Pragmatic writing in contemporary German

John C. Swanson. <i>Tangible Belonging: Negotiating Germanness in Twentieth-Century Hungary.</i>

Group Identity, Intergroup Relations, and Political Expression

The ability to recognize facial identity and emotional facial expression is central to social relationships. This paper reviews studies concerning face recognition and emotional facial expression during normal aging as well as in neurodegenerative diseases occurring in the elderly. It focuses on Alzheimer's disease, frontotemporal and semantic dementia, and also Parkinson's disease. The results of studies on healthy elderly individuals show subtle alterations in the recognition of facial identity and emotional facial expression from the age of 50 years, and increasing after 70. Studies in neurodegenerative diseases show that - during their initial stages - face recognition and facial expression can be specifically affected. Little has been done to assess these difficulties in clinical practice. They could constitute a useful marker for differential diagnosis, especially for the clinical differentiation of Alzheimer's disease (AD) from frontotemporal dementia (FTD). Social difficulties and some behavioural problems observed in these patients may, at least partly, result from these deficits in face processing. Thus, it is important to specify the possible underlying anatomofunctional substrates of these deficits as well as to plan suitable remediation programs.

Emotional expressions constitute valuable information for decision-making in social interaction contexts. However, the range of emotions that have been studied is limited. The present study addresses the effects of a wider range of emotional expressions using a methodology modeling interdependent decision-making in social contexts, the Assurance Dilemma. Joy, sadness, anger, fear, disgust and emotionally neutral vocal expressions were presented to 46 participants taking part in the Assurance Dilemma, obtaining behavioral and judgment data on cooperation behavior. For each emotion, predictions based on theoretical accounts and research on emotion induction in decision-making contexts were advanced; joy, sadness and fear were predicted to increase cooperation while anger and disgust to decrease it, as compared to neutral expressions. Results show that emotional expressions reliably affected cooperation, although not always according to the predictions: except for joy, all emotions decreased cooperation. Judgment measures provide further insight into the decision-making process. When collected before participants experienced feedback in the interactions, judgment measures show that participants hold a priori expectations on others’ likely behaviors depending on the emotional expression they display and are willing to use them to guide their decision-making process. This data aligns more closely with predictions. However, after experiencing outcomes, expectations are revised and converge with the behavioral patterns observed in the actual interactions. Results are discussed in terms of how emotional expressions are used for guiding expectations and taking decisions in social interaction contexts and the role that experience plays in this process. Limitations are pointed out directions for future research suggested.

Two experiments were run to examine the effects of dynamic displays of facial expressions of emotions on time judgments. The participants were given a temporal bisection task with emotional facial expressions presented in a dynamic or a static display. Two emotional facial expressions and a neutral expression were tested and compared. Each of the emotional expressions had the same affective valence (unpleasant), but one was high-arousing (expressing anger) and the other low-arousing (expressing sadness). Our results showed that time judgments are highly sensitive to movements in facial expressions and the emotions expressed. Indeed, longer perceived durations were found in response to the dynamic faces and the high-arousing emotional expressions compared to the static faces and low-arousing expressions. In addition, the facial movements amplified the effect of emotions on time perception. Dynamic facial expressions are thus interesting tools for examining variations in temporal judgments in different social contexts.

This study aims to examine the meaning of giving bouquets among urban communities, especially as a symbol of social status and expression of emotions using a symbolic interactionism approach. In a society that is increasingly connected with the influence of social media, giving bouquets has transformed from a mere tradition into a more complex trend. Bouquets, which were once identical to flowers as an expression of affection or someone's emotions in appreciation, now involve various other forms of gifts and function as a tool to express happiness, gratitude, and social support. This study uses a qualitative approach with participatory observation methods, in-depth interviews, and documentation to explore the meaning of giving bouquets in various social contexts, such as graduations, celebrations, and personal achievements. The results of the study show that giving bouquets is not only an expression of personal emotions, but also as a status symbol that strengthens social relationships between individuals. Thus, giving bouquets functions as a social communication tool that reflects the dynamics of changing values and social interactions in society

In human social interactions, facial emotional expressions are a crucial source of information. Repeatedly presented information typically leads to an adaptation of neural responses. However, processing seems sustained with emotional facial expressions. Therefore, we tested whether sustained processing of emotional expressions, especially threat-related expressions, would attenuate neural adaptation. Neutral and emotional expressions (happy, mixed and fearful) of same and different identity were presented at 3 Hz. We used electroencephalography to record the evoked steady-state visual potentials (ssVEP) and tested to what extent the ssVEP amplitude adapts to the same when compared with different face identities. We found adaptation to the identity of a neutral face. However, for emotional faces, adaptation was reduced, decreasing linearly with negative valence, with the least adaptation to fearful expressions. This short and straightforward method may prove to be a valuable new tool in the study of emotional processing.

In Experiment 1, it was investigated whether infants process facial identity and emotional expression independently or in conjunction with one another. Eight-month-old infants were habituated to two upright or two inverted faces varying in facial identity and emotional expression. Infants were tested with a habituation face, a switch face, and a novel face. In the switch faces, a new combination of identity and emotional expression was presented. The results show that infants differentiated between switch and habituation faces only in the upright condition but not in the inverted condition. Experiment 2 provides evidence that infants' nonresponse in the inverted condition can be attributed to their independent processing of facial identity and emotional expression. This suggests that infants in the upright condition processed facial identity and emotional expression in conjunction with one another.

The role of the social context in facial identity recognition and expression recall was investigated by manipulating the sender's emotional expression and the perceiver's experienced emotion during encoding. A mixed-design with one manipulated between-subjects factor (perceiver's experienced emotion) and two within-subjects factors (change in experienced emotion and sender's emotional expression) was used. Senders' positive and negative expressions were implicitly encoded while perceivers experienced their baseline emotion and then either a positive or a negative emotion. Facial identity recognition was then tested using senders' neutral expressions. Memory for senders previously seen expressing positive or negative emotion was facilitated if the perceiver initially encoded the expression while experiencing a positive or a negative emotion, respectively. Furthermore, perceivers were confident of their decisions. This research provides a more detailed understanding of the social context by exploring how the sender-perceiver interaction affects the memory for the sender.

Background: The recognition of facial expressions is an important component of emotion processing which contributes to interactional behavior. One of the factors highly associated with potential decline of ability in behavioral tasks is age.Methods: We have investigated age‐related changes in facial identity and expression memory of healthy subjects in three age groups: young adults (20–40 years), elderly adults (60–80 years) and, for the first time in the literature, very old adults (over 80 years of age). Using a picture test, photographs of faces with happy or angry expressions were presented to study participants during the encoding task, and the memory for identity and emotional facial expression was investigated in a subsequent recognition task showing emotionally neutral faces. Half of the faces presented in the recognition task were initially shown in the encoding task.Results: Age interacted with the memory process: the ability to recognize both facial identity and emotional expression declined with advanced age. Happy facial expressions were better recognized in all age groups. Although there was a continuous overall decrease in recognition of both happy and angry expressions with advanced age, the effect favoring happy facial expressions was stable also in very old adults. Other factors such as gender or educational level did not affect the memory process for facial expressions.Conclusions: Our findings suggest that age is a significant determinant of memory for facial identity and emotional expression, and that, similar to younger adults, the recognition process of the elderly favors happy emotional facial expressions.

Language as Social Action: Social Psychology and Language Use by Thomas M. Holtgraves. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, 2002,xii+232 pp. Reviewed by Santoi Leung Teachers College, Columbia University Given the diversity and number of disciplines topic that take an interest in the social aspects of language use, providing an interdisciplinary perspective on this would be a challenging prospect for many scholars. Holtgraves, a social psy- chologist, meets this challenge in an admirable fashion. The book's stated aim, as outlined in the introductory chapter The Social Bases of Language and Linguistic Underpinnings of Social Behavior, social action is to approach the topic of language use as is from an interdisciplinary viewpoint, and the material covered an impressive, wide ranging synthesis of research from the fields of philosophy, lin- guistics, sociolinguistics, pragmatics, anthropology, and cognitive and social psy- chology. Fundamental to the approach taken is the reciprocal relationship between language and social context: ignored and is How the social dimensions of language cannot be how social psychological processes are mediated by language. A chapter devoted to each of five major themes of language use: language as action, lan- guage as interpersonal action, language as contextualized action, language as co- ordinated action, and language as thoughtful action. Chapter One, Speech Acts and Intentions: The Things We mental insight in explicating the Do With Words, reviews the core aspects of speech act theory, starting with Austin's (1962) funda- pragmatic function of language, and moving onto a description of Searle's (1969) speech act taxonomy and felicity conditions. A discussion that may be of more interest to those already familiar with the basic is tenets of speech act theory intentionality. e.c. how hearers recognize literal illocutionary force is a problematic issue, particularly in the case of indirect speech acts, where the intended illocutionary force differs from the illocutionary force. Two contrasting approaches are considered: those that e.g., assume inferential processing, Grice's (1975) theory of conversational implicatures, and those that suggest a direct or idiomatic approach to recognition. Holtgraves observes that illocutionary less than illocutionary force force interpretation has been studied tion, much produc- and regards this lack of attention paid to the hearer as a deficit in speech act theory's social credentials. Language as interpersonal action is addressed in the next two chapters. Chapter Two, The Interpersonal Underpinnings of Talk: Face Management and Politeness, considers the interpersonal aspects of language production. cinct review of is A suc- Brown and Levinson's (1987) influential politeness theory model provided, with a discussion of the concept of face, face-threatening acts, and the Issues in Applied Linguistics ISSN 1050-4273 Vol. © 2002, Regents of the University of California 3 No. Ill - 11

Emotion expression and regulation in three cultures: Chinese, Japanese, and American preschoolers’ reactions to disappointment

This paper explores the evolving influence of modern technology on interpersonal relationships across social, romantic, familial, and workplace contexts. Drawing from historical patterns of communication, it illustrates how technologies like social media, mobile phones, online communities, and digital platforms have redefined human interaction. While technology facilitates connectivity, emotional expression, and relationship maintenance, it simultaneously fosters emotional distance, miscommunication, and erosion of trust. The research examines how generational preferences, communication cues, anonymity, and media saturation impact relationship quality. Additionally, it assesses the effects of digital engagement on identity, intimacy, and emotional well-being. The findings suggest that the impact of technology on relationships is not inherently positive or negative but is shaped by user behavior, platform design, and social context. Emphasis is placed on the need for mindful and moderated technology use to cultivate healthy and resilient human connections in the digital era. Keywords: Technology and relationships, digital communication, social media impact, interpersonal dynamics, romantic relationships, family communication, generational differences.

Emotion regulation and attachment: Relationships with children's secure base, during different situational and social contexts in naturalistic settings

The discussion of gender differences in emotional processes is complex for two reasons. First, there are multiple processes involved in emotional functioning, including verbal, facial, and behavioral expressiveness; emotional experiences and awareness; the ability to recognize or decode emotions in others; physiological arousal; and the ability to regulate emotional experiences and expressions. Gender differences have been documented for some, but not all of these processes. Further, gender differences in many of these processes have been found to be inconsistent across personality, social, cultural, and situational variables, as well as task characteristics and the quality and intensity of specific emotions such as anger and happiness. This lack of consistency in gender differences is not surprising, considering the fact that emotions serve adaptive communicative and motivational functions. For example, expressing anger is functional in that it communicates, both to oneself as well as to others, that goals are not being met. It is also motivational in that it facilitates change on both interpersonal and intrapersonal levels. Because women and men are often socialized to have different roles, motives, goals, and self-schemas (caretaking roles, intimacy motives, and interdependent self-schemas for women; provider roles, control motives, and independent self-schemas for men; Cross & Madsen, 1997), gender differences should occur in emotional processes. However, gender differences should also fail to generalize broadly because motives and goals for individual women and men vary with the social context. Moreover, both women and men need to adapt to power and status imbalances between the two genders, in which men typically have higher power and status than do women (see Brody, 1999). Higher power is theoretically associated with emotions such as pride, guilt, and anger, whereas lower power is associated with emotions such as fear and shame. Recent research has supported some of these ideas (Keltner, Gruenfeld, & Anderson, 2003), and indicates that power differentials, both in general as well in specific circumstances, may contribute to gender differences in emotional expressiveness. Gender differences also vary across contexts because both women and men have multiple identities that consist not only of gender, but also of such factors as age, social class, race, ethnicity, status, religion, sexual orientation, and professional and interpersonal roles (e.g., professor and parent) (Stewart & McDermott, 2004). These identities may interact and become more or less salient depending on the individuals’ values; the social setting, including the content and goals of the situation (e.g., political versus personal; Ethier & Deaux, 1994); and the multiple identities of the