Psychological Experiences of Community as Building Blocks of Civil Society

Memory production, vandalism, violence: Civil society and lessons from a short life of a monument to Stalin

Tunisian Exceptionalism:The Role of Civil Society in Tunisia's Transition Ayfer Erdoğan (bio) Introduction Even under authoritarian rule and despite several limitations, Tunisian civil society formed a counterweight to the state power by making up a sphere of civilian activity beyond the state. Unlike many other countries in the region, the authoritarian leaders in Tunisia allowed and even publicly encouraged the growth of some forms of civil society which were not disentangled from the liberal economic development strategy adopted by Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Tunisia was one of the first countries to disengage from "Arab socialism" and it pursued a liberal development strategy, creating a strong private sector and the cultural norms of entrepreneurship and individuality.1 Rather than repressing civil society entirely, Ali pursued a selective liberalization policy and adopted state-monopolized civil society framework, which enabled him to advocate for economic development and, at the same time, get rid of the pluralist effects and democratizing consequences of civil society.2 [End Page 67] Hence, civil society organizations mainly located in the capital Tunis and coastal cities, such as Sfax and Sousse, operated within the restrictions posed by the Ben Ali regime. Civil society could not reach its full potential, yet, in parallel to the state-monopolized civil society, there existed an informal activist network that grew underground. During Ben Ali's rule, the Tunisian public was actively involved in "formal and informal modes of resistance" through unions, social media, youth movements, and grassroots.3 Both formal and informal networks of civil society have generated a culture of dissent that created the basis for resistance against Ben Ali. In the case of post-revolution Tunisia, the new constitution and legitimate political institutions came into existence thanks to the involvement of a group of civil society actors including activists, unions, and non-governmental and women's organizations. In each phase of the transition, civil society groups have struggled to maintain the democratic nature of the transition. When political tensions arose, civil society actors mediated among different political groups and initiated a broad national dialogue. The inclusive and consensual manner in which the constitutional drafting took place owes a lot to Tunisia's strong civil society with its monitoring the draft laws and engaging with members of the assembly to reflect people's demands. Up to the present, civil society has maintained its role in checking on the government's policies and organizing protests and sit-ins when they are not in line with the objectives of the revolution. This article first analyzes the historical evolution of the Tunisian General Labor Union (Union Générale Tunisienne du Travail–UGTT), a primary actor of the uprisings that took place against the regime since the country's independence. Second, it continues with an analysis of the critical role played by civil society and unions during the Jasmine Revolution and the turbulent transition of Tunisia. Finally, it investigates civil society's role in the constitutional drafting process and the implementation of policies in the sphere of politics, economy, and transitional justice. The Historical Evolution of the Labor Movement Tunisia has an organized labor movement as embodied by the UGTT since 1946, and it has been unique in terms of its history, political influence, and social dimension in the MENA region. Throughout Tunisian history, the UGTT's sphere of influence was much larger than an average trade union, which simply advocates for workers' rights and demands. Farhat [End Page 68] Hached, the founder of the UGTT, learned about union activism in the French communist-leaning union, Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT), where he had been a member for fifteen years before he founded the union in Tunisia. He resigned from the CGT due to its lack of support for Tunisians' struggle to gain independence from France, which clearly indicated that the UGTT has been more than a labor union from its inception.4 Besides, the labor movement has been rather independent compared to other labor movements in the region, as it does not owe its existence and origin to the state. Rather, the class of "formally free" wage earners and their introduction to trade union activism can...

This chapter focuses on civic and political participation among youth, primarily in Europe although the review also draws on evidence from non-European countries in areas where European research is limited. Political science and political sociology only started to show an interest in youth participation in the post-Cold War era due to the emergence of new political forces (Youniss et al., 2002). Political psychology and social and community psychology took even longer to show an interest in youth participation. Initially, social researchers examined the political participation of national majority youth either for country-specific reasons (e.g. immigrants were viewed primarily in economic rather than civic terms in Germany due to the Gastarbeiter scheme) or because immigrant numbers were negligible (e.g. in southern European countries, which have traditionally been countries of emigration, not immigration). However, as immigrant numbers have risen over the past 20 years, the focus of social scientists studying youth political participation has shifted. Political participation has gradually come to be recognised as an essential aspect of the acculturation of minority youth and their adaptation and integration into their societies of residence (Berry et al., 2006).KeywordsYoung PeopleEthnic MinorityPolitical ParticipationCivic EngagementMinority YouthThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Classroom in the Clinic

Community Psychology (CP) is a relatively young and marginalized discipline in Canada, with only four graduate programs, concentrated in two provinces-Ontario and Quebec. Recognising the need to develop cohesion and an identity a field, several senior Canadian community psychologists proposed hosting a biennial conference, which began in 2002 at the University of Ottawa. Starting in 2006, the conference became a forum for CP faculty, students, and community partners to collaboratively develop a vision for the of CP in Canada. Diverse teams of conference participants were engaged in facilitated discussions, culminating in a plenary session in which delegates shared their perspectives with the larger group. Eight themes emerged from the visioning exercises in 2006, which lead to the development of special interest groups in the following areas: developing a sense of identity; clarifying and defining the field of CP: raising the profile of CP in Canada; promoting a CP education across Canada; enhancing recognition, credibility, and accreditation; establishing links within the field of psychology; building interdisciplinary bridges; international and diverse perspectives; and promoting healthy communities through grassroots social action. Keywords: Canadian Community Psychology, collective visioning exercise, directions It is apparent from the other papers in this special section on community psychology (CP) in Canada that we have a strong and rich, albeit brief, history and have made many contributions to promoting equality, health, and social justice in our communities both domestically and abroad. Furthermore, the multidisciplinary nature of our theories, along with our eclectic and participatory approach to research and social interventions, is necessary and relevant in our increasingly multicultural society and globalized world. Despite these strengths, CP is a relatively young and marginalized subdiscipline, especially in Canada. The marginal status of CP is observed within psychology departments, universities, psychology literature, work-settings, and the wider community (Aubry et al., 2010; Marcoux, Angelique, & Culley, 2009; Nelson, Lavoie, & Mitchell, 2007; Walsh-Bowers, 1998). Initially emerging in the early 1970s, there are currently four graduate programs in Canada that provide substantial training in CP in two provinces (Ontario and Quebec): Wilfrid Laurier University (WLU), Universite Laval, University of Ottawa, and Universite du Quebec a Montreal (UQAM). The University of Manitoba and the University of Guelph have had community-oriented faculty and graduates with CP interests, but no formal CP programs (see paper by Aubry et al. in this issue). A visioning process that will unite these programs and solidify the identity of CP a field, while ensuring its sustainability, is necessary if we hope to facilitate transformative changes in our communities. To begin with, we introduce the concept of developing a vision, why a vision for Canadian CP is needed, and the importance of values in the process. Next, we discuss the development of the biennial Quebec-Ontario CP conferences and the subsequent visioning process. We then present the main themes that have arisen from these processes, with specific examples from participant discussions, and connect these emergent themes to the relevant literature. Finally, we suggest some concrete steps in the form of an action plan and discuss what it will take to realise our collaborative vision. The concept and process of developing a vision can be found in leadership and organisational change literature. Manasse (1985) defines a vision as the development, transmission, and implementation of an image of a desirable future (p. 150). She considers visioning to be a roadmap to a more positive and a force that facilitates the creation of meaning for the people of an organisation. Theorists have underlined the importance of promoting a strategic flexibility for adapting to changing realities in an organisation and in the communities that they serve (Zaccaro & Banks, 2004). …

This article delineates the areas where there might be same consonance between the dynamics underlying the present interest in Southeast Asia in the nation of civil society and those linked to the current reassessment of the discourse and practice of security in the region. The areas where tensions can be expected between these two sets of dynamics are also considered. An attempt is then made to establish the policy parameters which, under such circumstances, should guide the regional debate on these issues. The central argument advanced in this context is that it is now possible to create in Southeast Asia mechanisms allowing for a degree of synergy between the development of civil society and that of regional security which will be beneficial to both of these processes. Introduction Civil society has traditionally been conceived of by its proponents as a site of resistance against two forces: that of the state and that of the market. [1] In societies where the state apparatus and the nature of economic development are seen as creating forces of social inequality and exclusion, the exponents of civil society have argued that it can help constitute a space where critiques of these forces can be formulated and alternative trajectories of political and economic development propounded. This explains the wide appeal of the concept in current debates on the different scenarios for the reconstruction and development of Southeast Asia in the aftermath of the Asian economic crisis. If the current period is to mark a reassessment of the prevalent models of economic and political development in the region, the argument goes, then civil society represents an ideal standpoint from which to ensure that the reconstruction of regional and domestic politico-economic frameworks gives pride of place to more participatory and egalitarian processes and institutions. The rising demand for more participatory and egalitarian models of governance is also very much at the heart of the ongoing reconceptualization of domestic and regional security, as required by the recent upheavals in the region. [2] Security in Southeast Asia has been framed conventionally and quite exclusively in terms of the strength and sustainability of state-building and economic development, which have been at the top of the agenda of the countries in the region. The multi-level crisis which unfolded in mid-1997, however, appears to have ushered in a broader understanding of the different underlying factors which come into play in these processes and must, therefore, be considered part of the security equation. The importance, for example, of widening the space for public participation in development planning and implementation is now better recognized as one of these factors, which the crisis revealed as a necessary precondition to further economic and political growth. There are also dissimilarities, however, between the inner logic pursued by the proponents of civil society and that animating current debates on the reformulation of security in Southeast Asia. For its supporters, civil society is both a process and a goal: it is through the development of civil society that political and economic frameworks in the region can be made more democratic, and it is the presence of a strong and effervescent civil society which will, in the end, be proof of the success of that enterprise. The process of security reformulation, however, has, first of all, involved a much more disparate set of actors. Concepts of security are, of course, being debated within official channels, and these channels also bring into play a series of more informal networks which involve, for instance, academics, linked tacitly or more overtly to official circles. In turn, this structure, whereby Track One (official) and Track Two (unofficial) actors interact on issues of security, offers points of contact with civil society actors (dubbed Track Three in this milieu). …

The western China, especially near the Wenchuan region witnessed a terrible earthquake in the year 2008, which led to some severe damage in the country. Several interviews and studies are conducted to explain the impact of this Sichuan earthquake on the development of the various grass-root associations present in the country.

The dataset contains a textual corpus of references in psychological academic literature concerning youth participation, engagement and active citizenship. The references were retrieved from the electronic database PsycINFO, which is one of the most important bibliographic sources for international literature in psychology. The research was carried out on 30 August 2016, using each of the following terms: “active citizenship”, “civic engagement” or “political engagement”, “civic participation” or “political participation”, “activism”. The key terms that were used were chosen by the authors as most relevant in youth participation literature that treats particularly the public civic and political sphere. These were required to appear together with words denoting young people: “youth*” or “young*”, “teen*” or “adolescen*” and delimited to titles, abstracts, keywords or subjects. The analyzed literature consists of 1777 selected entries published between 1990 and mid-2016. The dataset includes the following information: specific identifying information about the text itself (type/year/title/author/journal or book title/author affiliation); as well as information on the search terms used to retrieve the publication; and finally, the abstract/summary retrieved from the PsycInfo database. The corpus was used in specific lexicometric content analysis and the dataset allows its replication or further textual analyses.

The main goal of this chapter is to investigate the chief characteristics of post-communist civil society in the Caucasus and to examine the dynamics of its development. The first part of the chapter describes the present-day NGO sector and provides a concise analysis of its development processes. It also presents the weaknesses of the formal civil society by qualitatively and quantitatively investigating the membership in CSOs, their distribution, organisational design, popular trust towards NGOs and their relations with the state and donors. The second part of the chapter provides a detailed analysis of the informal civil society — informal networks and the indigenous social capital. It analyses the structure and the composition of networks. It also examines the strength and the weaknesses of the informal civil society.

The dominant view of India's Northeast highlights violence as a predominant feature and presents civil society as non-existent. Nevertheless, between a militarily-willed state and violent insurgencies lie very many formal associations and informal networks that organize the space for a civil society. The paper attempts to highlight the existence of such relatively lesser-known institutions of civil society in the region. However, there seem to be differences in the very nature of associations of civil society. Homogenous, intra-ethnic networks of civil society in the rural Northeast seem to be more vulnerable to violence and nationalistic fervour. In contrast, formal associations or inter-ethnic informal networks in the urban Northeast seem to handle conflicts and violence better. While the contents herein are expected to inform public discourses on a fragile region, they might also help challenge popular notions about the potential of an existent civil society in similar regions.

The role of women in building social capital in region is topic worthy of ventilation in light of our almost total emphasis on building of human capital through formal education, and importance paid to individual and personal development. In so doing we have neglected importance of social capital with its emphasis on social and cultural networks for betterment of society. The paper will provide clear understanding of concept social capital and provide insights into role of women over time in building on its attributes, including socialization process in home and community in what we call informal education. The emphasis will not be on names and characters and their deeds (that work is yet to be done) but rather general impact on our contemporary social world. Social capital is created when individuals participate in civil society. Putnam (1995, p.67) has defined social capital as the features of social organization as networks, norms and social trust that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit. Fukuyama (1995) defines social capital as trust and thriving civil society. He places emphasis on importance of cultural capital. High trust societies are those, which have cultural traditions of cooperation and trust among non-kin in civil society, which can be transferred to economic institutions. The prevailing orthodoxy is based on theory of human capital (Shultz 1961 and Becker 1964, 1975) and is at heart of globalization process with individuals as only source of sustainable competitive advantage. Karabel and Halsey (1977) have noted that theory was used to explain poverty of nations and communities resulting from under-development of their human capital. It diverted attention from other forms of capital, notably social and cultural. Social and cultural capital with their emphasis on social relationships, shared values, and cultural traditions could very well be major focus of The Open Campus as it seeks to reframe its practice. Coffield (1999) makes point that human capital theory has nothing to say about polarization in income and wealth that is taking place globally. Coffield quotes Manuel Castells (1998,p.l61) who has produced extensive evidence to show how new forms of capitalism are creating sharp divide between valuable and non-valuable people and locales and a fundamental split in societies all over world: on one hand, active culturally self-defined elites, on other hand, increasingly uncertain, insecure, social groups, deprived of informative resources and power, digging their trenches of resistance. A variety of social purpose educators recommend building social-capital as practical way of strengthening civil society, of encouraging civic participation, countering social exclusion and promoting public good. In fact it is felt by some that social capital should take its place alongside physical and human capital in successful and sustainable communities. We are already witnessing that with de-emphasis of social capital in region there is diminished civil society; that sector of public life that is outside political and economic spheres: sphere of voluntary and associations and informal networks in which individuals and groups engage in activities of public consequence (Friedland and Sirarmi, 1995, p. 15). It is about how we live together in communities and work together for common good. Large sums of money have been borrowed by our governments and spent on education but returns have been disappointing. On other hand social problems, poverty, 'brain drain' and growing loss of social identity exist. Reference will be made throughout to concept of informal education that is gaining prominence in educational research. Formal education refers to organized educational activity within established formal system both private and public, as well as specialised programmes offering technical and professional training. …

The research to date on informal networks of the post-communist South Caucasus has tended to focus either on the informal institutions’ role in providing social safety nets for the population or on the networks’ economic functions. This article examines the impact of informal kinship networks on participation in organized civil society in the present-day Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. In order to explore how kinship institutions affect membership in civil society organizations across the South Caucasus, this research builds on a variety of primary and secondary sources. The findings of this study reveal that kinship-based networks serve as a significant source of social capital in the South Caucasus: they offer social support to their members and encourage intra-network bonding, making participation in civil society unattractive. However, the prevalence of kinship networks does not significantly affect popular attitudes towards organized civil society and the reliance on kinship structures is not seen as substitute for membership in formal civil society.

Civil society plays a significant role in attempts to build a functioning democracy, support the rule of law, and promote and protect rights, as well as remaining one of the main driving forces of reform. Civil society continues to cooperate with state agencies in the field of developing political programmes, and to a certain extent assumes some responsibility for the implementation reforms. Despite this, the involvement of civil society in certain areas still remains declarative. An innovative trend in the civil society development in Ukraine has been creation of CSOs and NGOs coalitions, aiming to consolidate and accelerate the implementation of reforms through methods of advocacy and cooperation with state authorities. In 2017–2018 there was tension between civil society and the government despite the implementation of the National Strategy for Facilitating the Civil Society Development, adopted in 2016, however. In 2019 there is a tendency for improvement in state-civil society relations since the Constitutional Court has declared unconstitutional the clauses of the law on preventing corruption, which obliged representatives of public anti-corruption organizations to submit their asset declarations. Moreover, it has become possible to register CSOs in Ukraine online free of charge at the Governmental portal, which is an important step forward to improving public service delivery and creating a better legal environment for civil society. Online services for civil society organizations would be developed and introduced, including online registration of charitable organizations, public associations, applications for non-profit status, etc. The article analyzes the state of development, problems and challenges of the civil society within the framework of the implementation of reforms and European integration of Ukraine , as well as the influence of civil society on reforms in Ukraine, in order to implement reforms, achieve socio-economic progress, and ensure the national security of Ukraine. Also, the article analyzes the how the reforms are assessed by population, and overviews the tendency of increasing trust in the CSO activities by the citizens of Ukraine.

Community psychologists have made significant contributions to the study of civic engagement, yet scarce studies have examined the impact of civic engagement training among youth with a history of dropping out. We describe an effort to promote civic education and action through a curriculum implemented at an alternative school that focuses on (a) developing awareness of the importance of engaging in social/political issues; (b) increasing civic participation; and (c) acquiring political advocacy and organizing experience. This evaluation of the civic engagement training summarizes the issues students reported in a public presentation as having had an impact in their lives; their historical, political, and social understanding of the issues; the ways in which they used a variety of social media to communicate information to different audiences; and their engagement in civic actions to impact their selected issues. Overall, students became more aware of their role as citizens and voters and wanted to share their experiences with their peers, friends, and families. The implications of promoting civic engagement among youth with a history of dropping out of school are discussed, as well as the challenges of the training implementation.

The article takes as its subject the relationship between the family and community in light of recent social and cultural changes and adopts as its underlying theoretical framework Cigoli and Scabini’s relational-symbolic approach and the thought of the French psycho-sociologists. Considering the family to be pivotal to the community, the article illustrates the elements that family and community have in common, as well as what is specific to each. The thesis supported by this work revolves around the need to return connections to the center of reflections about and interventions in favor of the family and community, to reconsider the intermediate units between individual and civil society, to focus attention on intervention aimed at prevention and support rather than repair and, finally, to build meaningful networks in the local community. The work closes with some thoughts regarding the role and function of the community psychologist. Keywords: family, community, bonds, social network, social generativity