Poverty in the Writings of Albert Camus

The French left has rediscovered its self-confidence. Almost twenty years after Francois Mitterrand emerged from the wilderness of opposition to announce a ‘break with capitalism’ located between traditional social democracy and Soviet socialism, the French left is once again renewing its commitment to progressive reform. Throughout this period the French left has always tried to remain faithful to its core values: equality, liberty and social justice. But it has often been cautious about the means to deliver change. Lionel Jospin’s government has exhibited no such conservatism. It has used an impressive variety of policies and instruments to further its programme — different both from its predecessors and from its current European partners. Whether in its legislation to reduce working time, the use of privatization to recast the role of the French state, or the development of a constructive dialogue with employers, the Jospin government has shown itself willing to confound textbook accounts of how left politics should be conducted.

This article explores the political consequences of four decades of consistent humiliation of the poor by the most authoritative voices in the land, and offers insights into ways that new movements are creating spaces for poor people’s political voices to surface and become relevant again. Our specific concern is the challenge that the current humiliation regime poses to those who seek to revive radical, disruptive and fractious anti‐poverty activism and politics. By humiliation regime, we mean a form of political violence that maltreats those classified popularly and politically as “the poor” by treating them as undeserving of citizenship, rights, public goods or resources, and, importantly, that seeks to delegitimate them as political actors. Our article demonstrates the historical importance of authoritative voices in inspiring political unrest involving poor and working people, charts the depoliticising effects of poverty politics and governance since the 1980s, and highlights the new political possibilities that are surfacing now not just to defeat the very dangerous political forms of Trumpism and the new white nationalism but that seek as well to create something that looks like justice, freedom and equality. We insist on the importance of loud and fractious poor people’s politics and call on scholars to direct attention to the incipient political potentialities of poor people today.

Biography's Window on Social Change: Benevolence and Justice in Jane Addams's "A Modern Lear" Louise W. Knight Historians who have studied American women's practice of benevolence in the nineteenth century recently have stressed its function as an ideology—its power to stir middle-class women to social activism and its role in shaping their sense of class and gender identity.1 Those in power could remain so without guilt, benevolence promised, if they accepted their responsibUities for those who were weaker. According to Anne Scott, benevolence was "a quality that good Christians were expected to exhibit, especiaUy those whom God had favored with health, wealth, and standing in the community."2 Armed with this rationale, women of the middle classes poured their considerable organizing energies into addressing the needs of the "worthy" poor and other "dependents" (in the language of the day) and, in the process, established new pubtic roles for women of their class. The women's wholehearted embrace of the ethic of benevolence was not surprising because it permeated their lives, starting in their families. There, as daughters first, and later as wives and mothers, they retied on the kindnesses of men: fathers, husbands, and adult sons. Forbidden to work outside the home, prosperous women depended on men for their material well-being. Instructed to obey fathers and husbands, women learned to be grateful to the men who denied them power. Benevolence defined gender relations in the nineteenth century. In a smoothly operating benevolent society, the poor, like women in the family, were not expected to have a voice. Rather, they were only to be grateful and obedient. This denial of the poor's right to represent their own interests was hardly noticed by middle-class benevolent women. As Scott writes, "It did not occur to most of them that it was presumptuous to tell poorer people what they should want or how they should behave."3 They remained unaware of the extent to which the practice, as Lori Ginzberg has observed, served their own class interests.4 The ethic of benevolence was not intended to govern aU human relations but only those of unequal status and power. While, as American historians have thoroughly explored, the ethic of benevolence was regularly employed by those in power (businessmen, slaveowners, male citizens , husbands and fathers, upper-class women) to justify their right and responsibility to make decisions for others (employees, slaves, women cit- © 1997 Journal of Women's History, Vol. 9 No. ι (Spring) 112 Journal of Women's History Spring izens, wives and adult daughters, the poor), a separate ethic—the ethic of individualism—was invoked for relations among equals or potential equals.5 Not intended as an ethic for women, individuaUsm was the ethic that governed economic relations among men of the middle and upper classes and justified the right of the (male) individual to pursue his own self-interest.6 It was the ethic of the smaU businessman, who employed his brother-in-law at a low wage and of the wealthy industrialist who employed thousands of workers at even lower wages.7 Surface contradictions aside, benevolence was understood by contemporaries to be entirely compatible with the pursuit of self-interest, as intellectual historian James Kloppenberg has pointed out.8 Indeed, the ethic of benevolence taught the (male) individual that his attempts to advance his own interests would naturaUy serve the common good, and that there need not be a conftict between personal desire and social justice.9 Those who embraced the ethic of individual benevolence—a group which included many women—betieved that all society benefitted when the (white) upper classes decided what was best. Benevolence, they held, delivered social justice in its results.10 But those without clout—the poor, which included most African Americans and many immigrants, and women—did not always desire what others had chosen for them. What they wanted, as their words in the historical record make clear, was the respect of others and the right to decide for themselves. John Stuart MuI, leading poUtical theorist of the century, expressed the general sentiment when he defined justice as "the respect of each for the rights of every other and...

On the base of the survey in two universities in Voronezh (680 students) the hypothesis is rejected that students, in accordance with J. Schumpeter's interpretation of entrepreneurial activity, associate entrepreneurship with innovations. It is found that the student's perception of entrepreneurship in the Russian cultural and linguistic environment differs from the Schumpeterian one. Although the inclination to joining entrepreneurship in the future is widespread among the students, they are not ready to innovate. Students perceive entrepreneurship primarily as a pathway to financial security and personal well-being. Respondents tend to neglect socially significant aspects of entrepreneurship.It is revealed that the students miss a holistic system of views and priorities regarding to their careers. Personal interests and motivations prevail over business inclinations. This is expressed in the students' career preferences, which incline to the ability to combine business and personal life, to the pursuit of financial security, material well-being, avoiding difficulties. As a rule, students prefer interesting and creative work. Hard work and education as factors of success in their future professional careers are valued low.At the same time, weak social inclinations are manifested. Mutual assistance and cooperation as factors of professional progress are rated low. Also, the students are not inclined to work much and hard for the sake of public benefits. Prevailing not only personal interests as compared to the social, but even personal as compared to professional is an obstacle to the students joining the innovative entrepreneurship, requiring the priority of business and professional interests. The low interest to continuing family business reflects the young people's desire to independence, to free choice of path. This indirectly indicates their deviation from traditional values (which are considered to be characteristic of the Russian culture in the past) and about the growth of their individualism.

Material well-being is defined in terms of satisfaction with a range economic concerns such as government’s handling of the economy, taxes, the cost of basic necessities, household income, pay and fringe benefits from one’s job, financial security, standard of living, and agreement within the family regarding how money should be spent. Much evidence is available demonstrating the substantial effect of material well-being on a variety of measures of subjective well-being. The literature review uncovered a host of antecedents or predictors of material well-being. These antecedents involve two sets of constructs, namely personal factors and contextual factors. Personal factors include socio-demographics (age, gender, education, income, marital status, family structure, etc.); personality traits (self-esteem, etc.) and personality dynamics (compensation, top-down spillover, etc.); needs and need satisfaction (how wealth serve to satisfy different needs), beliefs and mental associations (images of wealthy people); goals and aspirations (income goals and goal attainment); skills, behavior, and resources (financial capability, financial behavior, and lack of financial resources); and values (materialism), lifestyle (consumption), and habits (compulsive consumption). Contextual factors include social comparison (how evaluations of standard of living are influenced by social comparisons), adaptation (how income expectations are adapted by changing circumstances), and changes in the macro economic environment (changes in the rate of unemployment, inflation, economic growth, etc.).

The research that has been completed is to take a gander at the treatment of the Coronavirus human security catastrophe in Indonesia, which is ordered by Scopus. Alluding to the assertion from the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) concerning human security, there are seven regions concerning well-being security, ecological security, food security, financial security, individual security, local area security, and political security. Of the seven fields, one of them involves well-being security, and the Coronavirus Pandemic has something to do with well-being matters which fall into the classification of the well-being security area. UNDP characterizes well-being security as insurance from illnesses and unfortunate ways of life, undermining lacking medical services, new and intermittent infections including pestilences, pandemics, unfortunate nourishment, and risky ways of life. No exploration has seen that the Coronavirus Pandemic is important for a debacle that is remembered for the classification of human security. This review took information online through the Scopus data set, which was then dissected using the VOSviewer bibliometric representation. The discoveries in this study are that the Coronavirus Pandemic fiasco is a human medical condition that falls into the classification of the field of human security, and scholastics and scientists from Indonesia as yet direct very few examinations, finding just 25 reports in a hunt on 12 February 2023 from the Scopus data set.

This chapter assesses the positive political impacts of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act 2005 (NREGA) on poor and marginalized people. Two types of impacts are distinguished: those stemming primarily from the material benefits derived by NREGA workers (increased incomes, less dependence on elites), and those that contribute to their “political capacity”, the severe shortage of which has constituted an important dimension of their “poverty”.The authors define political capacity as an amalgam of political awareness, confidence, skills and connections. To advance these claims, the chapter discusses the uses to which laborers put their wages, NREGA's impact on distress migration by poor people, the gains made by women, examples of unusual alliances through participation in NREGA works, and the political implications of all of these processes.

This chapter shows how urban activists seek to construct an authentic peasant voice in order to make connections with a transnational civil society, which has its own agendas, views, and implicit or explicit interests. The construction of an “authentic voice” requires erasing differences within villages in the name of social justice. The strategies employed to do so lead to the silencing and exclusion of many poor and non-poor villagers, and even the protesters themselves, who stand to gain in various ways from the building of the factory.

The contribution of this paper is a speculative model of future material wellbeing grounded in the theory of recognition. I explore wellbeing through Honneth’s (2012) concept of recognition, which emphasises how reciprocal social interactions contribute to the ethical development of individuals, promoting social justice and individual and collective wellbeing. Material wellbeing is discussed as a compound of life-qualities derived from conditions granted in the public sphere. The model evokes critical questions about existing social justice and economic systems, which may not make sense in transitions to sustainable societies; and renders possible futures in a trajectory of material wellbeing in relation to social justice. I narrate a fictional story containing familiar norms and interpretations of social setups and relate these as life-qualities elemental to the material wellbeing of future societies. In essence, I sketch an imagined social futures context, the reality of which would require governance, policies, laws, and economic distribution alternatives to today’s. My starting point is to challenge the visionary space of future sustainable societies, with a looser grip of markets-dependencies and utility-maximisation on our beliefs and attitudes, and where other possible worlds may arise from recognition and reciprocity that build social justice. The speculative model is a medium to raise questions about our relationships with reality and to project an alternative potential world, provoking us to think of our place within it. I use the sufficiency paradigm for revealing critical points in our present systems, while building on the paradigm’s ideas for reduced material outputs and increased social justice as a potential for sustainable societies.

The case against legalization rests on the empirical premise that use would increase in the absence of control laws. Everything I know about human nature and the effects of drugs supports this. People use drugs because they are pleasurable, and because they are an effective antidote to anxiety, frustration, and feelings of inadequacy. Were drugs legal, they would be socially destigmatized and they would become easier to acquire, cheaper to purchase, and safer to use. Given the genuine psychological benefits of use, we can be sure that it would increase were drugs legalized. The predictable increase in use alone, however, does not justify laws, nor does it provide a convincing argument against legalization. For one thing, drinking might decrease as a result of increased use, which would be a good effect if drinking is more harmful. Even if increased use would not have this indirect benefit, laws impose substantial burdens. They impose risks of criminal liability on those tempted to deal drugs, especially young men in poor urban neighborhoods; they create incentives for gang membership and gang violence; they cost money in law enforcement; they result in outlaw groups abroad having more money and influence than they otherwise would, with dangerous political consequences; they increase the risk of overdose and other health risks commonly associated with use; and, of course, they make an enjoyable recreational activity illegal. Given these burdens, the benefits of keeping use down must be substantial in order to justify control. What are these benefits? This depends on the in question. Here I focus on heroin. (1) The strongest argument against heroin legalization, in my opinion, is its predictable effect on the life prospects of young people in poor communities. A person who is ill-educated, whose skills are not in demand, who does not feel admired or respected by society, who has no clear path to social success or financial security, is likely to feel self-doubt and frustration in large measure. Such feelings can be relieved by heroin. Given the intense pleasure and temporary relief that heroin provides, many of those who try it in any community, rich or poor, are likely to use it again and some are likely to develop a habit. Why would this be bad? Habitual heroin use typically lowers a person's expectations of himself and decreases his concern with what others expect of him; it typically weakens a person's motivation to accomplish things and to meet his responsibilities to others. A general increase in the availability of heroin would therefore increase the risk to children of inadequate parenting, and would make it more likely that young persons disposed to will not do what they need to do in order to get a decent education, develop good work habits, develop relationships with mentors, and so on. By drug abuse I mean use that has negative consequences for the user or others that are sufficiently bad to make this use either imprudent or irresponsible. Poor people are not uniquely susceptible to abuse. Life is difficult, especially in adolescence. Heroin brings pleasure and relief. We can therefore predict that adolescents in every economic group would begin using it regularly if it were legalized. Some, perhaps most, would mature out of a habit, but during crucial stages of a person's mental and emotional development, whether by oneself or one's parents, will typically have lasting consequences that are difficult to correct. The greater availability of heroin might distract some young people from problem drinking, but the impact of heroin on a person's development is arguably more severe because the degree of indifference it produces toward tasks and mentors is arguably greater. If it is, then the impact of legalization on poor communities is especially worrisome because an increase in there would further clog already narrow opportunities for achievement and success. …

Pro-poor tourism is a new concept of tourism geography that featuring new idea in tourism that has been creating employment and generate a self help affiliate to improve socio-economic status of poor people by eradicates poverty. It is to increase communicate line between the tourism trades and native poor people that's native poor people improve their self-sufficient income. It is a decision making process that can access or develop any one of local people, small company, small lodge and local tourist operator. The essentials salient feature are not a type of company or not a type tourist operator, the local people direct involve the poor local people and benefits from tourism. There are not needed a lot of money investment, just a few money invest and more and more benefits or profits earn from this tourism. The main objectives of this paper that to enlighten brief concept about Pro-poor tourism, to highlight the tourist spots attraction in Murshidabad district, to elaborate human livelihood through the GDI and HDI and through the Pro-poor tourism in this area economic development of the local people is incredible. The data base mainly, primary data have been collected from the field survey and secondary data collected from various books, journals, internet, webpage, different govt. office. In general hypothesis, the higher value of composite index so also tourist potential is higher. The analysis may vary from person to person based on the individual choice and interest. This paper relates tourism development for good of living livelihood, living standard and wellbeing of poor rural people which may achieve by a set of effectiveness, participant, and earnest cobwebby of rural work force for development of tourism potential areas.

Revolutionary Suicide

In this thesis I show how narrow representations of 'the economy' in urban poverty discourses and practices have channelled the attention of academics and policy makers in particular ways as they have attempted to address urban poverty. I explore representations of the relationship between poverty and economic growth by these groups to show how dominant urban poverty discourses and practices tend, at best, to place poor people in the informal economy or at worst, outside of the economies of cities. One reason for this is traced to poverty studies' understanding of poor people as independent units undertaking survivalist activities or livelihoods. However, thinking of poor people as making up dispersed sets of networks connected into a diverse economy opens up new spatial imaginations of the city and new possibilities for policies aimed at achieving social justice. Drawing on the example of the city of Durban, South Africa, I explore how thinking about poor people's activities in different ways makes it possible to move beyond formal/informal economy dichotomies which dominate scholarly and policy analysis. I demonstrate that poor people are already connected to, and are part of, economic growth processes and that these growth processes would not be possible without including poor people. The 'poverty politics' to which this research refers relates to ways in which it is possible to see and write poor peoples' economic activities into a broader story of economic growth.

IntroductionIn this contribution I examine the role of migrants' knowledge about their social rights (system knowledge) for their subjective well-being. Based on the Social Production Function Theory, I expect system knowledge to be positively associated with migrants' well-being. Migrants who are well informed about their social rights are likely to have better access to resources that are crucial for their well-being such as healthcare or financial security. Moreover, I expect that knowledge in certain domains which affect daily life, such as healthcare, matter more than knowledge in other domains, which are life-course specific, such as childcare.MethodsI make use of the Migrants' Welfare State Attitudes (MIFARE) data which includes the perspective on the welfare state of migrants from nine different origin countries across three receiving countries: Denmark, the Netherlands, and Germany. Linear regression analyses were applied.ResultsResults indicate that migrants differ extensively in their social rights knowledge. Moreover, migrants' knowledge about their social rights is indeed positively associated with subjective well-being, though the effect is not equally strong in all three receiving countries and differs by welfare domain (healthcare, childcare, unemployment benefits, social assistance, and state pensions).DiscussionKnowledge about social rights matters for migrants' well-being. Policy advisors should therefore pay special attention to migrants' access to information about social right policies in order to increase their well-being.

Personal wellness not only is a matter of physical well-being. It is also based on financial security and planning. This is the case in making decisions about one's own personal health care system provisions. Each person has the right to decide about his or her health care system prior to becoming disabled and unable to make such decisions. In the case of incurable disease and comatic existence or needing life support, a person should have signed powers of attorney and living wills that will be adhered to when the need arises. This article will present these personal financial health care system provisions.