Protestant Themes Within Secular Models of Salvation—“Redeemed” or Just “a Bit Happier”? The Example of Crazy Heart

A central psychological challenge of emerging adulthood is the construction and internalization of a self-defining life story or narrative identity. In becoming an author for one’s own life, the emerging adult develops a personal narrative that selectively reconstructs the past and imagines the future in such a way as to provide life with purpose, meaning, and a sense of temporal coherence. This article sketches the main themes and processes involved in the development of narrative identity in emerging adulthood by briefly reviewing empirical studies and describing two notable case examples—Barack Obama and George W. Bush. Both Obama and Bush sought to discover and/or compose self-defining life narratives during their emerging adulthood years. Despite their many differences, both ended up drawing upon important social relationships and deep cultural sources to develop powerful stories of personal redemption—in Obama’s case a story of redemption through liberation and self-discovery, and in Bush’s case a story of redemption through recovery, atonement, and the achievement of self-regulation. As illustrated in the case examples, the development of narrative identity should set the psychological stage for meeting the daunting life challenges of the 30s and midlife.

Although sport participation holds potential to facilitate substance use recovery, the role of sport and links to identity transformation are contentious. Using an instrumental and intrinsic case study, we used narrative inquiry to explore autobiographies as cultural sites of analysis in relation to the role that one sport (i.e., triathlon) plays in substance use recovery. We conducted a social constructionist narrative thematic analysis of four public autobiography sources (e.g., one book and three documentary films) chronicling one man’s 27-year journey of substance use recovery using recreational triathlon. A central narrative threaded the substance use recovery process: redemption narrative. Redemption narrative meaning(s) unfolded in distinct ways depending on identity themes: (a) athlete to triathlete: (re)creating a non-substance-using identity and (b) generative athlete: claiming a sober identity. The redemption stories and shifting identities were connected to recovery capital resources: human (e.g., mental health and life perspective), social (e.g., community belonging), and cultural (e.g., appreciation of new meanings connected with triathlon). This study extends work in sport psychology focusing on athlete autobiographies as research and pedagogical resources to learn more about the role of sport in substance use recovery. We provide reflections on findings, recommendations for practitioners, and future research directions.

Asher Keddie is a mainstay of the Australian television industry, particularly renowned for her performance as obstetrician Dr Nina Proudman in Network 10 ‘dramedy’ Offspring. This chapter examines Keddie's performance of reluctant celebrity offscreen, focusing on the representation of her motherhood narrative in Australian women's magazines. The uncertainty that Keddie expressed about her own desire for motherhood was not problematized in the same way as female celebrities such as Jennifer Aniston, due to the conflation of her ‘real’ self with her onscreen role. Using Keddie as a case study, this chapter argues that Keddie's motherhood narrative has been presented as a redemption story, exposing the persistence of the ‘mandated motherhood’ (Russo, 1976) in Australian women's magazines as a snapshot of societal attitudes at large.

A central psychological challenge of emerging adulthood is the construction and internalization of a self-defining life story or narrative identity. In authoring one’s own life, the emerging adult develops a personal narrative that selectively reconstructs the past and imagines the future in such a way as to provide life with purpose, meaning, and a sense of temporal coherence. This article sketches the main themes and processes involved in the development of narrative identity in emerging adulthood by briefly reviewing empirical studies and describing two notable case examples. Both Barack Obama and George W. Bush sought to create self-defining life narratives during their emerging adulthood years and, despite their many differences, both drew on important social relationships and deep cultural sources to develop powerful stories of personal redemption. As illustrated in the case examples, the development of narrative identity sets the psychological stage for meeting life challenges of the 30s and midlife.

This study examines the use of artificial intelligence in education with regard to potentials and limitations. AI changes learning processes through pattern recognition, adaptive control and personalised feedback. Methodologically, the work is based on a literature analysis and case studies from different contexts. The research question focusses on whether AI promotes individual learning when different preferences are taken into account. Two hypotheses were tested. The results show that adaptive systems can increase motivation and performance and stabilise education in crisis situations. Quantitative meta-analyses confirm that learners achieve significantly better results on average in intelligent tutorial environments than in traditional formats. International comparative studies such as the OECD PISA analyses also point to measurable differences in performance in favour of digital learning platforms with AI components. At the same time, the concept of learning types remains scientifically controversial, which is why the second finding is only valid to a limited extent. In addition, ethical and organisational framework conditions are proving to be key factors. International guidelines call for transparency and accountability, while national analyses point to structural inertia. The study makes it clear that AI can modernise education if systems personalise in a targeted manner and thereby improve learning processes. At the same time, it shows that potential can only be realised if ethical standards are in place and institutional structures enable reforms. Keywords: Artificial Intelligence, Education, Learning Preferences, Adaptive Systems, Ethical Frameworks, Lifelong Learning, Digital Transformation

Introduction Transdisciplinary occupational health (OH) is an approach that integrates knowledge, methods, and perspectives from various disciplines to address complex issues related to workers' health and wellbeing. When applied to global pandemics and emergencies, it presents both ethical challenges and opportunities. Materials and Methods Addressing challenges and opportunities in global emergencies requires a comprehensive approach. Examples of materials: (i) established ethical guidelines and frameworks specific to public health emergencies, (ii) research data – epidemiological, social science, healthcare data, (iii) case studies, (iv) educational materials and resources, and (v) proper distribution and allocation of personal protective equipment. Examples of methods: (i) ethical frameworks, (ii) stakeholder mapping and engagement fora, (iii) ethics committees and task forces, (iv) ethical impact assessments of policies and interventions, and (v) policy development. Results The items above must be integrated into a coordinated response framework to address the ethical dimensions of global emergencies effectively. Ethical decision-making, stakeholder engagement, and data-driven assessments are essential components of a robust ethical response to these complex challenges. Conclusions Transdisciplinary OH offers a holistic approach to addressing the ethical challenges posed by global emergencies. While it may present dilemmas related to resource allocation, privacy, and inclusivity, it also provides opportunities for collaboration, innovation, education, and community engagement to protect and support workers during critical times. Ethical decision-making should be at the forefront of transdisciplinary efforts to ensure the wellbeing of the global workforce.

Artificial intelligence (AI) is rapidly changing the higher education sector, as it is radically changing the pedagogical processes, learning experience, and administrative procedures. Even though these inventions bring a new wave of personalization and efficiency in operations, as well as predictability, they also raise serious ethical issues related to bias, fairness, governance, and surveillance. The review is a synthesis of AI studies in higher education that summarizes literature on the subject matter using foundational literature, normative models, case studies, and technological advances. The information describes the opportunities and threats of the adoption of AI and stresses the role of participatory design, systems of governance, and, most basic, continuous ethical supervision. This is a protective mechanism against the integrity and equity of the AI systems that will act as a guiding comfort to the education sector in the future, and hence establish hope among stakeholders. Keywords: Accountability, Algorithmic Governance, Artificial Intelligence (AI), Ethical Dilemmas, Ethical Frameworks, Ethics, Fairness, Frameworks, Governance, Higher Education, Institutional Governance, Student Trust, Surveillance, Technological Advancement, Technological Perspective, Widespread Datafication

Due to technological advances, an increasing number of infants and children are surviving with multi-organ system dysfunction, and some are reaching end-stage renal disease (ESRD). Many have quite limited life expectancies and may not be eligible for kidney transplantation but families request dialysis as alternative. In developed countries where resources are available there is often uncertainty by the medical team as to what should be done. After encountering several of these scenarios, we developed an ethical decision-making framework for the appropriate choice of conservative care or renal replacement therapy in infants and children with ESRD. The framework is a practical tool to help determine if the burdens of dialysis would outweigh the benefits for a particular patient and family. It is based on the four topics approach of medical considerations, quality-of-life determinants, patient and family preferences and contextual features tailored to pediatric ESRD. In this article we discuss the basis of the criteria, provide a practical framework to guide these difficult conversations, and illustrate use of the framework with a case example. While further research is needed, through this approach we hope to reduce the moral distress of care providers and staff as well as potential conflict with the family in these complex decision-making situations.

Priority setting and cardiac surgery: A qualitative case study

This essay explores the concept of imago Dei as "original righteousness" in the Old Testament, focusing on its theological implications for the sanctity of human life. ​The author examines the biblical foundation of the imago Dei in Genesis 1:26-27 and other scriptural passages, emphasizing humanity's unique creation in God's image and its implications for human dignity, value, and dominion over creation. Protestant perspectives, including those of Luther, Barth, Brunner, Thielicke, and Jenson, are analyzed alongside Roman Catholic views, particularly those of Thomas Aquinas and Pope John Paul II, highlighting differences in understanding the ontological and relational aspects of the imago Dei. The essay argues that the imago Dei is a permanent, unique, and God-given attribute that applies to all human beings, regardless of faith, and serves as a foundation for advocating the sanctity of life. ​The author concludes by addressing pro-life implications, emphasizing the need to protect human life at all stages and rejecting "anthropological nihilism" that equates human life with animal life. ​This theological exploration underscores the importance of the imago Dei in shaping ethical and moral frameworks for defending human dignity and life. ​

Review Question: This review aims to answer the following specific question: What are nurses’ experiences of preparing for and managing the ethical challenges posed by catastrophic public health emergencies and health care disasters? Review Purpose/Objectives: The purpose of this systematic review is to systematically review and synthesise research literature reporting nurses’ experiences of ethical preparedness for dealing with catastrophic public health emergencies and health care disasters and the ethical quandaries that may arise during such events. INCLUSION CRITERIA: Types of Participants: The review will consider publications that include nurses registered or authorised under a given country’s state of emergency provisions to practice in jurisdictions in which a public health emergency (e.g. pandemic influenza) or sudden‐onset mass casualty health care disaster (e.g. flood, hurricane, earthquake, tsunami, volcanic eruption, terrorist attack) have occurred, or may occur. Phenomena of interest: This review will examine the phenomenon of nurses’ experiences of preparing for and/or managing ethical issues arising during a public health emergency or health care disaster. Consideration will be given to, but not be limited to nurse preparation for and management of ethical issues associated with: development of local public health emergency (including pandemic influenza) and sudden‐onset health care disaster plans provision of first health care contact for the general public personal protection and correct use of safety equipment providing front line clinical care providing community and primary health care assistance with containment measures triaging in a range of settings, including general practices, community health centres, and local hospitals maintaining infection control vaccinations informing the public work attendance.

On 9 May 2016, Rodrigo Duterte was elected president of the Philippines. The former mayor of the Southern Philippine city of Davao won the election on a platform of fighting illegal drugs, criminality, and corruption, and became infamous for tens of thousands of extrajudicial killings committed as part of his so-called "War on Drugs." Of these killings, most deaths were attributed to civilian vigilantes, often operating in coordination with the police and in a context where Duterte's incendiary anti-drugs rhetoric had become tantamount to a "license to kill."1 The resulting human rights violations caused shock and outrage among civil society in and outside of the Philippines. Despite tacit popular concern about the killings and other militarized policies, polling institutes continued to measure high levels of approval for the president until the end of his term.2 Although Duterte was not the first Philippine president to rely on a tough-guy approach to crime, his particular style of using this platform constitutes an unprecedented form of penal populism to win popular support against the backdrop of a performed crisis. Its success can be traced to many particularities in the context of the Philippines and at the same time can be placed in global trends of authoritarian populism.Duterte's election victory and his presidency have been analyzed from a variety of perspectives, including the lens of populism. This article builds on these preceding analyses and focuses on the power-consolidating impact of the "War on Drugs" rhetoric, including its mobilizing power not only against drug criminals themselves but also against the political opposition. Employing the theory of penal populism complemented with the idea of cosmic war, this research aims to explain how the "War on Drugs" rhetoric justifies and incites increased levels of violence against drug users and pushers and at the same time human rights activists and political opponents.The concept of penal populism as described by John Pratt3 helps us understand how punitiveness functions as focal point of Duterte's populist rhetoric and tool for consolidating his power. Although the specific manifestations of penal populism are contingent on the local circumstances of each country, certain common elements can be observed.First, penal populism centers on the rejection of an elite-controlled criminal justice system that is perceived as excessively lenient favoring the criminal over the victim of the crime and over law-abiding citizens in general. The assertion that criminals and prisoners have human rights is thought to be the pinnacle of a criminal justice system that disregards the interests and needs of "ordinary people." Such penal elitism is considered as one specific manifestation of the ruling elite being generally distant and preoccupied with their own gain and therefore incapable of looking after the "people."4 What follows is an overall rejection of deference to the traditional ruling class, civil servants, and expert opinion and the call for more citizen involvement in public institutions. In light of this, penal populism offers what it claims to be common-sensical solutions placing the interests of the victims at the center of penal policy.Second, penal populism feeds on the perception of a law-and-order crisis and the associated fear of crime and the criminal. Focusing on personalistic, anecdotal victim accounts in crime reporting, penal populism stresses the possible victimization of citizens and thereby exaggerates the immediacy of the threat.Third, penal populism taps into the fears of constituents by focusing on groups of criminals perceived as particularly monstrous. It juxtaposes idealized images of innocent victims with the animalistic Otherness of the criminal and the idea that crime is irreparably ingrained in offenders. Sex offenders in particular are often in the focal point of this narrative. Stressing the purity and defenselessness of the victims, the penal populist line of reasoning only allows for the conclusion that any intruder in this idealized image must be the antithesis of their victim: abnormal and inherently evil predators fully dictated by their sexual instincts and therefore unfit for rehabilitation. Utilizing such images of loathsome intrusions into the sanctity of family and society, removing the intruder becomes synonymous with restoring social order.Combining these three thematic strands—the elite unduly favoring criminals, the immediate threat for ordinary citizens to be victimized, and the inherently evil criminal preying on innocent victims—a more punitive stance towards criminals is seemingly justified. In the case at hand, however, Duterte's rhetoric—expressed in language that is deeply disruptive to the established norms of (political) conduct—not only argues for an intensification of existing crime control tactics like longer prison sentences or harsher prison conditions, but rather does away with the tenets of civilian law enforcement and calls for the killing of drug criminals as a first resort. In addition, addressing criminality is not framed as one of many areas of governance but rather as essential precondition to more fundamental changes to the entirety of the nation. Duterte's rhetoric suggests a more radical form of penal populism that rejects not only principles of law enforcement, but also the broader socioeconomic and political order in exchange for a vaguely formulated project of fundamentally transforming the country towards an improvement of living conditions for the general population. Thus, to understand the specific case of Duterte's penal populism, Pratt's theoretical approach is complemented with Juergensmeyer's conceptualization of "cosmic war" as the rhetoric of a broader, historical struggle used to justify or incite violence committed in pursuit of a superordinate goal. Although Juergensmeyer limits his analysis to terrorism, the rhetorical elements identified can also be found in justifications of state-sponsored violence.Juergensmeyer describes cosmic war as an "enormously important and historical struggle," a fundamental dichotomy giving rise to an epic encounter between the cosmic forces of good and evil.5 Social history is consequentially organized in a linear story of persecution, conflict, and redemption between a clearly demarcated "Us" and "Them." The power of cosmic war as a violence-inspiring concept lies in its momentum towards a goal that may lie far beyond someone's lifespan and can give meaning to sufferings experienced in the past. The goal of the cosmic war, the "victory," is paramount in that it justifies all means to achieve it. In this context, the "cosmic war" narrative utilizes the religious language of sacrifice and martyrdom as essential attributes of the "cosmic hero." Cosmic enemies, in contrast, are often described in subhuman, amorphous terms kept vague to allow the inclusion of anyone supporting or defending the primary target as secondary targets.6 The satanized portrayal of the enemy is characterized by their alleged rejection of the community's morality and the power to completely destroy the community. The combination of these qualities makes the victory of the enemy inconceivable, and, as a consequence, all other considerations become subordinate to defeating this enemy. Juergensmeyer's concept of "cosmic war" therefore highlights the way such narratives incite violence, namely by defining any hindrance to the historical struggle as cosmic foe whose victory would be unthinkable therefore necessarily leading to the conclusion that the hindrance needs to be eradicated.The "War on Drugs" was not only one of the defining policies of the Duterte presidency, but also central to his public speeches. It was often one of the first topics mentioned, continuously reaffirmed as a priority, and frequently reverted back to even when speaking about different topics in the course of the speech. Duterte's public speeches thus provide useful data to understand his specific way of justifying and inciting violence in the "War on Drugs." The following analysis draws on seven speeches given by Duterte in the course of his presidency: his inaugural speech on 30 June 2016 and the six State of the Nation Addresses (SONA) delivered since then. Whereas the inaugural speech was held in the presidential palace, the SONAs were held in July of each year in front of a joint session of the Philippine Senate and House of Representatives. All seven speeches were broadcast on national television. The inaugural speech and SONA 2018 lasted for less than an hour, SONAs 2016, 2017, 2019, and 2020 took between one and a half and two hours, and SONA 2021 became the longest postrevolution address at almost three hours. This difference in length depends on whether or not Duterte went off his English script to give long intermediate pieces in Tagalog or Visayan. Duterte's SONAs are particularly interesting for this analysis because they have a wide reach in the population and constitute significant moments in each presidency to reveal policies and the overall framework for their implementation. Full transcripts of the speeches were obtained from news outlets and non-English parts were translated by an interpreter. By means of a content analysis of the translated speeches, thematic and linguistic elements of Duterte's "War on Drugs" rhetoric were identified. Codes corresponding to the main elements of the concepts of penal populism and cosmic war were developed and applied to the speeches using an evolving approach allowing the identification of additional coding categories throughout the analysis and thus finding nuances in Duterte's specific articulation of penal populism and of the idea of a cosmic war. As a result of this approach, codes not only included essential elements of the theoretical framework such as the language of crisis, the demonization of the drug criminal, and references to Duterte's personal heroism, but also overarching themes like national development or emancipation from foreign rule as integral parts of the "War on Drugs" rhetoric.The rejection of an elite-controlled criminal justice system, one of the three elements of penal populism, is reflected in Duterte's portrayal of the liberal democratic political elite as corrupt and overly lenient out-of-touch politicians7 who are captured by the drug criminal Other and "oblivious to the anguish and pleas of the weak and impoverished."8 The highly publicized raids of luxurious cells inside the national prison in 2014 became a symbol of this alleged entanglement of the liberal democratic elite with high-level drug criminals and were invoked by Duterte as such.9 Accusations of the Manila-based political elite as manipulative and corrupt fed preexisting distrust of the ruling class and popular frustrations with the unfulfilled promises of social justice and economic equality of the liberal democratic regimes that followed the 1986 Revolution.10 Pointing in particular to Duterte's predecessor Benigno Aquino's perceived inadequacy to tackle everyday issues and deliver tangible change carries weight in the dismantling of the liberal democracy-human rights narrative because he was the son of revolution symbol and first post-Marcos president Cory Aquino.11 In line with this rejection of the political elite and utilizing feminization as a strategy to discredit opposition, Duterte repeatedly called critics "gay" or "weak" and reacted violently to criticism voiced by women such as opposition senator Leila de Lima or former chief justice Maria Lourdes Sereno.12 One major theme of this feminization is the alleged unwillingness of human rights-promoting politicians and activists to get their hands dirty for the good of the Filipino people: "when illegal drug operations turn nasty and bloody, advocates of human rights lash at—and pillory—our law enforcers and this administration to no end."13 In his speeches, Duterte often placed such allegations against his opponents in direct contrast with his own approach to law-and-order: "neither do I intend to preside over the destruction of the Filipino youth by being timid and tentative in my decisions and actions."14It is against the background of this alleged timidness of the liberal elite that Duterte constructs the crisis of criminality that constitutes the second element of penal populism. By means of exaggerated statistics and hyperbolized language of a looming narco-state, Duterte paints drug dependency and drug trafficking as an overwhelming crisis threatening the nation15: "it's so enormous that you are intimidated even just to make a move."16 The usage of modalities makes this message even stronger: "I can only shudder at the harm that those drugs could have caused had they reached the streets."17 In his speeches, Duterte associates drug criminality with the destruction of individuals, the breakdown of family relations, the ruining of the youth, the weakening of the social fabric, and even the 2017 siege of Marawi City by an ISIS-affiliated group.18 Part of this narrative is language projecting fear, crisis, danger, and uncertainty including the labeling of illegal drugs as a "social scourge,"19 "human cesspools of succeeding generations,"20 a "menace,"21 and a "virulent social disease."22The thus constructed urgency of the threat allegedly originating from illegal drugs is corroborated by the third element of penal populism, the portrayal of incorrigible criminals violating the innocence of their victims. By tapping into latent anxieties and utilizing individual stories of brutality, Duterte successfully fed into popular imagination to create the new enemy of the state: the drug criminal.23 Given his track record as an anti-crime mayor in Davao City, the drug criminal was Duterte's logical choice of the Other against which public support could be garnered.24 Thus, an essential part of the "War on Drugs" rhetoric is the antagonism between the law-abiding, virtuous citizen and the drug criminal as the dangerous Other who is beyond redemption and does not deserve due process.25 In his speeches, Duterte associates drug users with other forms of criminality such as brutal murders or rapes and describes them as "root cause of so much evil and so much suffering."26 In line with the elements of penal populism, the drug criminal is thus framed as a monster "hiding in the shadow"27 encroaching on the family and especially children and youth.28These penal populist elements in Duterte's rhetoric thus serve to justify otherwise unacceptable methods in a generally more punitive approach to drug criminality and by extension the continued support for President Duterte as a symbol of this approach and response to penal elitism. Duterte clearly delineates himself from the "high" politics of the elite29 through both his style and self-portrayal as "man of the people." An important element of this portrayal is the narrative of Duterte's election victory as a victory of the masses vis-à-vis the elites overstating the contributions of "ordinary" people to Duterte's presidential campaign. In his speeches, Duterte makes his claim of representing the "people" explicit: "the patience of the Filipino people is reaching its limit [and] I will be the one to articulate the anger of the Filipino people."30 Further distancing himself from the allegedly power-hungry elites, the beginning of Duterte's presidential campaign as well as subsequent speeches let him appear as a reluctant leader overcome by love for his country and therefore willing to sacrifice himself for it.31 Statements such as "Just like you, I get hurt when people are nearly almost brutalized"32 and "I realized that I have to do something about it as a Filipino"33 are projecting "unyielding and uncompromising love for the nation and its people."34 Reflecting elements of personalism and immediacy between the people and the leader characteristic of the populist appeal,35 Duterte is portrayed as disciplinary father who knows what is best for his dependents and is willing to do what is "necessary" to achieve this. Duterte makes his personal role as protector explicit in statements such as "I take care of a Republic"36 and—in the face of the performed crisis of illegal drugs—appears as man of decisive action able to tackle even long-lasting problems.37 Examples of this politics of "I will"38 can be found abundantly in the speeches at hand and particularly in off-script parts.Closely related to this display of "ballsiness" and a further means of demarcation from the elite is Duterte's breaking with established standards of propriety of the political elite. According to Ostiguy, this "low" style of politics is manifested in sociocultural aspects such as manners, demeanors or vocabulary. For Duterte, it consists of unorthodoxies already displayed as mayor of Davao where, fueled by urban legends about how he made a foreign tourist eat a cigarette after violating the smoking ban, he gained national notoriety earning him nicknames such as "The Punisher" or "Duterte Harry."39 Using vulgar language, political incorrectness, and partially delivering speeches in his regional dialect instead of Tagalog,40 Duterte continued to disrupt the language of national politics as president.41Although the penal populist elements of Duterte's rhetoric justify a more punitive stance towards drug criminals and the denunciation of the liberal democratic rehabilitative ideal, it is the elevation of the anti-drug campaign to a struggle of historic dimensions that constitutes a radicalization of penal populism and sets the tone for the extreme levels of violence that have been observed in the Philippines. Rather than merely implying that any individual can potentially fall victim to criminality, as is done in the examples of penal populism presented by Pratt, Duterte's rhetoric paints drug criminality as an emergency threatening the very foundations of Philippine society and therefore a threat to the nation itself.42 This is reflected in Duterte's description of the drug issue as a "virulent social disease that creeps and cuts into the moral fiber of Philippine society"43 and drug criminals as having "nothing in their mind except to destroy a nation."44 The drug criminal thus becomes a cosmic foe in Juergensmeyer's terms, namely an enemy whose victory would be unthinkable because it would mean the destruction of the nation. The violence-inciting potential of this portrayal is by the of drug criminals through as and preying on the the [and] the and Duterte their into when about of against committed in the "War on the first like to be with are they By a dichotomy between the law-abiding and the dangerous Duterte draws from the Filipino people as one from the issue of drug This is reflected in the drug issue as that the us as a and the to people from these As can be in the preceding Duterte through the personal and which are with "the drug or in delivering a drug criminality to a threat of cosmic dimensions and a dichotomy between those who are the and those who are on it the urgency of the "War on Drugs" and consequentially justifies all means in pursuit of this Using the of a against a to the of the Duterte repeatedly called for the of means to with illegal drugs and these as to "ordinary" from criminality and to end the he is threatening the of the not only the killing of alleged drug or but also of those who are innocent of these such as by who Duterte called Rather than war, which a of due the of the drug criminal as cosmic foe them from these "I to the you them even they they have a It is just for war, not for cosmic struggle against the is placed into a framework of the Philippine emancipation from their by and the local the center of this emancipation narrative is the idea that foreign the rule of corrupt elites, and the of illegal drugs and criminality, framed as a of are back national been mayor of Davao City for over Duterte often the so-called of new social in which citizens give additional rights for the of crime and economic of the development that would be possible the of Whereas drug are portrayed as to social and to economic law-abiding citizens are considered "human for economic and the of the of of the "War on Drugs" in the context of a broader struggle for national development is also characterized by language justifying made on of that can be and development people or will not be law and this on criminal justice with the emancipation from of foreign and the rule of corrupt local elites a particular in the Philippine context due to the idea that the the Philippines in an The narrative of the centers on the rather than but also this to the of for historical committed by and the of foreign the the of "ordinary" In his speeches, Duterte such foreign and and that "the when the Philippines and in the of are this of cosmic war, Duterte not only as "man of the but as who on the to the of sacrifice at his and to him as a leader who can deliver his of the his speeches, Duterte himself as and "I willing to to prison for the of my and that by even the Duterte took on the of a who was to and the Filipino people from the of ruling elites and religious All these aspects of his create the image of Duterte as cosmic who on the and thereby national development to the to this are Duterte's critics and opponents as secondary of the cosmic war. In the context of this struggle of the Philippine people that Duterte's radical of penal populism, critics of the punitiveness of Duterte's "War on Drugs" are not only considered weak and overly lenient as the penal populist paints but are to the of cosmic war. of being of drug criminals and therefore in the drug criminals allegedly these critics are in the historical struggle for national rights and activists in particular thus become secondary against which the cosmic war against illegal drugs incites the theoretical of penal populism and cosmic war, the analysis of Duterte's "War on Drugs" rhetoric a more radical form of penal populism than the examples given by Whereas the three elements of penal rejection of penal the hyperbolized crisis of criminality, and the demonization of the drug clearly reflected in Duterte's rhetoric, its portrayal of the "War on Drugs" as precondition for the of the emancipation from foreign and elites, and national development Duterte's punitiveness a more cosmic As a consequence, the rhetoric not only to a generally more punitive stance by the but also towards the extrajudicial killings in the "War on Drugs" and violence committed by civilian in pursuit of this historical The case also how this specific manifestation of penal populism not only the elite and the criminal but rather functions to a of both and foreign of being in the alleged crisis of drug criminality as enemy. narratives of and and a to which "ordinary" have been national development due to the of liberal the concept of human and the of Duterte to target drug criminals and those potentially his power including the liberal democratic civil society, and of the community. For opposition the as secondary in the "War on Drugs" translated into increased and In a context where levels of political violence are already Duterte's "War on Drugs" to opposition and for action and thus Duterte's radical of penal populism an tool for consolidating his presidency on June but the of his presidency are to his The success of the way for following Duterte's style of populism. On a more the "War on Drugs" Philippine society into an additional for the of and the of what is considered in both politics and crime Of these changes were not when Duterte but will to the Philippine political

Background Despite the bourgeoning of digital tools for bioethics research, education, and engagement, little research has empirically investigated the impact of interactive visualizations as a way to translate ethical frameworks and guidelines. To date, most frameworks take the format of text-only documents that outline and offer ethical guidance on specific contexts. This study’s goal was to determine whether an interactive-visual format supports frameworks in transferring ethical knowledge by improving learning, deliberation, and user experience. Methods An experimental comparative study was conducted with a pre-, mid-, and post-test design using the online survey platform Qualtrics. Participants were university based early-stage health researchers who were randomly assigned to either the control condition (text-only document) or the experimental condition (interactive-visual). The primary outcome variables were learning, (measured using a questionnaire), deliberation (using cases studies) and user experience (measured using the SED/UD Scale). Analysis was conducted using descriptive statistics and mixed-effects linear regression. Results Of the 80 participants, 44 (55%) used the text-only document and 36 (45%) used the interactive-visual. Results of the knowledge-test scores showed a statistically significant difference between participants’ post-test scores, indicating that the interactive-visual format better supported understanding, acquisition, and application of the framework’s knowledge. Findings from the case studies showed both formats supported ethical deliberation. Results further indicated the interactive-visual provided an overall better episodic and remembered user experience compared with the text-only document. Conclusions Our findings show that ethical frameworks formatted with interactive and visual qualities provide a more pleasing user experience and are effective formats for ethics learning and deliberation. These findings have implications for practitioners developing and deploying ethical frameworks and guidelines (e.g., in educational or employee-onboarding settings), in that the knowledge generated can lead to more effective dissemination practices of normative guidelines and health data ethics concepts.

An ethical framework for pandemic healthcare distribution typically encompasses multiple ethical values. However, integrating various ethical values and distributive principles into a single framework raises concerns about their compatibility and the overall coherence of the framework. This issue of value compatibility could lead to moral inconsistencies within the ethical framework, leading to practical indetermination when facing conflicting implications. This paper offers a methodological resolution to the compatibility problem, serving as an effective tool to mitigate the impact of value conflicts where possible. It proposes four pathways: specifying values rather than balancing them, incorporating values rather than weighing them, reinforcing values rather than aggregating them, and seeking scientific evidence. By developing coherent ethical frameworks where values do not contradict each other, this approach also enhances practical ethical decision-making. Using the COVID-19 vaccine distribution as a case study, this approach demonstrates how conflicting values can yield practical prioritization strategies, such as allocating vaccines to healthcare and essential workers, addressing multiple layers of disadvantage, and assessing age-related prioritization. Reflecting on the compatibility of values within ethical frameworks offers crucial insights beyond COVID-19, contributing to the development of robust ethical frameworks for future public health crises.

Historically, technology has improved the human condition, and it remains a major hope for further improvement worldwide. Yet its consequences have not all been positive. Environmental and social costs have accrued; many of these were unanticipated at the time the technology was introduced. Three ethical frameworks are examined for what they suggest about the process by which decisions on new technologies are made. A case study, focused on a water-development project, is used to provide specificity. The impacts of alternative approaches for supplying water to Denver, Colorado, are examined in the context of deontological (duty-based), teleological (utilitarianism), and mixed deontological (utilitarianism with attention to our duty not to harm) ethical frameworks. Results suggest that these frameworks can provide assistance in deciding among alternatives. But, more importantly, the frameworks, taken together, suggest 10 components of a process that could lead to better decisions. Some of these components are already part of the environmental impact statement process; more are part of the technology assessment process. But, others have not yet been incorporated in societal controls of technology.