Primary red in trichromacy and alchemical vermilion

The discussion on the legal power of documents generated by the researchers exploring the written culture of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries invites for a more detailed analysis of the usage of a written document in the legal process, the chronology of its legal regulation, the document’s place in the system of evidence as well as its meaning in the legal consciousness of the nobles. The legal proceedings and rulings recorded in the judicial affairs books incorporated into the Lithuanian Metrica reveal the process when, with the development of the written culture and the increase of the demand for documents in the state’s internal affairs, the written document evolved into an independent and sound legal evidence in the judicial process. In the civil cases, primarily concerning the land ownership, the legal power of a written document was recognized already in the middle of the fifteenth century (although there was no peremptory requirement to present written documents in the judicial process), and approved by the extended edition of the First Statute of Lithuania. In the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, the long-lived “colorful robes of justice” (the oath, the gesture, the placing of one’s cap) were replaced in the system of legal evidence by written documents which, from then on, were considered as more reliable evidence than a personal oath, and, in some cases, even a testimony. Eventually, this view found its place in the consciousness of the nobles who documented their transactions and used documents to solve legal conflicts. Moreover, in Lithuania, unlike in the Kingdom of Poland, the judges considered not only the public, but also the legitimate private documents as legal evidence of equal importance. Although, the hierarchy of legal evidence, that prioritized the documents was embedded only in the Second Statute of Lithuania (chapter IV article 52, entitled “On evidence and defense” (O dovodech i otvodech), the analysis of sources allows to decisively affirm that the main source of the aforementioned article was the practice of the courts in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries.

REVIEWS THOMAS W. Ross and EDWARD BROOKS, JR., eds. English Glosses from British Library Additional Manuscript 37075. Norman, Okla.: Pil­ grim Books, 1984. Pp. xv, 160. $39.95. British Library Additional MS 37075 is "a massive manual of instruction" compiled in the late fifteenth century, almost certainly for the use of a schoolmaster in the education of young prospective clerks. From this Thomas Ross and Edward Brooks have extracted and printed several series of Latin-English vocabularies, including a nominale (fols. 309ff.). The interest ofsuch works is primarily linguistic, or as an indication oftedious medieval instructional methods, but the present word lists have some humorous touches- the addition of some glosses possibly occasioned by the suggestibility of the prurient schoolboy (or schoolmaster?) mind on folio 323v and the jotting down (twice) of a clever homosexual verse on folios 244 and 275. The entries are attractively presented, with such nonessential material as Latin principal parts omitted. A comparison of the frontispiece with the text reveals no errors oftranscription, though it is not clear why the editors should retain the indefinite article found in the manuscript for some English glosses and not for others, e.g., "costa, rybbe," "os, bone," "tibea, legge," yet "femur, crus, a thy," "scrutum, a trype," "diafragma, a mydrefe." The six-page introduction is rather slight. The editors appear to have been unaware of the long and detailed description of the manuscript in David Thomson, A Descriptive Catalogue ofMiddle English Grammatical Texts (New York and London: Garland Publishing, 1979), pp. 219-32. Some discrepancies exist between the twoaccounts; e.g., Additional 37075 has 385 paper leaves (Ross and Brooks), 413 paper and parchment leaves (Thomson). Thomson carefully lists the hands of the manuscript, which range between the mid- and the late fifteenth century; Ross and Brooks simply note the existence of several hands, "all... from the late fifteenth century," and do not clearly differentiate hands within the body of the edited text. Ross and Brooks suggest that at least a part of the manuscript was copied at Warwick, but Thomson is probably correct that the phrase "a Warrewyke" preserves the name of the scribe. The former associate the manuscript with Saint Anthony's School in London and note the occur­ rence of the name Claveryng, "a noted North Country family"; Thomson 237 STUDIES IN THE AGE OF CHAUCER recordsJohn Claveryng as the major scribe and assembler of the compila­ tion and would identify him as a rector of that name of three parishes in the London area in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Thomson also indicates a possible connection withJohn Carpenter, master of Saint Anthony's Hospital in 1441, when the grammar school was sanctioned, who was earlier associated with the foundation of Eton(pp. 17-18), and points out that the compiled manual of teaching materials belonged to the school rather than to the individual schoolmaster. I have a few quibbles about individual points in the introduction. Some of the nominates in Thomas Wright, ed., Anglo-Saxon and Old English Vocabularies, 2d ed., rev. Richard PaulWiilcker(London, 1884), are closer in organization and lexis to Additional 37075 than is the Promptorium parvulorum, which is suggested as a similar work (p. ix). Paddystolys "toadstools" is not a totally unrecorded word(pp. ix, 15); it is, rather, an otherwise unrecorded spelling with -i- ofpad(d)estol(see MED, s.v.pad(e n.; OED, s.v. pad sb.1; cf. English Dialect Dictionary, s.v. pad sb.3). Similarly,on p. xii, messelyne "mixed grain"is just anearlieroccurrenceof this spelling than hitherto known(see OED, s.v. mas/in sb.2; MED, s.v. mestelion n. and cf. mas/inn.); trefoldis an unrecorded substantive sense of threefold, rather than an unrecorded word; borowe "pledge" is in MED as a variant spelling of borgh n.; mantyll probably means "mantle" and not "mantel," for I can find no evidence for medieval Latin c!amis (classical Latin chlamys, from Greek) meaning anything other than "cloak" (in which case the word is amply represented from earlier sources in MED, s.v. mantel n.); maindyr may not be a new word but a total scribal corruption of some form of "adder," as...

In the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries rhythmic proportions were indicated through coloration, Italian note shapes, mensuration signs, and fractions. Even though Johannes de Muris had introduced in 1321 a division of the breve into from two to nine equal parts, theorists and composers used only those proportions which could be indicated by a combination of various mensuration signs with the assumption of breve equivalence: 3:2 shown by ○:⊂ or ⪽:⊂; 4:3 by ⊃:○ or ⊃:⪽; 9:4 by ⊙:⊂; 9:8 by ⊙:⊄; 2:1 by ⊂:⊄; 8:3 by ⊄:⪽. Other proportions were not used because musicians lacked adequate signs to indicate them. The invention of the fraction to show rhythmic proportions presented, therefore, a true innovation because it permitted the indication of proportions not naturally inherent in the mensural system. However, fractions were used until the late fifteenth century as if they were mensuration signs, that is, they were not cumulative and they determined the mensuration of the following section. It was not until the late fifteenth century that Johannes Tinctoris and Franchinus Gaffurius emancipated proportions from mensuration signs and used fractions in an arithmetically correct way.

Our Fellow Creatures: Who Were They? Who Are They?

The establishment of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal in the late eighteenth century, whose chief goal was to introduce the civilizations of Eastern societies to the West, encouraged a series of enquiries by British writers and travelers on the history, culture, art, antiquities, and literature of Eastern countries, including Afghanistan. This chapter analyzes the writings of three enterprising British explorers who traveled to Afghanistan in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. It focuses on the travel accounts of George Forster, Mountstuart Elphinstone, and Charles Masson, men separated in time, interests and ambitions, but whose work, when examined collectively, delivers from personal observation an expansive picture of Afghanistan in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Such detail has not been found anywhere else, even within indigenous sources, which makes their writings essential and indispensable resources for studying the history, culture and society of Afghanistan in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Together, their enquiries concerning ethnographic, cultural, and social life in Afghanistan have formed a topographical and cultural template for future researchers.

The first Afro-Hispanic texts, sixteenth century: Rodrigo de Reinosa In Spain, the literary representation of “Africanized” Spanish began early in the sixteenth century, although it is conceivable that some non-surviving texts might have been produced in the late fifteenth century. The earliest examples show the definite traces of the already established Afro-Portuguese language produced by such writers as Gil Vicente. This fact is unremarkable in light of the slave trade from Portugal to southern Spain, in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, although some investigators (e.g. Granda 1969) claim that most Afro-Hispanic literary language, including the earliest texts, stems from direct contact between Spanish and native Africans, without the mediation of pidginized Portuguese. Among the earliest Afro-Hispanic texts are some coplas by Rodrigo de Reinosa (Chapter Three Appendix #1). The poems in question are contained in pamphlets or literatura de cordel , and do not carry a date. Russell (1973) uses indirect evidence to suggest that these coplas may have been written in the last decades of the fifteenth century; in any case, they were written no later than about 1510, which makes them the oldest Afro-Hispanic texts discovered to date. Nothing is known about the life of Rodrigo de Reinosa. Weber de Kurlat (1968) surmises that the “Africanized” coplas were written after the publication of the Cancioneiro geral in 1516. Menendez y Pelayo surmised that Reinosa was a montanes , from the highlands of modern Santander (Cantabria) province, an idea echoed by Cossio (1950).

MS. E.5.10 in Trinity College, Dublin, is a volume measuring approximately 8½ × 6 inches, consisting of 224 leaves of vellum and paper written in English and Latin.1 The greater part is in one clear, regular fifteenth-century cursive hand, but the volume also includes sections of thirteenth- and fourteenth-century date and has flyleaves of fragments of similar date. Throughout the volume additions have been made in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries by a dozen or more different hands. On fo. 2v an inscription in the hand of the greater part of the book reads: ‘Iste liber est Domini Johannis Benet de harlyngdon. Quisquis istum elongaverit de custodia sua absque suo consensu anathema sit maranatha’, and at not less than twelve other places throughout the volume Benet signs his name, usually in the form ‘quod Benet’2. Three of these are dated: on fo. 75v ‘Quod Benet apud Harlyngdon Anno Domini M1CCCColxjo DominicalilitteraC’; on fo. 12Ir ‘quod Benet apud Harlyngdon Anno Domini M1CCCC1XViijo littera dominicali B’; on fo. 189v ‘M1CCCClxxj 13 die Novembris quod Benet’. John Benet was vicar of Harlington in Bedfordshire throughout the period covered by these dates, during which he wrote and assembled his book. The paper he used shows a variety of watermarks of the mid-fifteenth century, such as might be expected of a compiler in the provinces buying paper in small packets or using what happened to be at hand. After it was bound several of the remaining blank leaves were used by others for additional notes. The volume was foliated by one of these later hands, and on ff. 191–2 a table of contents with the folio references was made in the late fifteenth century. All the items in the table are present in the book as it survives today.

SOVEREIGN, SACRED Sovereign Feminine: Music and Gender in Eighteenth-Century Germany. By Matthew Head. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013. [xxi, 326 p. ISBN 9780520273849 (hardcover); ISBN 9780520954762 (e-book), $65.] Music examples, illustrations, tables, appendix, bibliogra- phy, index.What better can temper manly rude- ness, or strengthen and support the weak- ness of man, what so soon can assuage the rapid blaze of wrath, what more charm masculine power, what so quickly dissipate peevishness and ill-temper, what so well can while away the insipid tedious hours of life, as the near and affectionate look of no- ble, beautiful woman? . (J. C. Lavater, Physiognomy, 1775-1777) (p. vii).With this epigram, Matthew Head points readers to the new perspective unfolded in his Sovereign Feminine: Music and Gender in Eighteenth-Century Germany, that the late eighteenth century in Germany repre- sented view of women, gender, and music distinct from that of earlier periods and especially from the role of music in the idealization and confinement of women commonly considered in German romanti- cism of the nineteenth century. Head argues instead that women in the late eigh- teenth century were seen as civilizing, cultivating force over men, and that, as result, some women were granted greater cultural agency, especially through the fine arts. Head states: [I]n highlighting discourse-an ideology-of female sover- eignty in polite culture and the fine one could argue that (some) women achieved symbolic power, and cultural capi- tal (p. 7).Head thus captures what he presents as special moment in the history of women's relationships with music, moment that al- lowed for women's greater agency in soci- ety due to the view of women as civilizing influences on men. Head further argues that this agency was particularly communi- cated through music performance by women and through music composition by both women and men. He characterizes such view as a focus on music as part of the culture of sensibility (p. 13) which also valued man's capacity to feel as woman, at least within the dominion of sen- sibility and the fine arts (p. 15).Head's Sovereign Feminine is significant contribution to the musicological discourse on gender, particularly on representations of, and participation of, women in music performance and composition. Head en- gages the significant dialogue about music and gender that has been ongoing in musi- cology since the early 1990s (marked by Susan McClary's Feminine Endings [Minne- apolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991], which Head appropriately recognizes as groundbreaking, p. xvii). But, as Head highlights in his preface, even with this far greater attention to gender in musicology and with the influence of feminism in the field, there have been almost no studies of gender in the late eighteenth century.After framing the book within the larger discourse on music and gender in the pref- ace, Head presents his thesis and approach in the introduction. Through the example of Sophie von La Roche's novel Die Geschichte des Frauleins von Sternheim (Leip- zig: Weidmanns Erben und Reich, 1771), Head highlights the brief period in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries when figures of womanhood enjoyed ex- alted status as signs of reform, progress, morality, and civilization (p. 4). Head also introduces Berlin Kapellmeister Johann Friedrich Reichardt (1752-1814), highly influential voice in discourses on music in the period, but one who has been largely forgotten in modern musicology. Head employs Reichardt's writings, musical activities, and compositions as unifying thread throughout the book, as Reichardt provided significant arguments for and support of the view of the sovereign feminine.The remainder of the book, with the ex- ception of brief afterword, includes six case studies to support and illustrate Head's conception of the sovereign feminine. …

In these two final chapters I want to provide present readers with an idea of how the reading of the physiognomony in these books worked its natural magic in such a way as to bring the reader to some form of self-knowledge. I will also try to offer a way of understanding how, in the early modern period, the hermetic sense of reading the art of physiognomy gave rise to an ‘internal cinema’ that was thought to be capable of bringing about a self-transformation, or what was referred to in the Corpus hermeticum as a ‘regeneration’. With the gestation of time, and with all the intellectual, religious, social, political, and cultural changes that took place between the late fifteenth century and the late eighteenth century, this intensely religious process of ‘regeneration’ was lost sight of, and reading a ‘book on physiognomy’ was transformed into a much more light-hearted form of recreation.

The origins of Leonardo da Vinci (1452–1519) have fascinated scholars for well over a century. Archival research has revealed much about Leonardo's origins and his complex family that included four stepmothers and twenty‐three half‐brothers and half‐sisters and their offspring. One source, however, has been overlooked by scholars – a Libro dei defunti, or necrology, kept by the Benedictine monks of the Badia Fiorentina, where Leonardo's father installed a family tomb in the late fifteenth century. This book of the dead, which lists burials from 1499 through the late eighteenth century, not only offers precious information about which of Leonardo's relatives found their final rest in Florence at the Badia but also provides invaluable help in reconstructing the disposition of the church interior. This article traces the history of the Da Vinci tomb from its first burial in 1474 to its last in 1614 and provides a transcription and analysis of relevant notices found in the Badia's Libro dei defunti.

Reviewed by: A Country Merchant, 1495-1520: Trading and Farming at the End of the Middle Ages by Christopher Dyer Kathleen Troup Dyer, Christopher , A Country Merchant, 1495-1520: Trading and Farming at the End of the Middle Ages, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2012; cloth; pp. xiv, 256; R.R.P £65.00; ISBN 9780199214242. Christopher Dyer's most recent book shows his characteristic impeccable scholarship and ability to illuminate the lives of otherwise obscure people. Since his Standards of Living in the Later Middle Ages (Cambridge University Press, 1989), Dyer has been known for his creative use of financial records to illuminate the detail of the daily lives of medieval people, making his statistical analyses accessible. A Country Merchant also follows this pattern, focusing on the economic transactions and social networks surrounding the central figure of John Heritage, a Gloucestershire merchant, a study made possible by the remarkable survival of Heritage's account book, which covers the years 1500 to 1520. The book relies on an exhaustive trawl through extant sources, from rental and taxation material, through court records, to archaeological evidence. A Country Merchant is a late-career book pulling together themes and material from many years of historical scholarship in the Midlands that Dyer knows so well, addressing big questions around the transition from an agrarian society to the modern world, the impact of population change and alterations to family structures, trade and commercial mentality, enclosures of land, and changes in cultivation practice. Dyer begins by setting the scene of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. He reminds us of concurrent events in the European world and the way news was disseminated, alongside the role of travelling merchants like Heritage in linking local to international markets. Population remained fairly stable at a low level compared to the high of the early fourteenth century, wages were on the high side but beginning to decline, and entrepreneurial landowners (of whom Heritage was one) were starting to disrupt long-standing land-holding arrangements. Dyer also outlines the complex interrelationship between town and country, commerce and manufacturing, and the growth of the merchant group. Dyer divides his book into six sections, examining Heritage's family and household; the countryside in the late fifteenth century with its landscape, long-established villages, towns, and parishes; Heritage's wool business with its complex credit arrangements, laid out in his accounts; changes in land use across the period 1495-1520 from arable to pasture and the associated alterations in population distribution, work, and sheep and wool management; the way rural society changed over several centuries, comparing the roles of the aristocratic and church elites with those of innovative peasant farmers; and finally Heritage and his contemporaries in their social, economic, religious, and cultural environment. Heritage's father was a well-off farmer selling grain, wool, livestock, and dairy produce with a household of about sixteen, and was able to send [End Page 186] his sons away to school. He organised the marriage of his son John into a similarly positioned family with whom there had been earlier business connections. At his father's death in 1495, John, at twenty-five, became head of household with three brothers and four sisters to provide for. Dyer describes how, rather than following his father's farming and trading patterns, John made significant changes over the next few years. He appears to have collaborated with the new lord of the manor, a man of his own age, to improve the manor's profitability. To this end, John sold the family holding in the open fields (including probably the family house) to facilitate leasing a larger consolidated land area that was then enclosed for pasture, a break with traditional practice. In the process, sixty former workers were turned off the land, the lord increased his rent and Heritage had the opportunity for high cash returns for the sale of wool and livestock. Soon afterwards, John and his wife Joan moved to Joan's hometown, eighteen miles distant, when she inherited a burgage. This was a further unusual undertaking, leading John to move into trade and supervise his farming interests from a distance with a reversal of the common pattern...

This chapter discusses the publication of the Babylonian Talmud by ’the Widow and Brothers Romm’ between 1880 and 1886 in Vilna, which is considered a landmark event from the perspective of rabbinic culture. The Babylonian Talmud included almost all of the commentaries and reference tools that had become part and parcel of printed volumes of the Talmud starting in the late fifteenth century. It talks about the ’Vilna Shas,’ which was considered a far cry from talmudic texts that had been known in the age of manuscripts and the early stages of print. It also mentions the fourteenth-century vellum Munich Codex Hebraicus MS 95, the oldest complete text of the Babylonian Talmud, which was noted to have sporadic corrections and glosses in the text and margins. As printing evolved in the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, publishers added more material to volumes of the Talmud.

Stanislaw Mossakowski King Sigismund Chapel at Cracow Cathedral (1515–1533) Cracow: IRSA, 2012, 376 pp., 277 b/w and 89 color illus. €120, ISBN 978838983114 The importance of Cracow as a center of Renaissance humanism during the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries has long been recognized by Anglophone historians and linguists interested in the early modern achievements of scholars at the Jagiellonian University and their contacts with Italian counterparts. Among the more familiar figures are the humanist Filippo Buonaccorsi, called Callimachus (1437–1496), who served as tutor to the sons of King Casimir IV Jagiellon (r. 1447–92), and Nicolaus Copernicus, who studied ancient Greek, mathematics, and astronomy at the Jagiellonian. In spite of Cracow’s renown as a humanist center, there is a paucity of English-language scholarship dedicated to the architecture of Poland-Lithuania, which at its greatest extent, in the early seventeenth century, was the largest state in Europe. This lacuna is in part due to factors such as the linguistic inaccessibility of secondary scholarship written in Polish, as well as geopolitical circumstances between 1939 and 1989. Thus Stanislaw Mossakowski’s erudite monograph King Sigismund Chapel at Cracow Cathedral (1515–1533) , first issued in Polish in 2007, is a significant scholarly achievement. Mossakowski, the well-known and prolific former director of the Institute of Art of the Polish Academy of Sciences in Warsaw, presents here the mausoleum that most clearly embodies some of the earliest Italian Renaissance visual forms to appear in the European borderlands of Poland-Lithuania. The study underlines the relevance of the Sigismund chapel to classically inspired architecture, and by extension to the rich traditions that inform East-Central European architectural history. In nine highly detailed chapters examining the monument’s site, patronage, ideology, and iconography, Mossakowski asserts the uniqueness of the commission and its significance to the broader history of early modern European, and particularly Italian, art and architecture. The centrally planned, elliptically domed monument, located on the south side of the Wawel cathedral nave, decorated and vaulted …

On the theory of compound colours, and the relations of the colours of the spectrum

This chapter explores the archaeological record left by the coloniality of power on the islands of the Muni estuary in Equatorial Guinea between the late eighteenth and mid-twentieth centuries. From 1777, this tiny country in west-central Africa was nominally a Spanish colony, but it was not truly colonized until the 1880s. However, colonial interactions developed between different European agents and Africans since the late fifteenth century. The region provides, therefore, a good example of both the work of coloniality before colonies and the irruption of colonial capitalism in Africa. Between 2009 and 2012, we explored the rich archaeological record of the Muni, covering a period between the late first century BC and the present. Here we focus on the material evidence of coloniality, for which we focus on five categories of things: bodies, houses, wares, social drugs, and the construction of the Spanish colonial landscape. Through these material elements we will examine two main issues: (1) the transformation of the Benga under a regime of coloniality that implied a downward trajectory from an African bourgeois class to colonial pariahs and (2) the nature of the second wave of Spanish colonialism, oscillating between a faulty modernity and a failed iteration of the imperial spirit of the sixteenth century.