaspora: The Experiences of LGBTQI Ukrainian Migrants Following Russia's Full-scale Invasion

Reviewed by: Fluid Jurisdictions: Colonial law and Arabs in Southeast Asia by Nurfadzilah Yahaya Sai Siew-Min Fluid Jurisdictions: Colonial law and Arabs in Southeast Asia. By Nurfadzilah Yahaya. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2020. 251 pp, ISBN 978-150-1750-87-8 (cloth) Nurfadzilah Yahaya's Fluid Jurisdictions: colonial law and Arabs in Southeast Asia is an expansive book that speaks to multiple fields of history. This is surely a book about the Hadhrami Arab diasporic elite in island Southeast Asia but Nurfadzilah challenges what we know about diasporas and their relationships with colonialism and imperialism in this region from multiple angles. To begin with, the book is not a straightforward historical ethnography of 'the Arab diaspora' at a specific site, a genre readers may be more familiar with. Both in the Introduction and Conclusion, Nurfadzilah takes issue with our easy association of 'diaspora' and 'diasporic consciousness' with 'mobility', 'hybridity' and 'cosmopolitanism'. Addressing the scholarship of Sumit Mandal and Eng-Seng Ho who emphasize the 'hybridity' of [End Page 217] the Arab diaspora, she writes that there were many Arabs who identified solely as 'Arab' by patrilineal descent and that the category was remarkably durable across the Indian Ocean and Southeast Asia. Her objective, however, is not to revert to a purist definition of 'Arab-ness' as the counter-point to 'hybridised Arab-ness' or attempt to fix the category to discern who belonged. Instead, the book resists reducing what being 'diasporic' meant historically to our cliched imagination. Relying on lively prose and the power of historical narrative to weave a complex and multi-dimensional story that is simultaneously conceptually sophisticated, Nurfadzilah has written a book that requires concentrated and repeated reading to appreciate her intricate insights and careful treatment of both the copious archival materials she examines as well as the formidable range of scholarly literature with which she is engaged. What makes this book unlike most historical-ethnographical studies on ethnic diasporas in Southeast Asia is its fine-grained examination of colonial law in what used to be the Straits Settlements and the Netherlands East Indies. Trained as a legal historian, Nurfadzilah draws heavily from an impressive and updated scholarship in the fields of imperial, colonial and international law, and legal pluralism in particular. While legal pluralism and what is known as 'Islamic law' in Southeast Asia is well-studied, studies on ethnic diasporas in Southeast Asia have seldom intersected with these fields. The scholarship on ethnic diasporas in the region tend to be stripped down to focus overwhelmingly on the identity of diasporic communities understood in the political, socio-economic and culturalist senses. Very rarely does law, and for that matter, colonial law, feature centrally in these studies. Colonial law and colonialist legal classifications tend to appear in the literature only to be dismissed by scholars for suppressing the fluidity and hybridity of diasporic identities or used to demonstrate how diasporic communities 'played' multiple legal identities that were arguably insincere and false. This book, however, challenges these perspectives by featuring colonial law at its core and as Nurfadzilah argues, flips conventional wisdom around. The book demonstrates how, why and with what paradoxical and unexpected consequences diasporic Arab elites appealed to and allied themselves with colonial legal regimes, in the process driving the expansion of colonial jurisdiction over the most intimate areas of their lives as well as the lives of Muslim populations in the region. Nurfadzilah's demonstration that colonial law was instrumental to how mobile individuals in the region—including women whose presence is well-documented in the book—conducted their lives and businesses is one of the most significant contributions of the book to the study of diasporas in the region. The book opens with an evocative description of the so-called 'Oertatan' in the Malay world in 1599 which turns out to be a mangled name for the Malay word 'orang datang', meaning 'newly-arrived'. The Introduction is effective for mapping the geo-legal domains the book will traverse as well as the key concepts of writing and paperwork, diasporas, legal pluralism and Islamic law which centres the book. It is absolutely necessary to begin with the Introduction without which readers may...

The present chapter examines youth initiatives and urban practices in post-Arab Spring Kuwait. Youth practices in the city contribute to reforming dominant narratives quietly defying the nationalistic rhetoric: the boundaries between private and public spaces become porous, new forms of socialities and socialisation are made possible, and (political) engagement shifts to informal venues. The multiplicity of practices exemplified by quotidian youth cultures, and the creation or repurposing of urban spaces transform the city and give its inhabitants renewed possibilities of living the urban fabric beyond the strict religious, social and cultural prescriptions. These experiments for an alternative city also promote strategies of increased participation aiming at reform and social change.

This article applies theories of diaspora and diasporic consciousness to the study of a film produced in Canada by an independent South Asian film maker, Srinivas Krishna. The film, Masala, a dark comedy filmed in Toronto against a backdrop of South Asian immigrant groups, multi-culturalism and the 1985 Air India bombing and drawing upon the magico-realism of Bollywood productions and Indian devotionals, offers commentaries on questions of identity and life among South Asian diasporic communities in Canada, Canadian social policy, religion and diasporic consciousness. The article examines the way the film is located in diasporic space and how the film maker plays upon the different locations and sensitivities of his audiences to represent, explain and critique diasporic space. The article considers the way caricature and stereotype inform the negotiations of identity among members of diasporic communities, the way objective and subjective spaces are redefined in a diasporic setting and how Hindu beliefs are represented in such settings. The article examines how the film maker draws upon traditional techniques of Indian story telling as well as a mixture of cinematic techniques to tell a diasporic version of a Hindu avatara story. It argues that in simultaneously affirming and challenging the religious beliefs that inform that story, the film maker raises some provocative questions about the vitality of religious and cultural traditions in the diaspora. The article concludes with a brief examination of how the film was received by audiences in India and in Europe and North America.

The main subject of the article is the definition and typology of creative spaces. The goal is a search for an architectural solution for creative space in the university environment. Tasks: compilation of the terminological base of the study; typologization of public and educational creative spaces; formation of the creative cluster concept of the intercollegiate campus in Khabarovsk. The relevance of the topic is due to the growing demand for new university spaces, including those implemented within the framework of the federal program for the creation of world-class campuses, taking into account new forms and methods of organizing educational processes. Qualitative content analysis was used as a method in this article. In general, the methods of photofixation, sociological survey, modeling were used in the study. At the beginning of the article, the terminological base of the study is established, based on the difference in the etymology and semantics of the term "creativity". The first meaning of the term refers to the initiative of generating unusual ideas and social format. The second meaning refers to the process of producing new items, cultural phenomena and individual format. The analysis of the research of public creative spaces allows us to identify the main criteria of typology: according to the initial data, according to the functions, according to the method and purpose of the organization, according to the way the space is organized. The analysis of specialized workshops at universities with creative directions was based on the criteria of the educational process organization. The novelty of the research consists in an attempt to combine narrow-profile educational spaces of architectural and artistic directions with public creative spaces within the framework of the intercollegiate campus in Khabarovsk. The research hypothesis is the art and creative university spaces co-organization contributes to the fulfillment of the university mission 3.0.

Introduction. This paper examines small acts from the Queer Liberation Library (QLL) that makes it a queer space as defined in previous research. This emphasises the need for access to those with multiple minority identities, and the ways in which other libraries not focused on exclusively queer literature and membership can take these small changes to make a big impact. Method. Using QLL as a case study, this paper focuses on the creation of queer space as a heterotopic mirror to normative space, refusing the unqueer spaces that attempt to enforce binaries through critical librarianship. Phenomenology is used to describe individuals’ orientations towards the normative, queer and unqueer spaces mentioned above. Analysis. The analysis takes a broad look at the purpose of QLL and other queer-focused libraries before narrowing the topic to look at three small acts on QLL’s part that build the queer space of this library: the quick exit function on their website, the lists and collections they curate monthly and QLL’s policies (collection management and membership). Conclusions. Though there is much that could, and should, be done to build queer space into public libraries, especially for multi-minority individuals, this paper argues that small acts can and should be implemented before tackling larger tasks that require excess manpower, funding and time. Though these small acts do not replace the need for larger change, they can be implemented quickly and work to make public libraries safe spaces while larger changes are slowly implemented.

Performing Community:A Comparison of Korean-Language Newspapers in Beijing and Sydney Sung-Ae Lee (bio) More than six million Koreans now live outside Korea, in 173 countries, according to data released in 2003 by the South Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade (Jungang Ilbo 7 Feb. 2004). This number represents 13% of all Korean people and hence constitutes a diaspora of highly significant proportions. As migration from Korea continues, and the number of generations born outside Korea increases, identifiably "Korean" identities both proliferate and diversify. As Stuart Hall argues, identities undergo constant transformations and are "increasingly fragmented," "fractured," and "multiply constructed across different, often antagonistic, discourses, practices, and positions" ("Introduction" 4). As people with a common ancestry and a shared history follow diverse itineraries of migration, the diasporic identities that emerge are necessarily heterogeneous. Identities are constituted and reconstituted within differing host cultures and are variously marked by a desire to recuperate what has been "lost." My focus in this essay is on the quite different identities developed by Koreans in Beijing and Koreans in Sydney as a result of the very different social formations, ideologies, and political agendas of each host country; in particular, I will be concerned with the role played by Korean-language community newspapers in this process. Here, I consider issues of the Beijing Journal (henceforth BJ) and the Sydney Korean Herald (henceforth SKH). Allan Bell has argued that The stories people tell are a core part of their social identity, and the construction of a life story is crucial to our self-identity. The idea of the story is also central to news media. Journalists do not write articles, they write stories—with structure, order, viewpoint and values. So the daily happenings of our societies are expressed in the stories we are told in the media. [End Page 227] In addition, the media are important social institutions. They are crucial presenters of culture, politics and social life, shaping as well as reflecting how these are formed and expressed. Media "discourse" is important both for what it reveals about a society and because it also contributes to the character of a society. (64–5) Bell's triad of "culture, politics and social life" is formulated a little differently by Norman Fairclough when he proposes that the discourse of newspapers constitutes social identities, social relations, and systems of knowledge and belief (55). An examination of how community-language news media reflect and shape systems of knowledge and belief pertaining to the culture, politics, and social life of diasporic communities, linking individual and group identity to social identity, offers considerable insight into the relationships between host and diasporic cultures. There are substantial Korean communities, of comparable size, in Beijing and Sydney: 55,000 Koreans in Beijing (BJ 28 Jan.–3 Feb. 2005, 9) and 46,000 in Sydney.2 Their size enables a useful comparison between them: they are relatively small diasporic communities in comparison with the large communities in the United States, for example, and they do not (yet) have support networks comparable to those of the United States. Their relationship to the host country is also strongly shaped by the strongly contrasting political systems of China and Australia. Common traditions and cultural practices deriving from the home (originary) country are performed within each host country, but negotiations with the sociocultural circumstances of the host country may modify or reinterpret ideas of Koreanness. Like many other diasporic communities, diasporic Koreans are constantly negotiating the implication that they are culturally "inauthentic" or culturally fractured in comparison with Koreans living in Korea, and this issue of status affects cultural negotiation with both home and host societies. What constitutes the essence of being Korean is a challenging question in a globalized world, where many people migrate, travel, exchange ideas and goods, and negotiate identity in an expanded intersubjective field. In addition, diasporic conceptions of home culture are at perpetual risk of becoming anachronistic, as Koreans in Korea themselves change under the influence of globalization. Significant changes emerge from, for example, the aspirations of students returning home after studying abroad and of returning migrants; cultural exchange through multimedia and Internet use; and the pressure on cultural representation stemming from...

Applying his knowledge of urban planning to the field of cultural theory, HaitianAmerican architect-artist Jean-Ulrick Desert invokes the concept of “queer space” in order to describe the complicated (yet valuable) nature of actual gay and lesbian communities and neighborhoods; these locations, he contends, simultaneously engage and transgress the social, architectural, and juridical meanings attributed to the areas that they occupy by means of the subversive bodies that collectively inhabit and pass through them. He goes on to characterize this concept in these terms: “queer space is in large part the function of wishful thinking or desires that become solidified: a seduction of the reading space where queerness, at a few brief points and for some fleeting moments, dominates the (heterocentric) norm, the dominant social narrative of the landscape” (21, emphasis added). 1 The term “queer space” is most often employed as a way to discuss and analyze the precarious positioning of gay, lesbian, and transgender social spaces and the politics of gentrification in regard to these locations. 2 However, I believe that Desert’s formulation reveals the potential of the lens of “queer space” to exceed its strictly geographical or architectural valence and provide a framework for theoretical and formal analysis within literary studies. In this paper, I use this theorizing of residential and social districts such as Greenwich Village in New York City, the Castro in San Francisco, or Dupont Circle in Washington, DC, as a conceptual framework to analyze the engagement and redefinition of public space in Samuel Delany’s Stars in My Pocket Like Grains of Sand (1984) and Darieck Scott’s Traitor to the Race (1995). In other words, I use an idea developed by geographers and social commentators to elucidate thematic and formal choices made by novelists. My argument is not that the actual physical spaces function as the literary texts do, but rather that the framework used to describe and document these districts also has value for the analysis of art. I contend that these novels provide effective cartographies of desire that generate “queer space” within the generic parameters of the novel. In addition to exploring the affective dimensions and implications of the enacted queer spaces within the novels, my analysis will demonstrate (or map) how the impulses toward and attention to the “placemaking practices” that characterize queer space get reinterpreted and transmogrified into innovative aesthetic methodologies. 3

Utilizing Fanon’s theories of psychic, social and embodied processes of racialization and racism, this article examines Toronto’s gay village as a site of queer settler multiculturalism and its impacts on Black and Indigenous lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, Two-Spirit and additional (LGBTQ2+) youth experiencing homelessness. I build on Fanon’s arguments of cultural alienation, the collective unconscious and white colonial anxiety and desire to analyze current iterations of queer settler colonialism and anti-Black racism within the village. Specifically, I argue that the village maintains a collective queer multicultural unconscious through social interactions and forms of representation that seek to tightly control Blackness and Indigeneity within queer space. By placing Fanon in dialogue with Black and Indigenous Studies scholarship, and interviews with Black and Indigenous LGBTQ2+ youth, I present how youth encounter and, to some extent, refuse the white and settler colonial queer multiculturalism in Toronto’s village.

There are many Iranians who have settled in Australia. This thesis explored the ways in which Iranian migrants who settled in Australia under humanitarian and non-humanitarian migration streams overcame the challenges of settling in a new society. Specifically, the study investigated: a) the barriers the migrants faced and factors that affected their integration into or disengagement from the host country; b) the impact their settlement had on their identity; c) the major challenges the Iranian migrants faced in the employment context; d) and the demographic variables that impacted the settlement experiences of the migrants. The primary theoretical frameworks which guided this study were: a) Berry’s acculturation model (1997); b) Kim’s (2001) integrative theory of communication and cross-cultural adaptation; c) Tajfel’s social identity theory (Tajfel, 1981, 1982); and d) self-categorization theory (Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherell, 1987).Data for the study were gathered qualitatively via semi-structured interviews with 40 Iranian migrants on humanitarian visas (10 men and 10 women) and non-humanitarian visas (10 men and 10 women) who were recruited via snowball sampling. The interviews were transcribed and analysed thematically. The key themes which emerged from the narratives were: a) barriers and facilitators to initial settlement; b) perceived discrimination; c) acculturation strategies; d) identity; e) employment; and f) impact of demographic variables on settlement.The key findings of the study showed that integration was the most preferred acculturation strategy adopted by the migrants. These migrants believed in maintaining cultural balance between their heritage culture and their host society’s culture as a means of integrating into their host country. However, their acculturation orientation and strategy also varied depending on different domains and spheres of life. This meant therefore that they adopted ‘selective adaptation’ (Navas, Garcia, Sanchez, Rojas, Pumares, & Fernandez, 2005). Iranian migrants in this study were confronted with various challenges in the employment context including non-recognition of their credentials, lack of local experience/networking and connections, lengthy transition into the labour market, downward mobility, and loss of occupational status. Various factors such as age, gender, length of stay, city of origin, education level, and language proficiency played a role in the experiences of the migrants. The younger migrants felt their settlement and acculturation processes were more challenging. While gender negatively impacted on the labour market participation and integration of female migrants of both cohort with more women reported being unemployed, the egalitarian context of Australia gave more freedom and safety to these female migrants and thus positively impacted these individuals.Lack of English language proficiency not only impacted on the labour market participation of the humanitarian visa holders but also limited their social interactions with the host nationals. The findings also showed that migration impacted on the migrants’ religious identity, leading some of them to modify or conceal their religious identity as a result of settling in Australia. The secular and egalitarian context of Australia, religious freedom, and unrestricted access to resources helped these migrants to adopt a more liberal stance on their religious beliefs. While the Christian and Baha’i Iranians in this study had strong attachment to their religions, some migrants in the Muslim cohort concealed their religious identity so as to reduce the impact of discrimination.Finally, this study made key contributions to migrant settlement studies and provided insights into migrants’ lives post-migration. In this context, this research adds to the limited body of literature on immigration, settlement, and acculturation experiences of Iranian migrants in Australia. Further, this study contributes to the body of knowledge of refugee resettlement in Australia. The findings from this study will also inform policies and the settlement services.

Introduction There are currently 295 cities designated as members of the UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) Creative Cities Network, an initiative launched in 2004 (Hanoi Department of Culture and Sports). These cities are expected to “work together towards a common objective: placing creativity and cultural industries at the heart of their development plans at the local level and cooperating actively at the international level” (UNESCO “Creative”). More specifically, one of the aims of the Creative Cities Network is to “develop hubs of creativity and innovation and broaden opportunities for creators and professionals in the cultural sector” (UNESCO Creative Cities Network). This UNESCO initiative emerged soon after Richard Florida’s influential “creative city thesis”. Florida’s thesis encourages the implementation of socio-economic development policies and physical design plans—by entire cities or specific urban areas—that attract and draw from the creative and art sectors, and especially the ‘creative class’. Focusing on the North American and European contexts, Florida credits the creative sector, rather than industry, for generating the economic growth that transformed post-industrial cities. Seeking to replicate this same growth in non-Western contexts, international consultancy firms and organizations—including UNESCO—have advised governments and municipalities around the world to follow this approach to foster creative activities. Despite a number of academic critiques of Florida’s ideas (e.g. Borén and Young; Gibson and Klocker; Peck; Scott), the creative city thesis is now “going global”, and influencing many policy-makers and politicians in Asia (Landry 100). This is not to say, however, that exciting movements were not already underway in such locales, driven by local enthusiasts. Yet the degree to which governments are taking these ideas on board has certainly shifted (see Ren for an excellent discussion of such synergies in Beijing and Berlin). Over the last two decades, large cities across the region have witnessed the rapid emergence of so-called creative hubs and districts (Hee et al.; Huabcharoen and Ellsmore; Kong). To date, studies on such spaces in Asia have largely analysed their role within the circulation and adoption of creative city policies by national or local governments (e.g., Kong; Lin and Chiu; Yeoh). This scholarship has pointed to the ways by which the development of urban creative spaces is advanced as a strategy to brand cities, increase their cultural production, and encourage economic development (e.g., O’Connor and Gu; Ooi and Lai; Yeoh). At the same time, the implementation of such policies is also linked to negative externalities and tensions regarding gentrification, censorship, commodification, and social exclusion (e.g., Currier; Hee et al.; Lin and Chiu; Luger). Within this context, Vietnam’s capital city Hanoi has witnessed the establishment of a number of small-scale sites devoted to creative activities since the mid- to late 1980s (fig. 1). Locally known as ‘creative spaces’ (không gian sáng tạo), these locales share a number of key characteristics with creative hubs researched elsewhere (see Gill et al.; Virani). Notably, Hanoi’s creative spaces are assembly points for a range of creative activities and people. Also, as is common elsewhere, they operate as local nodes in their respective creative communities, while supporting their affiliates and participants through mutual social support, and knowledge and information exchange (Pratt; Virani). To date, however, there has been relatively little academic research into Hanoi’s creative hubs (or those elsewhere in Vietnam), their motives for becoming established, and the emerging relationship between these hubs and the Vietnamese government’s newly adopted creative city policy for the capital (but see commissioned reports by Truong the Mapping of; Truong Mapping Creative Hubs, and Gasparin and Quinn on creative organisations in Vietnam). Our aim in this brief feature article is thus two-fold. First, we investigate the growth of independent creative hubs in Hanoi, focussing on their founders’ motivations for establishing the hubs, and how the hubs are meeting local creative demands. Second, we consider the possible tensions and conflicts emerging between the visions of these creative hub operators and users, compared to those of the Vietnamese state, with regard to what the city’s creative hubs should represent. We suggest that the state is now strongly influenced by Hanoi’s membership within UNESCO’s Creative City Network since 2019. To inform our analysis, between 2019 and 2021 we conducted an in-depth investigation of 10 creative hubs in Hanoi, focussing on their missions, activities, founders, and users. By drawing on two preliminary reports on the city’s hubs prepared for the British Council (Truong The Mapping of; Truong Mapping Creative Hubs), we selected our case studies to include different artistic orientations, length of time operating, and physical size. We included eight small, unifunctional spaces, and two large, multifunctional complexes, all of which began operations between 2009 and 2017. The hubs all engage in—or previously engaged in—non-mainstream cultural practices, including contemporary and experimental art. Given some of the hubs’ politically sensitive practices and discourses, we do not name them here. In the summer of 2019, while employed as a university research assistant, the third author, Celia Zuberec, completed semi-structured interviews with hub founders and operators (n=21), tenants (n=21), and users (n=36). These interview schedules were designed by the first and second authors, Sarah Turner and Danielle Labbé. We also interviewed three representatives from Vietnam’s central state ministries and two representatives from international organisations involved in Hanoi’s arts community. Additionally, Labbé and Nguyen N. Binh attended a number of meetings between creative hubs and representatives from the Vietnamese government and international organisations, including Nguyen being an observer at a high-level meeting with the National Assembly’s Committee on Culture, Education, Youths, Teenagers and Children (Ủy ban Văn hóa, Giáo dục, Thanh niên, Thiếu niên và Nhi đồng) in 2019. The objective of this meeting was to discuss the organisation and development visions of ‘creative industries’ in the city. Fig. 1: A small-scale creative hub in Hanoi. (Photo credit: Zuberec.) Note: the use of images from specific creative hubs does not mean that we completed interviews at these sites. To maintain confidentiality we visited a broader range to take photographs and complete observations. Emergence of Creative Hubs in Hanoi Since the mid-1950s, an affiliation with the Vietnamese state was a non-negotiable requirement for the establishment of any form of organisation in the country. Citizen-led groups or associations with no connection to the state were effectively banned unless given explicit authorisation to operate. Cultural activities were restricted to state-managed associations and venues, with the government being the only provider of cultural training institutions, and sponsor of art works. By maintaining tight control over cultural production, the government worked to limit the circulation of ‘subversive’ content and ideas, and uphold and legitimate its authority (Healey). With the onset of Đổi Mới (‘economic renovation’) in the mid-1980s, and following a rare moment of self-scrutiny when the government acknowledged its grip on the cultural sector had been “undemocratic, authoritarian and overbearing”, this situation began to change (ibid. 121). The government’s acknowledgement came with promises of new creative freedoms and signalled a relative scaling back of its control over society (Kerkvliet “Introduction”; Wells-Dang). Thereafter, new possibilities opened up for Vietnamese citizens to form autonomous groups, paving the way for the emergence of creative hubs in urban locales such as Hanoi. As this policy shift came into play, artists began to carve out their own scene in Hanoi. Supported by curators, collectors, and gallery operators, individuals started engaging more freely with artistic practices, media, and ideas, leading to the growth and diversification of the Vietnamese arts scene. Concurrently, other exhibitions and performances were held clandestinely in home-studios in order to operate away from the state’s gaze and its remaining censorship policies (Taylor). Driven by the impetus to “break from the establishment”, such private studios lay the groundwork for the city’s first accessible, non-government affiliated independent art spaces (Taylor and Corey 110). International cultural centres and foreign embassies also played a key role in the establishment of the city’s first creative hubs, by drawing on their social, political, and financial capital to support such endeavours (Nualart; Taylor). From the 2010s onwards, such spaces began to multiply rapidly, with a four-fold increase in the number of creative hubs operating in Hanoi between 2014 and 2018, a rise from 22 to 81 (Truong The Mapping of; Truong Mapping Creative Hubs). While the first creative hubs were mostly fine arts-oriented, they have since become more diverse, showcasing various contemporary, experimental and, to a lesser degree, traditional art forms. Broadly, these spaces can now be grouped into two distinct organisational structures, differentiated by their size and diversity of activity. The first model typically operates from a large multi-story, multi-room building, and brings together a diverse mix of artistic and commercial activities. Tenants rent or own spaces in such complexes, transforming them to fit their needs as studios, galleries, performance spaces, cafes, bars, and shops. This model—which aligns closely with the literature’s accepted definition of

The development of technology does not go hand in hand with children's ability to respond to information waves. Generation Z children are technically skilled at using media. However, the ability to understand media content, media ethics, and critical understanding is still at a fairly low level. The media literacy movement in Indonesia is understood as digital education, weak in critical thinking, and its various activities are only in the form of top-down socialization. This study aims to find the suitable literacy model for digital natives in Magelang, which is currently predicated as a Kota Layak Anak (KLA) in the Nindya category. In achieving the research objectives, researchers used a qualitative approach with participatory methods that had never been used in previous research with similar themes. This study places children as social actors and leaders in research (child-led research) to produce a media literacy model design with a child's perspective. Children's aspiration data shows that the media literacy model that has been accepted is in the form of one-way socialization so that it does not have much effect on their lives. Children expect a discussion space to convey their opinions on current issues and government policies related to children. In accordance with the aspirations of these children, media literacy based on the journalist community (children-led community) can be used as one of the media literacy models that can be applied in KLA. This model can lead to the fulfillment of the four th KLA cluster indicators, namely the available creative space that can be used by children. At the same time, this literacy model helps to realize cluster two and also fulfill children's civil rights as an indicator in cluster one.

Lived experience input is becoming recognised as vital to developing and delivering high quality research. However, employment as a lived experience researcher can create identity conflict, which can undermine well-being. In this study, we explored the nuances of both social identification and identity integration processes in individuals with lived experience of psychosis employed in research. Qualitative study using a semi-structured interview format and thematic analyses. Fifteen individuals were recruited, all employed in research in UK mental health care trusts or universities. All participants identified as having experience of psychosis and mental health care support and worked as a researcher, in a paid or voluntary capacity. Two overarching categories were identified in the data, the basis for social identification and the complexity of identity integration within an academic context; specific themes were identified within each of these categories. The data support the value of social identification within this group, although based on shared human experience or being a survivor rather than diagnosis. Challenges to identity integration included conflict between subjectivity and the scientific method and structural stigma. Strong values around using distressing experiences for the benefit of others both furnished self-growth and connected people in groups. A superordinate identity such as 'useful person' facilitated the integration of lived experience and researcher-based social identities within the self. Researching this unique group advances understanding of how social identity forms and functions in a stigmatising context. Findings support the generalisability of the cognitive-developmental model of social identity integration.

Queer spaces emerge as a response to the restrictive nature of homonormativity, which compels queer individuals to conform to dominant cis-heteronormativities. This underscores the need for in-depth knowledge about queer spaces, particularly those that extend beyond the experiences of gay men. This study explores how lesbian and queer women as mobile transnationals create space for themselves in Copenhagen, a city recognised as the world’s most gay-friendly place. It employs an interpretivist research paradigm utilizing a critical feminist and queer geography lens. Findings from observations and interviews reveal the absence of a specific lesbian space in Copenhagen; instead, numerous queer spaces are characterised by fluidity, safety, community and their welcoming approach towards LGBTQIA+ travellers. Lesbian and queer women do not become visible through physical spaces but through the strong networks they have created for themselves. A queer space offers a sense of safety within a public setting for the community that gathers there. Additionally, lesbian and queer women actively reshape and conquer existing cis-heteronormative spaces through material and immaterial practices such as exclusive online community spaces or through hosting queer events in spaces such as churches. The study addresses the absence of feminist and queer perspectives in a discourse on sustainable tourism geographies. It provides policymakers with insights and recommendations for creating inclusive, queer-friendly spaces.

Queer spaces have gained increasing attention academically with a range of studies exploring the construction of such spaces. This article addresses the spatial and social practices and processes that occur within these spaces that perpetuate exclusion based on race. Drawing on ethnographic data collected through semi-structured interviews and participant observations conducted in Birmingham’s ‘gay village’, we argue that gendered perceptions of racialised masculinities and femininities create unique experiences for men and women from minoritised ethnicities. We argue that queer spaces, which are often assumed to transgress and challenge social norms actually maintain, uphold and perpetuate white, patriarchal norms and can therefore be considered a microcosm of broader society. In doing so, we advance criminological thought by adopting a zemiological framework that centres social harm rather than relying on legally defined incidents of crime.

In metaphorical terms, modernity can be viewed as a New World through which under-standings of what it means to be modern can be continually re-thought in both temporal and spatial terms. The temporal horizon of modernity can shift from one usually conceptualised in terms of an originary moment emerging in the eighteenth century, which is supplanted by a post-modern condition in the late twentieth century, to a longer-term one beginning in the fifteenth century that is fractured by a series of variegated distinctions, or a plurality of temporal horizons and possibilities (pasts, presents, and futures). The spatial horizon also shifts from a modernity conceived as a social form with a single defining centre (usually Western Europe) to one that has multiple centres and multiple geographical locations. The spatial dimension, though, not only refers to multiple centres and geographies, but also to the multiple spaces in which modern subjects co-habit — spaces that they create but which also constrain them. The tension between the creation of spaces and the constraints that they impose creates a dissonance that emits its own sounds of contingency and possibility.