Political and Social Control in China

The paper provides an overview of the development of the Soviet militsiia (regular police) and its present structure, organization and functions. The paper concludes that the nature of Soviet policing differs from that of western democratic societies. Policing is a state monopoly; the militsiia closely controlled by the party with minimal input from the citizenry. Its responsibilities are broader and it is more intrusive into the daily life of the population. Since the revolution, the militsiia has had three primary functional areas—social, economic and political control. The functions of the militsiia have changed with the development of the Soviet state. The political responsibilities have receded but remain more important than in democratic societies.

Reviewed by: Sexuality, Politics, and Social Control in Virginia, 1920-1945 Gregory Michael Dorr Pippa Holloway . Sexuality, Politics, and Social Control in Virginia, 1920-1945. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006. xi + 258 pp. $59.95 (cloth, ISBN 10: 0-8078-3051-8; ISBN-13: 978-0-8078-3051-2); $19.95 (paperbound, ISBN-10: 0-8078-5764-5; ISBN-13: 978-0-8078-5764-9). In Sexuality, Politics, and Social Control in Virginia, 1920–1945, Holloway takes issue with previous scholarship and expands our understanding of state-building in Virginia. She depicts the Old Dominion's political elite constructing a stable, distinctively southern social order by relying on the complex interplay of race, class, and gender—all bound by issues of sexuality. Holloway strings together disparate topics—eugenic sterilization and marriage restriction, movie censorship, venereal-disease [End Page 220] control, efforts to regulate barbers, premarital venereal-disease testing, and birth control—to demonstrate that "sexual regulation was both a flexible tool that could be deployed in diverse ways in changing times and a productive technique that created classes of rulers and subjects" (p. 6). Properly deployed, sexual regulations buttressed the status quo. While perfect "social control" was never achieved, these regulations exerted profound power. Holloway's first chapters recount the passage and enforcement of Virginia's eugenic sterilization and antimiscegenation laws, and the creation of the state's board of motion picture censors. That elite Virginians—including the state's medical profession—created social policy by coupling eugenics with more traditional race, class, and gender concerns is not news. Nor is it surprising that the enforcement of eugenics laws identified and further stigmatized already-marginal populations (women, the poor, African Americans). Holloway is not (as she implies) the first to recognize that lawmakers enacted these measures as much to tighten the state's purse strings as to protect Virginia's gene pool, but her analysis of overlooked evidence demonstrates how quasi-medical, eugenic definitions of "normal" and "abnormal" sexual behavior reinforced the prerogatives of Virginia's ruling elite. Her treatment of the Virginia State Board of Censors looks beyond race to sexuality as the underlying issue provoking the censors' ire: by controlling what forms of sexuality Virginians could see on-screen, the censors slowed changes in sexual mores and conserved elites' power. Holloway next examines venereal disease (VD) control and birth control. Fears about aberrant sexuality combined with race, gender, and class prejudices to convince "white, elite male policy makers that many of those suffering with venereal disease were dangerous and irresponsible" (p. 78), and that birth control "spoke as much to concern for the needs of the poor as to a eugenic agenda" (p. 140). In this atmosphere, elite white Virginians sought to manage federal VD control efforts during the world wars. Officials used rhetoric about sexuality to reconcile federal imperatives and the local political economy—all in the name of national defense. Simultaneously, African Americans turned federal VD control efforts to their own ends, attracting federal and philanthropic money and attention. Similarly, proliferating birth control clinics helped women attain increased sexual autonomy, easing the child-rearing burden on poor women of both races. The result was improved socioeconomic status. These incursions into elite, white male power presaged the emergence of more effective challenges to negative stereotypes of blacks and women during the later civil rights and women's liberation movements. The book ends with case studies of Richmond and Norfolk during World War II. In Richmond, the successful invocation of sexual rhetoric inspired public policies that fostered an "orderly city" characterized by venereal-disease control, racial quiescence, and political harmony. In Norfolk, however, the ham-handed manipulation of sexually charged issues failed to bolster elite power, securing the city's ignominy as a southern Sodom. In apposition, these chapters throw sexuality's influence on state-building into stark relief. [End Page 221] Holloway's observation that elite Virginians manipulated notions of sexuality alongside traditional stereotypes to control marginalized populations is not stunning. Yet a short review cannot do justice to the nuance of her argument, its effective depiction of sexuality's many "contested terrains" and of how elite Virginians' reliance on regulating sexuality ironically planted...

What gives consistency to Madame de Staël's thought from 1795 to 1800, and makes it interesting today, is her sense that a new era has begun, in which art, philosophy and politics alike will become vehicles of integration. Beyond the creation of republican constitutions, institutions or authorities, she wanted to create new habits of respect and obedience. She saw that social and political control in the democratic era meant the control of the minds and feelings of the population. This insight gives coherence to her diverse and unsystematic works: an essay and a book on politics, Réflexions sur la Paix Intérieure (1795) and Des Circonstances Actuelles qui Peuvent Terminer la Révolution … (1799); a treatise on happiness, De l'Influence des Passions sur le Bonheur … (1796); and an essay and major study on literature, Essai sur les Fictions (1795) and De la Littéture Considéréé dans ses Rapports avec les Institutions Sociales (2 volumes, 1800). The unifying element of all these works is her focus on social control.

In this paper, I analyze different situations in which the doctor-patient relationship, the knowledge/information produced within this framework, and the practices of medical questioning came to the fore in the work of the state security services, one of the typical institutions of social observation and surveillance of the Hungarian socialist state. I examine work and recruitment dossiers opened from 1956 to the 1980s which document either physicians’ uses in state security observation of information which they gained about their patients during their professional (medical) activities in or in which the physician-patient relationship appears as a context of the physician’s recruitment. I discuss how physicians constructed the patient when the gaze of the state security forces was also arguably part of their medical gaze. I contend that medical knowledge and, more generally, information revealed in the professional (medical) context and used in the framework of network surveillance, taken out of their strict medical context, constituted a gray zone of power. On the one hand, this information was a useful tool with which the regime could exert some measure of effective social and political control beyond the borders of healthcare, while on the other hand, it could help physicians develop a certain degree of social resistance.

In this thesis I describe and analyze the development of teacher education in Albania from the 1830s, known as the <i>Rilindja Kombëtare Shqiptare</i>* (National Awakening) period, all the way to the present This focus is highlighted against the general background of Albanian politics and education as a whole. I investigate the historical, social and political factors influencing the development of teacher education, its structure, changes in the teacher education curriculum to respond to the changing political contexts, as well as changes of the status of teachers in different periods. <br><br>I show that education, status and supply of teachers is a very useful litmus paper issue which reflects almost every tension and problem besetting the Albanian state over the past century or more such as its economic poverty, its cultural and political marginality, its problems of geographical, religious and linguistic division, its uncertain borders and exposure to foreign exploitation. My ambition and determination is to place Albania within a powerful west European tradition. <br><br>The thesis is divided into three sections; The <i>first section</i> examines the literature relating to developments in teacher education in other countries as well as the underpinning issues. I introduce six guiding concepts developed from the literature with regard to: <br><br> <i>Firstly</i>, the development of teacher education in Albania influenced by the changing nature of the political and social control and influence, <i>secondly</i>, the importance of social, economic and political factors in forming societal perceptions of teacher status, <i>thirdly</i>, the evolution of teacher education, <i>fourthly</i>, the emergence of pre-communist ideas once the political control and influence loosened, <i>fifthly</i>, the influence of global developments on the content of teacher education, <i>sixthly</i>, the involvement of a wider number of interest groups in debates around the nature and quality of teacher education. <br><br> <i>The second section</i> describes the development of teacher education in Albania from the period of the <i>Rilindja Kombëtare Shqiptare</i> (1830) to the present. I examine these developments as they relate to the historical and political developments at a given period. Reference is made with regard to important individuals who exercised their influence on developments on teacher education. I also point to the breaks and ruptures that take place due to the political and historical factors. This section also considers the increasing public expectations of teacher education. <br><br><i>In the third section</i> I return to the six original guiding concepts and discuss the key findings in relation to the importance of historical, political social and economic factors that have influenced the development of teacher education in Albania; the stages of these developments and their nature; the social perceptions of teacher education and teacher status; the development of teacher education in Albania versus global developments and public expectations about the quality and nature of teacher education. Finally I provide conclusions drawn from the analysis. <br><br>The thesis makes an important contribution to knowledge in providing: <br>a) A public written account, which constitutes the only coherent and solidly based work in English on Albanian teacher education on a national and international scale.<br>b) Analysis of teacher education as a political process more sharply evident in Albania than in most countries because of the sudden and radical character of successive political changes and the exposure of the system to external forces.<br>Within that analysis there is clear evidence that changes in teacher education were a local variant of changes compared to other Central and Eastern European countries in the decades after 1945. However, the thesis makes it evident that strong European tradition remained alive during decades and has become influential even today.

In the Shadow of the State: The Politics of Denunciation and Panegyric during the Trujillo Regime in the Dominican Republic, 1940-1958

Fear of pain, helplessness, and loss of control in labor have been the subject of a number of research studies (Beebe, Lee, Carrieri-Kohlman, & Humphreys, 2007; Entwisle & Doering, 1981; Gagnon & Sandall, 2007; Hodnett & Osborne, 1989; Pacey, 2004; Raefael-Leff, 2001; Scott-Palmer & Skevington, 1981; Sherwen, 1983; Willmuth, Weaver, & Borenstein, 1978; Windwer, 1977). As regards fear of loss of control, some of these investigations, however, focused on locus of control – external or internal – or on political, social, and environmental control rather than maternal emotional and physical control. Research on locus of control is contradictory concerning its relevance to prenatal adaptation or outcomes. Entwisle and Doering (1981) used and then entirely dismissed the measure of locus of control because it was unrelated to other childbearing variables. Sherwen (1983) reported that body image attitudes following attendance at childbirth class were not influenced by locus of control, whereas Scott-Palmer and Skevington (1981) reported a relationship between locus of control and length of labor. In the research projects discussed in this book in Chapter 1 (and Chapter 11), the emphasis is on control as it pertains to a woman’s body and emotions and, to a lesser extent, on social control with regard to maintaining interpersonal status and respect. This focus reflects the content of the gravidas’ expressed apprehensions concerning control in labor and delivery.

Reviewed by: Sexuality, Politics, and Social Control in Virginia, 1920-1945 Leisa D. Meyer Sexuality, Politics, and Social Control in Virginia, 1920-1945. By Pippa Holloway (Raleigh: University of North Carolina Press, 2006. xi plus 258 pp.). Pippa Holloway begins her book with a deceptively simple premise-that interrogating the ways in which Virginia legislators sought to regulate sexuality (including marriage, reproduction, sexual behavior, and sexual images) during the first half of the 20th century can tell us a great deal about the development of southern government during that same period. From this premise the author moves to a sweeping and detailed investigation of the meanings of state governance, its relation to conventional hierarchies of race, class, and gender, and the critical part played by sexual regulation in Virginia leaders' vision of a "modern" commonwealth. Holloway's book both adds to our understanding on the micro level of how states approached the vital early 20th century, and makes abundantly clear the critical place the history of sexuality occupies in the larger American historical narrative. As significantly, Holloway's work intervenes directly to revise the models of state action that have emerged from studies that have focused predominantly on the Northeastern and Midwestern United States and argues against those that have suggested that the southern governments were characterized by unabated hostility toward centralized state authority.1 The most powerful aspect of this book is Holloway's scrutiny of the ways in which Virginia's white elites used their statutory authority and community influence to reproduce their specific culture by reinscribing and maintaining existing relations of race, class, and gender through sexual regulation. To do so Holloway builds on the work of cultural theorist Siobhan Somerville to interrogate the ways in which the policing of racial boundaries informed the construction of categories of sexual identity (and vice versa) and how in general sexual regulation operated as a means of protecting the preexisting boundaries of race and class.2 As Holloway states in her introduction, the "distinction between sexually 'normal' and 'dangerous' followed and justified the distinction between 'citizen' and 'non-citizen' " and such distinctions more broadly configured and maintained the boundary demarking the "governing classes" from the "class that was governed." (p. 6) Holloway's persuasively argued and well-researched study is situated at a moment when Virginians embraced some limited expansion of centralized state government power in the name of economic growth, and utilized sexual regulation as the means to promote such growth. Through movie censorship, anti-interracial marriage provisions, involuntary sterilization of "mental defectives," [End Page 1076] and statewide venereal disease control efforts, Virginia's General Assembly, its storied governor Harry Byrd, and a coalition of "business progressives" targeted sexuality as the main means of regulating and controlling those populations that they believed offered the greatest threat to a "modern" Virginia: lower class and poor whites and African Americans. In doing so, Virginia's governing classes "built a state that reflected their commitment to political dominance based on race and class." (p. 1). This massive undertaking was by no means monolithic or uncontested. One of the main strengths of Holloway's study is her detailed analysis of how the governing class resolved differences in its ranks through the enactment of public policy. In one example, the author details the debate between censorship board members over whether any representations of interracial marriage in films were acceptable to make visible the deep connections between Virginia's Racial Integrity Act, depictions of sexuality in film, and film censorship.(pp. 71-72) Holloway also draws on the work of philosopher Michel Foucault to call attention to the ways in which social regulation as social control was not only prohibitive but also productive. Thus, a growing taxonomy of sexual deviance worked to shore up and more precisely define sexual normativity in ways that served the interests and supported the power base of Virginia's elites at the same time that it presented possibilities for intervention into this system by and for non-elites.3 (p. 5) Multiple actors participated in producing and maintaining this expanding classification system, including a growing professional class whose "expertise" was critical in the crafting and implementation of regulatory policies. Here...

The deterritorrialization of violence

Journal Article Pippa Holloway. Sexuality, Politics, and Social Control in Virginia, 1920–1945. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 2006. Pp. xi, 258. Cloth $59.95, paper $19.95 Get access Pippa Holloway. Sexuality, Politics, and Social Control in Virginia, 1920–1945. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 2006. Pp. xi, 258. Cloth $59.95, paper $19.95. John E. Semonche John E. Semonche University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 113, Issue 2, April 2008, Pages 526–527, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.526 Published: 01 April 2008

Scholars have long been interested in studying the effects of social and political control on collective action in China. However, few studies have investigated whether the relationship between social and political control and collective action changes over time. In this study, we examined the relationship between social connection, political identity, and employees’ labor protest propensity with a comparative perspective of time. Using data from the Chinese General Social Survey, conducted ten years apart in the years 2003 and 2013, we found that the relationship between social connections, political identity indicated by Chinese Communist Party (CCP) membership, and labor protest propensity differ with these two samples. The relationship between the strength of social connection and labor protest propensity is significant in the 2003 sample, but becomes insignificant in the 2013 sample. The effect of employee’s political identity on labor protest propensity also varies in the two samples. Further analysis shows that CCP members who rated themselves as having a similar social economic status with their peers have a higher intention to participate in a labor protest than party members who rated themselves as having higher social economic status than their peers. This study’s findings demonstrate the importance of considering a time comparative perspective when studying what predicts employees’ labor protest propensity.

Social Relations and Political Control in the Old Southwest Get access Thomas Perkins Abernethy Thomas Perkins Abernethy Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of American History, Volume 16, Issue 4, March 1930, Pages 529–537, https://doi.org/10.2307/1896543 Published: 01 March 1930

Even during the Kim Jong Un era, the rationing system of North Korea has not yet been recovered. In addition, the thought control system has been weaker than during the Kim Jong Il era. The Kim Jong Un regime stays in power mainly by strengthening political and social control by law enforcement agencies (including police and intelligence agencies). However, there is a lacuna in the control of governmental authority in that giving bribes to public officials enables people to avoid the control. In 2016, social control was strengthened in a situation in which DPRK`s economy cannot be improved due to the sanctions imposed by the UN on it. This will exacerbate the instability of the Kim Jong Un regime. Although the unstable factors during the Kim Jong Un era have increased, it is hard to say that those factors will lead to contingency in North Korea under current conditions. Firstly, a change of people`s consciousness in North Korea is insufficient to bring about a change in its system. Secondly, it is difficult to mobilize and organize the people`s discontent over the Kim Jong-un regime due to the strict control by law enforcement agencies. Thus, a change in the social control system is necessary for fundamental system change in North Korea. To do this, not only further economic sanctions on North Korea and inflow of external information, but also, a lot of pressure especially focused on the North Korean Human Rights Act are required.

The objective of this study is to investigate the historical role of Dunhuang murals as a tool for political and social control. By conducting a thorough analysis of the themes, elements, and textual content of the murals, the study findings revealed how these artworks reflected the political ideologies, social norms, and moral values prevalent during their creation. This article aims to clarify this perspective from a multidisciplinary standpoint, drawing upon insights from art history, political science, and sociology to provide fresh interpretations grounded in both theoretical frameworks and empirical evidence. The research underscores that art serves as a reflection of political will, engages in a dynamic interplay with social control, and serves as an innovative platform for political propaganda, thereby demonstrating a profound interconnection and intricate relationship between art, power dynamics, and societal structures.

Numerous studies of the determinants of formal social control of Blacks focus on racial threat arguments, which contain implicit or explicit political elements. Using insights from research on politics and social control more generally, this article argues that the relationship between variation in the racial composition of a city and social control of minorities will be conditional on characteristics of the local political system. Hypotheses are tested using pooled cross-sectional time-series data on 100 large U.S. cities in 1970, 1980, and 1990. Contrary to expectations, Black violent crime arrest rates are curvilinearly negatively associated with larger percentages of Black residents. As predicted, the relationship between the percentage of Black residents and Black violent crime arrest rates is conditional on city political system characteristics (elected mayors, district council elections, and partisan ballots), the race of the mayor, and the percentage of city council members who are Black.