Proslava stogodišnjice dana oslobođenja Beograda u Prvom srpskom ustanku 1906. godine

The Priesthood fulfills their mission for Serb people, and therefore shares the fate of people. It recognizes and shares needs, problems and aspirations of Serb nation. So that was the case in the First Serbian Uprising, hence the same needs and aspirations of the Serbian People and Serbian Clergy to get rid of the Ottoman occupation and have their own state in which they would live by their own laws. This paper attempts to show which way the Clergy was engaged to lead to the establishment of Serbian authority, on the ruins of the Ottoman feudal order on the territory of Belgrade Province, and which way was it included in their work. The intention was the attempt to show what was directly done to lead to the establishment of the Serbian State in the making, but also indirectly through mission of priests within the clergy in order to reach this goal. Specifically, the endeavor was to show how the Karlovac Metropolitanate Stevan Stratimirovic, the largest and undisputed spiritual authority among the insurgents of Serb Uprising, with his frequent invitations, (including the addressing to individual insurgent commanders in order to respect the law and order) contributed to creating an environment for the development and operation of the authority of a new Serb State. It seems that, in literature about history and law, and in historiography in general, such activities that indirectly favored the creation of the state of First Serbian Uprising were not sufficiently addressed. But here, such issues were at least partially indicated.

The statehood of the Serbian nation was manifested early (as early as the Middle Ages), but the modern Serbian state was built gradually, starting from the First and Second Serbian Uprising (1804-1815), through the self-governed Principality of Serbia (1830) to the international recognition of the independence of the Principality of Serbia (1878). The young Serbian state in the period of the First Serbian Uprising had all the attributes that constitute a state: the governing apparatus that included both central and local authorities, territory, and population. Having inherited nepotism and corruption (two major evil remnants of the Ottoman rule), the emerging state undertook a number of measures to curb them, so that the centralised administration should be able to strengthen the state apparatus. Instead of qadis and musellims, who had lived mainly on bribe, the developing state had to confront its own officials who tended to abuse their positions in order to achieve economic prestige and separate themselves from the general population of the Pashaluk. They took the best and the largest shares of the spoils won while combating the Turks, arbitrarily appropriated Turkish houses and other property, took over control the ferries and customs checkpoints, held a monopoly in trading and used the 'official toil' the forced labour that Serbian peasants were obliged to do for the spahijas (feudal lords) before the uprising. Manifestations of corruptive practices inherited from the Turkish era still persisted, although with certain new habits emerging at the time of the creation of the Serbian state and reflecting the general belief that money could buy everything.

Objective: The aim of this study is to analyze the chronology of the Moscow-Kazan wars (1467–1530) as presented in Russian chronicles, within the context of the church calendar. The study addresses the symbolic meaning behind the Moscow princes’ choice of particular commemorative calendar dates for conducting military and political actions against the Kazan Khanate. Materials of the research: Russian chronicles of the 15th–16th centuries contain a number of dated accounts of military clashes between the Grand Duchy of Moscow and the Kazan Khanate during the reigns of Ivan III and Vasily III. Historians have noted that Russian military culture was characterized by calendar symbolism, in which certain military actions were deliberately timed to coincide with specific church feasts or the commemorative days of saints. In this context, the Moscow-Kazan wars between 1467 and 1530, described and interpreted in the chronicles from a religious perspective, are of particular interest. Results and scientific novelty: For the first time, this study identifies and systematizes the correlation between the chronological data in Russian chronicles concerning major military conflicts between the Grand Duchy of Moscow and the Kazan Khanate (1467–1530) and the corresponding church holidays. It has been established that the dated events of the Moscow–Kazan confrontation often coincide with the feast days of saints who were regarded as patrons of the Russian army and Moscow princes, with the changing feasts of the Easter cycle, and with other significant dates of the church calendar. The findings demonstrate that in planning military operations – such as preparing for campaigns, mobilizing the main forces, or dispatching separate detachments – the grand princes and voivodes deliberately took the church calendar into account. This was done both to strengthen the morale of the troops by aligning military actions with religious feasts or the commemorations of heavenly patrons, and to legitimize Moscow’s military and political claims toward Kazan.

National festivals. Military parades. Patriotic memorials. Such public events and tributes naturally bring to mind the idea of nationalism. But what is the cultural logic behind them? How does a country such as Israel facilitate state-related public events as enactments of nationalism?To answer these questions, renowned anthropologist Don Handelman unpacks the meaning of national ritual and symbol in Israel today. He argues that public events mirror social order, a mirror that reflects to its participants and audiences the message that the designers of such events wish to communicate. Handelman considers the meaning of Holocaust and military memorialism, and he investigates the role of holiday celebrations, especially how they affect young children first learning about their country. Analyzing state ceremonies such as Holocaust Remembrance Day for the war dead, and Independence Day, he notes the absence of minorities and examines their significance in the promotion of a national identity. He also

Priests fulfill their mission among the people, and therefore share its fate. They recognize and share its needs, difficulties and aspirations. That was also the case during the First Serbian Uprising. Serbian people and Serbian clergy, therefore, shared the same needs and aspirations to get rid of the Ottoman occupation and to have their own state in which they will live by their own laws. This paper attempts to show how the clergy helped the establishment of Serbian authorities when the Turkish feudal system collapsed in the area of the Pashaluk of Belgrade, and how it participated in their work. This paper tried to show what was immediately done to lead to the establishment of the Serbian state in the making, but also what was done indirectly, through the priestly mission, in order to reach this goal. In particular, it was shown how Stevan Stratimirovic, the Metropolitan of Karlovci, who was the largest and undisputed spiritual authority among the rebels, with his frequent appeals for respect of law and order, often directly addressing rebel leaders, contributed to creating an environment for establishment and work of the new Serbian state authorities. It seems that in the legal and historical literature, as well as in historiography in general, these activities which indirectly lead to the creation of the state after the First Serbian Uprising were not sufficiently analyzed, and in this paper they are at least partially covered.

The aim of the article is to highlight certain aspects of attitude formation in the educational environment to the issue of borrowing in visual art works and in project and design activities. Results. Borrowing, considered as the transformation of something into one’s own property, can take different forms, with appropriation as borrowing someone else’s work (part of it) to express new content and visual plagiarism as an ethical violation, presenting someone else’s visual work (part of it) under one’s own name, including. The analysis of research related to borrowing in visual art works gave grounds to single out the socio-cultural, pedagogical, psychological, moral and ethical, legal, and technological aspects of attitude formation to the issue of borrowing in visual art works and in project and design activities. The range of attitudes towards borrowings in works of art is determined, ranging from acceptance to denial of the existence of original works, and can be perceived under different conditions as a neutral, positive, and negative phenomenon. The article proposes recommendations for preventing visual plagiarism in creative student projects, which can be applied by teachers in educational and methodological activities. The scientific novelty lies in identifying and analysing the socio-cultural, pedagogical, psychological, moral and ethical, legal, and technological aspects of attitude formation in the educational environment to the issue of borrowing in visual art works. Conclusions. Considering the identified aspects of attitude formation in the educational environment to the issue of borrowing in visual art works is crucial for developing a well-balanced strategy of behaviour by teachers and improving the methodology of teaching the educational components of artistic and design educational programmes regarding the formation of a culture of academic integrity and prevention of visual plagiarism in the development of visual works. The issue of responding to manifestations of visual plagiarism in the educational environment, the development of a set of methodological measures to promote a zero-tolerance stance towards plagiarism, and the conscious and constant adherence to professional ethics in the field of visual art require additional study and detailed analysis taking into account existing practices.

Already in the first year of the First Serbian uprising, there was a need to establish certain authorities in the area liberated from the Turks. For that purpose, the Governing Council (Praviteljstvujšći sovjet) was established, it would later grow into the Government and all other executive bodies in the local self-government. Local assemblies and the National Assembly were established as the highest legislative body of the First Serbian uprising. The foundations were laid for the courts, as the third branch of government during the uprising. At that time, the foundations were laid for the Serbian army, which had its own uniform and oath. The police and intelligence services were formed, as well as the budget. All these branches of government developed and improved during the 19th and 20th centuries. In the First Serbian uprising, the foundations of the modern Serbian state were laid.

Contemporary Serbian Question in Macedonia is most closely related to major political events in the Balkans in 19th and 20th centuries. Starting from the social and historical processes in this region of the Balkans, the author examines this question through several fundamental periods, wishing to look into the status of Serbian population in Macedonia of the time against this background. The first period began with the First Serbian Uprising (1804) heralding the creation of the first free Serbian state in the Balkans, and ended with the conclusion of Liberation Wars (1878) leaving considerable Serbian territories liberated. The second period started at the time of conclusion of liberation wars and lasted till the beginning of the Balkan Wars in 1912. The third period was the one from the conclusion of Balkan Wars till the end of World War II (1945). The fourth period commenced at the end of World War II and lasted till the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. The last, fifth period refers to the contemporary state of affairs in the Republic of Macedonia since the disintegration of the SFRY, i.e. the independence of the Republic of Macedonia in 1991. The analysis of the status of Serbian Question here is predominantly related to the culturological aspect through examining the circumstances in education literature, and in culture in general. It shows that the status of Serbian ethnic minority in Macedonia was closely related to social, historical and political setting in these areas of the Balkans. In the new social and political environment, the status of the remaining Serbian ethnic minority in Macedonia is uncertain. In the recent decades, unstable political circumstances in this area have had adverse effects on the presence of Serbian ethnic element in Macedonian territories, even more so since it fails to receive sufficient national support from both sides.

Petah Tikvah held an ambivalent place‐image within the Zionist community in Mandatory Palestine. On the one hand, the first and largest Jewish moshavah in the Land of Israel, the settlement won the honorary title “Mother of all Moshavot”; on the other, partly urbanized Petah Tikvah was occasionally depicted as replicating the sordid Jewish shtetl and the hegemonic narrative described its private farmers as greedy egotists. Petah Tikvah’s main public event was a Memorial Day commemorating four local young men who died in battle in 1921. An annual ceremony including the settlement’s religious and secular populations, it presented Petah Tikvah as a deeply rooted agricultural community that had raised brave “new Jews” willing and able to defend it. Memorial Day reconstructed the moshavah’s “rebirth” in 1921 and celebrated its unity. Although an internal event, Memorial Day and its meaning for local participants should be viewed not merely as reflecting formal Zionist ideology, but also as part of an informal dialogue over Petah Tikvah’s complicated place‐image: in addition to its primary commemorative function, the moshavah’s residents also used the yearly ceremony to assert their national dedication and demonstrate their fulfilment of central Zionist ideals.

This paper deals with the analysis of public festivities organized in Belgrade on the occasion of the centenary of the beginning of the First Serbian Uprising, and their role in the construction of national, state and dynastic identity. Celebrations of jubilees and anniversaries can be seen as a special type of public festivity; often-solemn commemorations of certain events or personalities organized in certain years. Their commemorative nature also has the potential for them to be powerful propaganda tools in the construction of national, state and dynastic identities. When considering the socio-political situation at the time of the centenary of the First Serbian Uprising in 1804 in the country, largely metered by the dynastic change of 1903, the organization of the commemoration of this anniversary as an official state ceremony - the highlight of this being the coronation of Petar Karađorđević - necessitated, in the form of an ephemeral spectacle, the symbolic revival, reinterpretation and reconstruction of the past, in order to emphasize the legitimacy of the power of the new ruler and dynasty and to encourage promotion of this in a broad range of media.

"Memory in the Living Room" (MIL) is a social enterprise that offers Israelis a new way to mark Holocaust Remembrance Day. It calls for informal community gatherings in the living rooms of private homes. These meetings encourage participants' involvement and make the commemoration more meaningful and relevant. The special format offered by MIL has, in one decade, attracted about a million participants who choose this way to mark Holocaust Remembrance Day every year and regard MIL as a new Israeli tradition. Thanks to its unique style and rapid growth rate, it seems that the project is a major Israeli commemorative phenomenon that will have a long-term impact on the culture of memory. Nevertheless, an examination of the manifestations of the venture in the southern periphery of Israel presents a completely different picture. This study claims that the further one moves from the center to the southern periphery of Israel, the more the perception of MIL differs from that among the mainstream of society. The overall characteristics of MIL, which distinguish it from other commemorations, have failed to penetrate the borders of the periphery.

This Roundtable is crafted from the online event held on Saturday 20 November 2021 on Trans Visual Cultures. That event was organized to celebrate the recently published themed issue of Journal of Visual Culture on new work in transgender art and visual cultures, guest edited by Cyle Metzger and Kirstin Ringelberg, and suggested for the journal by Jill H Casid. The themed issue emerged from a session run at the College Art Association in New York, 2018, programmed by Metzger and Ringelberg. For the event in November 2021, some of the contributors to the journal’s themed issue (Kara Carmack, Sascha Crasnow, Stamatina Gregory, Cyle Metzger and Kirstin Ringelberg) were joined by interlocutor Jill Casid, and respondent Jack Halberstam to share their thoughts on trans visual culture/s now, and to consider what it is to write trans visual culture, as well as to live in relation to transness. The event happened to fall on Transgender Day of Remembrance. Given the fraught or ambivalent feelings that many have about such a day, the event was also taken as an occasion to talk about ways of untethering trans visibility from what is lethal to trans viability. After the event, the organizers solicited a few additional reflections on concerns that emerged – in particular around matters of the visual, trans visibility, and lived experience. These are brought together to act as a refractive prism for what happens when we center thinking seriously with the implications and potentials of trans art and visual culture for trans hopes and fears, kinship and community, lives and loves. The publication of this Roundtable takes the themed issue as a crucial springboard for critical, transversal trans* imaginings of the variant worlds to be unfolded by undoing the lock of the gender binary and its settler colonial and white supremacist violences, and to further the demand that thinking with trans alters substantially the ways we approach the visual.

The tragic events of World War II play an important role in the collective memory of all European nations. Since 1945, many initiatives devoted to the coming-to-terms with the traumatic past have been launched. One of the challenges for actors involved in the creation of historical and educational policies is to keep the memory of the Holocaust alive. In the last years, a significant number of initiatives have been organized on the occasion of anniversaries. The paper presents an analysis of 3 different initiatives connected to the official ceremonies of three international remembrance days in Poland, Germany and France. These are the Holocaust Remembrance Day, the International Holocaust Remembrance Day and the European Day of Remembrance for the Righteous. The selected countries represent different historical experiences of war and circumstances, in which the process of collective memory took place. The need for reconciliation between France and Germany was one of the basic reasons for European integration. The reconciliation process between Poland and Germany started much later and Poland joined EU just in 2004. These factors have had an important impact on the creation of the memory culture in those countries. The paper gives an indication on who is involved in commemoration activities and which factors are decisive for the question of whether at all and how the selected anniversaries are celebrated in the three chosen countries. It shows, in how far national goals regarding historical policy are still prevailing and in which places and occasions a more universal and international narrative has been developed.

The Jewish Heroes of Warsaw: The Meaning of the Revolt in the First Year after the Uprising Avinoam J. Patt (bio) On April 23, 1943, the Jewish Telegraphic Agency (JTA) delivered news of the Warsaw Ghetto Revolt, relaying a report received in Stockholm the day before with the headline, “Nazis Start Mass-Execution of Warsaw Jews on Passover; Victims Broadcast S.O.S.” Within two weeks, observers were describing the events as “miraculous,” beginning the effort to identify the heroes of Warsaw. In less than two months, calls emerged to make April 19 an annual day to celebrate Jewish heroism. By the first anniversary after the uprising, Jewish communities organized solemn commemorations in New York, London, Tel Aviv, and elsewhere to recall the “Masada of Warsaw” as a “fortress of freedom.” Through an examination of the ways in which the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising was reported in April and May of 1943, and subsequently interpreted and commemorated in the first year after the revolt, we can begin to understand how and why the event was transformed into the defining symbol of Jewish resistance, Jewish sacrifice, and Jewish martyrdom during and after World War II. At the same time, representatives from the Jewish Labor Bund and the Zionist movement in the Yishuv disputed both the heroes of the revolt and its political and ideological significance. This article examines the rapid search for heroes, and the concomitant processes of politicization and mythologization of the uprising in the first year after the “battle of Warsaw’s Jews.” Collective memory of the uprising was shaped almost immediately in its aftermath, well before historical and fictional accounts of the uprising were written, and long before the date for Yom HaShoah ve-haGevurah (The Day of Remembrance of the Holocaust and Heroism) was solidified on the Jewish calendar. By the first anniversary of the revolt, the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising was seized upon by Jewish communities around the world as evidence that Jews had joined the struggle against fascism, and utilized as a prism for memorializing the destruction of European Jewry. By 1945, when the identities of the Zionist heroes of the revolt became well-known, the uprising had been transformed into part of the struggle for the creation of the Jewish state. Immediately after the war, Holocaust survivors in Europe continued the process begun in the first year after the revolt, setting Holocaust commemoration activities on April 19. The dates of the uprising have since [End Page 147] been linked to annual Holocaust commemoration events in countries around the world. Israel’s Knesset selected the 27th of Nisan as the date for Yom HaShoah ve-haGevurah in 1951 to correspond roughly with the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising.1 The Warsaw Ghetto Uprising has also occupied a central place in the history of the Holocaust and of World War II. As a military encounter, its significance may seem relatively minor. Nonetheless, during the war, the small band of Jewish fighters in the Warsaw ghetto, as well as the broad popular defiance of German edicts by the thousands of Jews in Warsaw who refused deportation orders in April 1943, had a major impact on both Jewish communities elsewhere in Eastern Europe and on German military procedures.2 And, from the perspective of Jewish history, its significance has been tremendous, serving as the counterargument to the myth that the Jews of Europe had been “led like sheep to the slaughter.” Conversely, the emphasis put on the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising reinforced the mistaken view that it represented the only case of armed Jewish resistance in Europe. A recent flurry of literature on the subject reinforces a continuing fascination with the topic of Jewish resistance.3 A 2014 volume edited by Patrick Henry (and to which I am a contributor) on Jewish Resistance against the Nazis begins with a chapter titled, “The Myth of Jewish Passivity,” by Richard Middleton Kaplan, that explores the origins and enduring power of the stereotype of Jewish passivity, explaining that “one aim of our volume is to demonstrate definitively that Jews during the Holocaust did not go to their deaths passively like sheep.”4 The historical literature on the uprising itself tends to reinforce the view that...

In the article talking about writing and drawings on the works of art which is prepared in the Nakhchivan region at the medieval. The importance of those works is noted because those works of art is carrier of the Turkish-Islamic culture. Still, which includes the ancient Turkish culture itself -Nakhichevan region and the religious and philosophical ideas of Islam merged and then has challenged the world. Thus the country is one of the Turkish-Islamic culture has a special place in the treasury of the world. It has also influenced the formalization of works of art in the Middle East and wider circles. Along with our architectural monuments, depictions and paintings on our gravestones and other works of art are the sources of Turkish-Islamic civilization. In the Nakhchivan region is ancient part of Turkish geography and is rich with such samples. In this respect, it is possible to list the medieval period tombs or tombstones, as well as textiles - carpets, art sewing, metalwork - copper, jewelry, woodworking, miniatures and many other types of art which belong to the great Turkish and Islamic culture an also the traces of this culture can be seen all these samples.