Professionalism and Presbyterianism: How Edinburgh’s Financial Elite Sustained Itself in the 20th Century

This article presents Harper Lee’s concern on racism reflected in the novel To Kill A Mockingbird. This research aims to scrutinize the view point of the main character – Scout – about racism. There are two problems to discuss: first, the society’s influence to the development of racism, and second, the social relation between Whites and Blacks. The discussion is begun with the description of the social conflict in America in 1930s at a glance using habitus theory and symbolic violence by Pierre Bourdieu. Habitus theory is used to analyze the influence of society to the emergence of racism, and the symbolic violence is used to highlight the social relation of whites and blacks. The analysis is conducted by applying library research method to collect information and data related to the discussion. After finishing the research, the writers find that the social condition in 1930s supported the growth of racism in Southern part of the USA. The great depression in economic field also made racism grew faster. Consequently, the blacks became the victims of white prejudice and discrimination.

does contain gold coin import and export figures for 1873-80 and there is a disparity between Bordo's estimated figures and those of the Abstract. There have been a number of criticisms of international gold movement statistics that have produced serious doubts concerning their reliability, but Goodhart has reviewed some of the data sources and is optimistic about the usefulness of official gold trade statistics (see Appendix 1). However, Bordo's interpolation between the benchmarks, using the total net change of mintings and exports, resulted in figures lying on a steeper trend and higher than the next benchmark figure. This was partly because this method did not allow for the of coin or the unrecorded carriage of coin by migrants. Bordo did not discuss this specifically but reduced his estimates by multiplying the figures interpolated between the benchmarks, using the relationship that the benchmark bore to the estimated figure. The results do not allow for changes in the Bank of England's holdings of gold coin and in fact relate to the total amount of gold in the United Kingdom. For the years after 1880 Bordo used Sheppard in unadjusted form. 2. CALCULATION OF A GOLD COIN SERIES, 1868-1914 Deciding that previous estimates could be improved on, we have calculated series for gold coin, silver coin, bronze coin, total coin, and coin in circulation, using only those benchmark estimates that might be regarded as reliable. We have also examined our interpolated figures in relation to those contemporary benchmark figures which we can determine to have been overestimates or underestimates. Jevons provided a for 1868 which is the only single-year estimate capable of being reworked to form a suitable starting point for our series of total gold coin [12, pp. 438-47]. The Bank of England and the Royal Mint provide figures from 1905 for coin in circulation and for the total volume of silver and bronze coin respectively; we have accepted these for the years 1905-14, and they form a convenient end to the series in the period 1868-1914 (see Table 2). We have attempted to correct Jevons's and to provide a gold coin series by interpolating between his estimate and the official figures from 1905 onwards, using data for the net issue of coin from the mint and net recorded exports of gold coin, together with our estimates of net unrecorded coin exports and an allowance for the of coin. The starting point is our evaluation of Jevons's figure, taking into account deficiencies that he acknowledged and criticism he received from contemporaries. This allows his results to be reworked to form a starting point for our series. The starting point for this, however, is to understand how Jevons produced his estimate. Jevons This content downloaded from 207.46.13.76 on Thu, 25 Aug 2016 06:26:20 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 28 : MONEY, CREDIT, AND BANKING sent questionnaires to a large number of banks and obtained an analysis by date of minting of 90,074 sovereigns and 75,036 half-sovereigns and the amount of gold coin held in the Bank of England when the sample was analyzed in March 1868. He also had figures for sovereigns registered for export in 1865, 1866, and 1867. The next step was the calculation, that of 14.6m sovereigns minted in 1863-64, 0.6m were in the Bank of England, and 1.75m had been exported by 1868. This export was determined on the assumption that the proportion of exported sovereigns dated 1863-64 to all sovereigns exported in 1865-67 was the same as the proportion of sovereigns dated 1863-64 to those in his sample (i.e., in circulation). These adjustments left 12.25m sovereigns dated 1863-64 in circulation in the United Kingdom in 1868. Because coins dated 1863-64 formed 18.671 percent of his sample, he obtained a total circulation for sovereigns in March 1868 of £65.6m. He finally decided on £64.5m so that when £3.5m of sovereigns held in the Bank of England were added to £12m of half-sovereigns similarly determined, a round figure of £80m (instead of £81.1m) was obtained for the total gold coinage of the United Kingdom. However, Jevons had to admit that this method did not allow for the extensive melting of new coin by bullion dealers and capitalists, and consequently this was an upper limit for gold coin [12, pp. 443-44]. Further, Jevons did not allow for, or acknowledge, unrecorded movements of coin by migrants (Table 1). John B. Martin of Martin's Bank in London criticized Jevons's estimate because the sample contained 48,000 sovereigns held by the Bank of Scotland, which he pointed out were chiefly supplied by the Bank of England as a reserve for note issue [14, pp. 219-20]. Because the quality or newness of these coins was higher than the

This study examines the various sexist practices on the Internet called cyber sexism. The Internet seems to become a new world for patriarchal domination. The amount of content, comments, and memes circulating on the Internet and social media, such as Instagram, Facebook, Twitter, and WhatsApp harassing women, is proof of the patriarchal power on the Internet. This study used a qualitative method with a feminist perspective, collecting memes through Instagram, Facebook, Twitter, and WhatsApp. The memes were then reviewed and interpreted to find their meaning. Using Pierre Bourdieu’s habitus theory and symbolic violence, memes were analyzed to find the factors that cause sexism against women and the logical link between sexist practices in the real world and cyber sexism on the Internet. Results indicate that people’s habitus about patriarchy has become a mental structure of society that influences stereotyped behavior and gender bias and plays an important role in sexism on the Internet. The Internet, as an arena, has become the initial capital for men to dominate. Naming and mentioning women in various memes are the forms of symbolic violence against them that form new sexist habitus on the Internet.

Gündelik yaşamda bir grubun diğerine kurduğu tahakkümün korunmasını sağlayan görünmez şiddet, yapısal, sembolik ya da normalleşmiş şiddet gibi çeşitli süreçler vardır. Pierre Bourdieu da güç ve tahakküm analizinden ve bunların modern toplumlarda toplumsal olarak yeniden üretilmesinden yola çıkarak, sembolik iktidar ve şiddet kavramını ortaya atmıştır. Sembolik iktidar, zihinlere dünya ve toplum düzeni tasavvurunun ve ırka, dine, etnik kökene veya cinsiyete dayalı toplumsal bölünmelerin meşru ve doğal olduğunu empoze etme gücüdür. Sembolik şiddet de toplumsal dünyamızı toplumun bütün üyeleri tarafından paylaşılan meşru ve “doğal” olarak varsaydığımız algı, düşünce ve eylem çerçevelerimiz olan bilişsel yapılar yoluyla gerçekleştirilir. Böylece sembolik şiddet, aynı zamanda biliş ve tanıma eylemleri olan tüm tahakküm ve boyun eğdirme eylemlerini ve hiyerarşileri kapsar. Kadının tahakküm altına alınması, ataerkil bir toplum ve devlet düzenin kurulmasıyla gerçekleştirilmiştir. Doğrudan şiddete başvurmadan, toplumsal dünya ilişkin kodlamaların eğitim sistemi ve din gibi ortak algı çerçeveleri üzerinden kadına yönelik sembolik şiddet, sembolik eril iktidarın ve tahakkümün korunmasında etkin rol üstlendiği görülmektedir. Bu makalede ataerkil düzenin dayandığı sembolik iktidarın kadının cinsel denetimini normalleştiren bir sembolik şiddet biçimi olarak namus olgusunun antropolojik ve sosyolojik gelişimi ile namusa dayalı bir doğrudan şiddet biçimi olan namus cinayetleri, Türkiye bağlamında incelenmiştir.

Symbolic violence is a form of violence through the imposition of symbols and meaning. This study looks at how the symbolic violence that occurred in SPG Cigarettes in the city of Surabaya. The symbolic violence that occurs in SPG Cigarettes in the Work Environment has meanings and symbols that are cultivated by perpetrators of violence. This study uses the theory of symbolic violence from Pierre Bourdieu. Researchers used qualitative research methods with a phenomenological approach. Data collection techniques in this study included observation and in-depth interviews as well as general qualitative data analysis techniques from Creswell. This study found double violence in SPG Cigarettes, namely symbolic violence and sexual violence. This study also finds a new category of forms of symbolic violence adapted from Pierre Bourdieu’s Theory. This study describes the habitus, capital, and realm that cause a person to commit symbolic violence on smoking SPGs. This study concludes that the symbolic violence that occurred against cigarette smokers has become a culture in several community groups. Women as ‘victims’ of symbolic violence and sexual violence can fight so that this violence does not occur continuously and does not become a culture.

This article examines the theoretical perspective of Pierre Bourdieu, a French sociologist, in uncovering the mechanisms of domestic violence against women. Bourdieu initiated the theoretical tools, such as the theory of habitus, capital, arena, violence and symbolic power that can be used to dismantle the mechanisms of violence against women in the household. The occurrence of various forms of domestic violence against women, according to Bourdieu's theory, cannot be separated from the symbolic violence that became the basis for the formation of other types of violence, such as physical, psychological, economic, and sexual violence. Symbolic violence is violence in its most refined. This Violence is working through language symbols for herding them who is dominated to follow the meaning that are produced based on the interests of the dominant. This violence occurs due to the use of habitus that placing women as second-class beings in society and the women poverty off our composition of capital that should be played in the domestic arena, i.e. economic, cultural, social and symbolic capital. This violence, that work sat the level of knowledge, will not make women complain about the use of violence they experienced in the household. In contrast, women will receive and consider the violence they experienced as are ward field.

This article examines the theory of Pierre Bourdieu, a French sociologist, in dismantling mechanisms of injustice against women in the realm of practical politics. The idea of Bourdieu's theory of habitus, capital, arena, violence and symbolic power will be used as the perspective of gender inequality in uncovering the mechanisms of violence against women, particularly women involved in politics. The occurrence of various forms of violence against women, according to Bourdieu's theory, can not be separated from their symbolic violence that became the basis for other types of violence, such as physical, psychological, economic, and sexual. Symbolic violence is a form of violence that is not easily recognizable. Violence operates through symbols the object hegemonic discourse dominated. The roots of this violence habitus operates through women who are positioned as subordinate in society. Violence that works at the level of discourse, it will not make women understand and appreciate that they become the object and will not resist

The concept ＂symbolic violence＂ plays a key role in Pierre Bourdieu's sociological thinking, which is indispensable in the process of social reproduction. This concept was created by periods, from its creation, then enrichment, to becoming a tool of political struggle, reflecting the transformation of Bourdieu's academic concern. As symbolic violence is an implicit form of violence, its operation is in the usage of language, and also through it. Its operation relies on two key mechanisms: ＂reconnaissance＂ (recognition) and ＂meconnaissance＂ (ignorance). This research aims to analyze the change of this concept through Bourdieu's academic career, and also to explore its inheritance of Marx, Durkheim and Weber. The last part of this research tries to realize how to resist the symbolic violence in Bourdieu's sociological thinking.

The sar culture is the pre-existing culture of the Kanum tribe whose implementation is aimed to maintain and preserve nature. Sar culture not only has a positive influence on the environment, but it also represents symbolic violence against women and the Kanum people. This research is aimed to describe sar culture based on the theory of habitus and symbolic violence by Bourdieu. This research involved a qualitative descriptive method, in which the data was obtained from in-depth interviews with Kanum tribal head, Kanum tribe elders, and some village residents involved in sar, observation in Naukenjerai district, and supported by literature review. All collected data were then analyzed descriptively according to the concepts of habitus and symbolic violence by Bourdieu. The research results show that sar culture is a habitus resulting from an interaction between human beings and their nature that has existed for long before. Besides that, there is symbolic violence to the Kanum women and also to the Kaum people, which done by the Kanum men and the leaders of the Kanum tribe as the dominant actors.

This article discusses about symbolic violence in Sing movie. Sing is a 3D animation movie produced by Illumination Entertainment 2016. The characters are animals that act like human with the specific characterization. The reason for choosing this movie because it is much entertaining, and it actually obtained the symbolic violence through its characters. This study is aimed to analyze the issue of symbolic violence, which is usually carried out by the superior owners to dominate people who don’t have power. This study is related to Pierre Bourdieu's theory called symbolic violence. The method of this study is descriptive qualitative. The data were collected through process of watching, pausing and interpreting and then the writer analyzed those data by using the theory of symbolic violence by Pierre Bourdieu. The result of the study shows that the forms of symbolic violence that are symbolic violence of superior to inferior (England to America), symbolic violence of family to children (Big daddy to Johnny), symbolic violence male to female (Rosita’s husband to Rosita), (Lance to Ash), (Grandfather to Meena), (Garth Jennings to Miss Crawly), and symbolic violence between the upper and lower classes (Superior to Jews). The writer concluded that England wanted to show that the super power countries in the world were England, not America. America gets strength from England and also America will not succeed if there is no Asia. Asia has an important role in making America successful and, getting recognition from the England.

The analysis examines the role of British financial institutions, namely the Bank of England and the Corporation of Foreign Bondholders [CFB], in the making of British policy towards Turkey. The nationalisation of the Constantinople Quays Company, a port operator purchased in 1907 by the British and French governments, serves as a case study through which business–state relations, the role of finance in the conduct of international relations, and the impact of perceptions on policy decisions are explored. In this case, the financial elite’s role was minimal during most of the period considered, becoming more important in the final war years in a framework of the Anglo–Turkish debt restructuring negotiations of 1944. Significantly, the CFB, rather than the Bank, represented the British government in the negotiations. There exists an abundance of evidence of the divergent views between Whitehall and the financial elite about Turkey’s trustworthiness as a debtor and a signatory to treaties. The British government’s perceptions were much more positive than those of the financial elite. This difference stemmed from the different interests involved: Whitehall sought to secure Turkey’s collaboration in the increasingly unstable global security environment while the Bank and the CFB were more concerned with investor and bondholder interests and attempted to avoid further financial losses.

The practice of symbolic violence is common in the social dynamics of society. Symbolic violence, according Pierre Bourdieu, has different meaning from actual violence. Symbolic violence is caused by the subordination of an individual to an individual or other group that dominates. The analysis of symbolic violence is not in spite of the concept of habitus, arena, and the capital that was presented by Bourdieu. The study is discussed about symbolic violence to women who were represented by Serial Movie Gadis Kretek. This research uses a qualitative approach with a method of discourses analysis. Serial Movie Gadis Kretek main character, Dasiyah, is a representation of symbolic violence carried out in the social order of society. The result of this research is symbolic violence, in Serial Movie Gadis Kretek, starting from the smallest organization unit in the social structure, main family. Symbolic violence is prone in traditional patriarchal culture, believed by peoples, by means of the dominant role of men toward women.

This research is motivated by the lack of research on the symbolic violence that raised the precarious workers as their subjects. Most studies on symbolic violence that occur in organizations are focused on hierarchical organizations, where obviously dominant and dominated positions are already visible. The phenomenon of precarious workers in Indonesia is widely discussed in the various field of academic, especially the field of law that discusses the unavailability of laws governing online transportation business. The absence of such laws, then becomes a chance for online transportation companies to gain profit by abusing the interests of others (in this case, their partners). Precarious workers in the online transportation business are recruited with a partnership agreement, which should place their position equal to the e-commerce transportation company. But in reality, precarious workers are dominated by e-commerce transportation companies. This study aims to determine the symbolic violence received by precarious workers in the online transport business. This study used the concept of symbolic violence from Pierre Bourdieu, where symbolic violence is closely related to doxa, habitus, capital and arena. This research uses the paradigm of critical constructivism and is descriptive qualitative research. This study also used in-depth interviews of 4 informants as the data collection techniques. The results of this study indicate the occurrence of symbolic violence towards precarious worker in the cooperative relations (partnership agreement) with the e-commerce company in the form of bonus gains policy, tariff policy, and punishment policy. This study has identified the doxa, habitus, capital and arena that encourage symbolic violence towards precarious workers. This study also found that there are two types of precariat workers and differing acceptance of symbolic violence. The differences are influenced by factors such as gender and the motive of the precarious workers when they join the e-commerce company.

This article explores symbolic violence experienced by men and women in their everyday lives as portrayed in selected Eka Kurniawan’s works: Beauty is a Wound (2016), Man Tiger (2015), and Vengeance is Mine, All Others Pay Cash (2017). In order to identify the symbolic violence, Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of symbolic violence is applied in this research. The finding of this research indicates that symbolic violence experienced by men and women is the result of patriarchal system which is manifested in culture and tradition. This culture and tradition has power to discipline society and it also induces symbolic violence towards society since they are required to follow the patriarchal values or stereotype. The symbolic violence against men and women in selected Kurniawan’s works are depicted through arranged marriage, marital rape, women’s obligation in domestic domain, and men’s sexual performance and masculinity. Keywords: patriarchy, symbolic violence, stereotype

Os anos de aprendizado “etnossociológico” de Pierre Bourdieu na sociedade argelina têm sido objeto de um interesse acadêmico renovado. Inspirado por questões oriundas dessa literatura recente, o presente artigo explora, primeiramente, como as experiências de Bourdieu em uma Argélia atravessada pela guerra influenciaram os princípios teóricos e metodológicos de sua sociologia madura. Em segundo lugar, o texto mostra que os escritos bourdieusianos de juventude sobre as turbulências históricas por ele presenciadas naquela sociedade exibem temas e perspectivas que destoam das imagens mais comuns do seu trabalho: o assentimento prático à dominação característico da “violência simbólica” dá lugar à resistência aberta, a "cumplicidade ontológica” entre disposições subjetivas e circunstâncias objetivas dá lugar ao seu descompasso histórico, enquanto a suspeição de princípio diante das representações dos agentes leigos dá lugar a uma alta confiança analítica em longos testemunhos pessoais. Conectando as investigações sociológicas de Bourdieu ao seu uso da fotografia, a terceira seção examina as múltiplas funções que a prática de tirar fotos desempenhou em suas excursões etnográficas a comunidades argelinas. Por fim, o ensaio apresenta a conexão entre motivos da teoria da modernização e das teorias do (neo) colonialismo como uma das primeiras sínteses operadas por Bourdieu em sua carreira intelectual.