Policy schizophrenia and the sociology of fragmentation

The combination of Punjabis, Sindhis, Pashtuns, Baloch, and Muhajirs in Pakistan's population affects government operations through political structures and nationalist movements since ethnic identity strongly influences national unity and inclusive governance. These groups form their understanding of state politics and governance interaction using their linguistic traditions combined with historical stories and cultural practices. Historical political changes in Pakistan emerged from ethnic dynamics that led to conflicts that disrupted state operations, blocked policy delivery, and created unbalanced resource distribution. Society's discriminated groups seek both political changes and autonomous governance because they encounter dual barriers from discrimination and limited access to economic resources and political systems. The protection of national unity and the respect for ethnic diversity count as a fundamental challenge since discriminatory policies are responsible for generating conflicts that dissolve social cohesion. The success of public policies that handle ethnic diversity depends on the state's selected approach because these policies establish fair representation while lowering ethnic tensions. The integration success of various policies exists alongside other policies, which have worsened divisions, leading to public unrest and opposition. This research explores ethnic identity features in Pakistan by analyzing how public governance systems affect national unity. The study examines effective and ineffective governance methods to create recommendations about frameworks that support national integration by respecting ethnic identities. A thorough comprehension of these issues allows Pakistan to develop policies that foster social harmony, equal political participation, and sustainable national development.

Over the past fifteen years, international adoption in the United States has entered a new era. The number of international adoptions in the U.S. has dropped significantly since its peak in 2004, against the backdrop of allegations of fraud and corruption in a number of "sending nations." While international adoption has always functioned as a demand-driven reproductive market, shifts in diplomatic relations and public opinion have reshaped the supply of children available for international adoption. This project explores the ways that the most recent cohort of international adoptive mothers has negotiated the massive political and bureaucratic changes to international adoption. I conducted 43 open-ended ethnographic interviews with mothers (and a few fathers) who adopted children internationally since 2004. Overall, the mothers I interviewed came to see themselves as consumers within a complex reproductive marketplace. As they came face-to-face with the commercial aspects of international adoption as an institution as well as with allegations and evidence of fraud in their own adoption processes, these mothers were forced to reconsider a straightforward vision of international adoption as a benevolent way to "grow" their families by "saving" children from abroad. At the same time, these mothers navigated the intersection of race and ability/disability in their decision-making surrounding adoption, suggesting an opening to think about shifts in our cultural understanding of altruism, carework, race, kinship, and what makes a "healthy" baby in the new economy.

The previous chapter suggested that the United Kingdom was less united, and perhaps less of a kingdom, in 1999 than 1990, partly the result of the redistribution of political power via the different acts of devolution that opened up new forms of self-determination to the constituent nations of Britain. That chapter also argued that these political and bureaucratic changes reflected complex and often subtle changes in the ways that Britons understood themselves as Welsh, Scottish, Northern Irish and English. These developments were not solely the product of the decade, but were accelerated by some of the cultural energies and arguments that came to the fore in the 1990s.

Traditional spiritual and moral values are the fundamental vector for the development of Russian statehood in the long term. Regulatory and legal acts adopted in recent years, establishing a list of such values and detailing their content, act as the foundation for the formation of domestic and foreign state policy. The list of tools used by public authorities to carry out state functions to preserve and strengthen traditional Russian spiritual and moral values and provide public services in connection with the need to popularize family values and develop patriotism has been legally defined. It seems interesting and relevant to evaluate the practice of using legal, organizational, scientific and analytical tools used to preserve the designated values. The article analyzes government policy measures to preserve the value of family, motherhood, the popularization of large families, measures of socio-economic support for participants in a special military operation, guarantees for military personnel defending the Homeland, and examines some areas of educational work with young people in order to form patriotism and preserve historical memory. The importance of preserving the Russian literary language as an integral element of traditional Russian values is also assessed. The possibility of introducing into legislation the concept of “ideological migration” to the Russian Federation of families affected by discriminatory policies in relation to traditional family values, a simplified procedure for obtaining a residence permit in Russia is proposed.

This study aims to describe the role of Siauw Giok Tjhan and Abdurrahman Wahid in mainstreaming the discourse of ethnic Chinese citizenship into an integral part of the Indonesian nation. This study uses historical research methods. The results showed that Siauw Giok Tjhan through Baperki (Indonesian Citizenship Consultative Body) an organization founded in 1954 had helped ethnic Chinese from discriminatory policies in order to obtain Indonesian citizen status (WNI). Siauw Giok Tjhan suggested that the ethnic Chinese should carry out a proper integration into the Indonesian nation-society. Through the concept of fair integration, Siauw Giok Tjhan tries to instill awareness in the ethnic Chinese about their Indonesian identity and nation building. However, the political changes after the G30S 1965 have become a setback for the ethnic Chinese to integrate. When Abdurrahman Wahid was president, various policies were carried out to assist ethnic Chinese in the integration process and eliminate discriminatory policies. The strengthening of identity politics today is also due to the absence of these two national figures.

An apparent drop in women's presence in the political sphere has spawned debates in the feminist literature over the need and cultural appropriateness of women's political office-holding in East-Central Europe. The author discusses the nature of political participation in light of women's self-definition, social identity, and loci of commitments in these transforming states. Taking their own value orientations and the societal processes they experience as a baseline from which to appraise political and social change, women in East-Central Europe feel disillusioned with the transition to a market economy and the ideological framework out of which it functions. They have, after all, disproportionately borne the ill-effects of the new ideology of efficiency and productivity in the workforce and they perceive the political arena as a narrowly defined arena of partisan rancoring that does not address their needs. Pointing to Dahl's work on moral civic virtue, the author argues that the orientation and values of women in East-Central Europe – i.e. a commitment to justice and preference for localized, pragmatic (not ideological) and particularistic action – are especially conducive to developing the moral civic infrastructure so badly needed in these transitioning countries. The author discusses the merits and drawbacks of three possible scenarios for action for the women of this region: maintaining the status quo; using women's traditional and preferred forms of action to effect change 'from the bottom'; and taking frontal action at the national level against inequities and discriminatory policies.

Since the beginning of the 20th century, the game of football has spread across the territories of the Portuguese colonial empire in Africa—Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde, and São Tomé and Príncipe—quickly becoming part of the daily life of main colonial cities. It was introduced by Portuguese settlers and by individuals of other nationalities; in particular, members of the English business diaspora. Religious missions and schools as well as migrant individuals from trade and labor networks were all agents in the expansion of the game which, since the first decades of the century, has become integrated into the leisure practices of different imperial territories through the formation of clubs, associations, and tournaments. Sports associations were the most mobilizing form of its integration in the Portuguese colonial empire. This network became more extensive in colonies that were significantly urbanized, more populated, had more dynamic economies, and that had more settlers, who increasingly became fans of the game and followed competitions in the newspapers and on the radio. The institutionalization of the game incorporated the discriminatory structure of the Portuguese colonial system. The logic behind official sports policies created by the Estado Novo regime (1933–1974), which until the early 1960s did not include natives (indígenas), was thus applied. And yet, Africans soon took over the game, creating their own clubs and competitions. Resistance to Portuguese colonialism forced political changes, which resulted in a war fought on three different fronts, but also in a gradual abandonment of official policies of racial discrimination. In the colonial football sphere, this opening, combined with the development of a professional market, led to the movement of African players first to colonial clubs, and then to metropolitan clubs, and even to the national team. The fame and talent of these players, especially Eusébio da Silva Ferreira, ultimately helped in disseminating official government propaganda of a multiracial empire.

Hong Kong is a homogeneous community both in terms of race (98% Chinese) and language (over 80% speak Cantonese as their mother tongue). However, the historical and sociolinguistic dynamics there are such that English is the dominant medium of instruction at secondary level and above, while Modern Mandarin, a non‐indigenous Chinese (standard) dialect, provides the norms for both the use of Chinese as an instructional medium and the measurement of literacy in Chinese. In 1986, owing to the combined effect of pedagogical problems resulting from the over‐selection of English‐medium secondary schools, persistent lobbying from groups committed to promoting the status of the Chinese language in Hong Kong and political changes, the government announced its adoption of a policy of positive discrimination in favour of secondary schools that use Chinese as an instructional medium. This new policy is generally perceived as a major break‐through for the local mother‐tongue education movement and that it mark...

The article examines the current stage of forming online content in higher education worldwide and in Ukraine. The main goal of this paper is to develop patterns for creating educational content to improve the learning process at universities despite the full-scale war, including flexibility. To achieve these, the author used bibliometric, trends and cluster analysis. As analytical tools, Google Trends and VosViewer were chosen. The investigation is divided into three parts: study patterns of online content in higher education (HE) based on a literature review, identify trends in HE, and examine online educational content in the context of the flexible learning process at universities. The investigation stage of key trends in the development of higher education in Ukraine is initial because it demonstrates up-to-date theoretical background worldwide, and particularly in Ukraine, especially publication after 2019. The main approaches to renovating the educational system included improving distance or blended learning as a modern study pattern. The key stakeholders are students and teachers. However, teachers transform into facilitators who prepare educational content and support learners in self-directed learning based on their inquiries. As for Ukraine, the tendency was intensified because students affected by full-scale war cannot study in the traditional (in-person) way. To find how trends in HE in Ukraine during key political changes were modified in Ukraine, the author used Google Trends to search inquiries of main consumers of educational services in Ukraine concerning higher education through the keywords “university” in three languages. The customizing periods showed the reactions of the young to critical political changes in Ukraine. In such a way, attitudes towards higher education during the beginning of the Orange Revolution, the Revolution of Dignity, the war in the east of Ukraine and the full-scale war were investigated. The significant changes were noticed after February 24, 2022, compared to November 30, 2013. There was an increasing popularity of inquiries based on universities abroad and learning as a tool to get employment. The most relevant inquiries in forming online content are “distance learning” and “дистанційна освіта”. Moreover, the tendency of increasing inquiries in the Ukrainian language compared with russian inquiries of approximately 10% was found. It was confirmed that trends could be used as a tool of formation patterns of educational content. That is why the paper aims to explore terms across years such as “educational content trends”, “educational trends” (205 articles), “online content trends” (305 articles), and “educational online content trends” (25 articles) at the Web of Science (WOS) platform. Key sectors of educational online content include Education, Educational Research, Economics, Social Sciences, Interdisciplinary, Multidisciplinary Sciences, and Management categories. In addition, Ukraine leads in publishing articles in forming online educational patterns with Poland, russia, the USA, Bulgaria and others. Furthermore, “educational content trends” and “online content trends”were compared to measure theoretical gaps by cluster analysis, where the main clusters are teacher, content analysis, development, quality, educational progress, and social media. The findings of this study hold valuable implications and recommendations for the formation of online content in higher education, particularly during times of war and in post-war periods.

Discourse analysis, deliberative democracy and anti-racism : The critical and controlling potential of linguistics for anti- discrimination policy and politics

Introduction “Democratization” and “political participation” have made no major inroads in Uzbekistan, the most populous of the post-Soviet Central Asian states. Indeed, in some important ways Uzbekistan in the middle of the 1990s is less “democratic” and offers fewer opportunities for “political participation” than Uzbekistan at the end of the 1980s. Perhaps the greatest change in Uzbekistan's politics from a decade ago is the reduced role of a political organization controlled in Moscow. The change in locus of political decision-making may be a prerequisite for the development of a democratic system in Uzbekistan. However, the country is still dominated by an authoritarian political culture, one which its current leader seems determined to preserve. This study will highlight the lack of fundamental change in political participation and policies toward political participation in Uzbekistan since 1989. It will suggest that the Karimov regime has sought to bolster its legitimacy primarily through policies related to what will be defined as “distribution” and “identity;” by contrast, the government's policies related to “participation” seem to have been devised with little concern about any need to cultivate legitimacy. In order to remain in power, both authoritarian and democratic regimes must achieve a reasonable level of citizen compliance with their political decisions. Compliance, of course, can be promoted by very different mixtures of coercion and popular legitimacy. Whereas coercion obliges citizens to follow rules because they have no other rational choice, legitimacy fosters voluntary compliance.

The narrative of good governance has become particularly relevant in understanding political and cultural change in Malaysia and Singapore. This study shows that the narrative of good governance is a double-edged sword -- that is, it can be used in rather contradictory ways. In the case of Malaysia, good governance assumes the role of a reformist discourse adopted by opposition forces to pressure the ruling regime into introducing liberal democratic reforms. In the case of Singapore, good governance plays the role of a dominant discourse employed by the ruling elite as a defence against liberal democratic reforms. Not only does this seem to suggest that the relationship between democracy and good governance is a complex one, it also puts some of the recent political and cultural developments in both these cases in a new context. Introduction Prior to the Asian financial crisis, scholars were intrigued with the question of whether Southeast Asian societies that had developed the economic requisites for liberal democratic reforms would actually follow through with these political reforms. [1] With the political changes that have swept through Southeast Asia in the wake of the Asian financial crisis, it seems less justifiable now for scholars to label this region as being recalcitrant to liberal democratic reforms. Nevertheless, two cases in this region continue to stand out as puzzles of political development -- Malaysia and Singapore. In the case of the former, while there have been some signs in the past two years of a democratic awakening, it is still too premature to conclude based on these developments that these forces for political change will lead to any sustained liberal democratic reforms. In the case of the latter, the prospects of change towards a more liberal democratic system seem even less so. Malaysia As is well known by now, the Asian financial crisis precipitated a series of fundamental changes to the Malaysian political landscape. This article will focus less on the actual sequence of events and more on the implications of some of the main political developments in this period. [2] The economic excesses and abuses that had accompanied Malaysia's rapid growth in the early 1990s have been well documented by scholars. [3] It was not until the financial crisis of 1997, however, that some of the real costs to Malaysian society of the illicit nexus between political patronage and wealth creation were realized. During the period of accelerated growth in the early 1990s, the middle class was by and large willing to go along with the trade-off between civil and political freedoms and economic goods since the overall economic pie was clearly expanding even though a small minority was benefiting disproportionately. Scholars who were studying this phenomenon at the time had concluded that as long as the middle clas s was still benefiting from the economic policies of the government, they would largely be compliant with the political structure. [4] Yet, when the opposition forces, with the help of the Internet, brought into the full glare of public scrutiny some of the exploitative practices of corruption, collusion, and nepotism at the highest levels of the political and economic elite, the public opposition to the ruling coalition began to grow. [5] Indeed, when the economy showed signs of a slowdown (and even a collapse), the excesses of the government were no longer tolerated as willingly. To make matters worse, in their desperate attempts to contain the economic fallout from the financial crisis, the ruling elite had taken some bold and reckless steps, which included moves perceived by many to be aimed at rescuing some of their closest economic beneficiaries. [6] We will perhaps not know for some time to come all the reasons behind the sudden fall from grace of Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad's deputy, Anwar Ibrahim. However, it does seem clear that overt attempts by some in the ruling elite to shelter failing beneficiaries from the full thrust of market forces in the wake of the financial crisis largely contributed to the friction between the two leaders, with Anwar commonly believed to have been less willing to acquiesce to the government's financial bail-outs of these cronies. …

The article presents the results of an empirical study of the public agenda of network communities in the Runet space. Online communities as part of the morphology of modern society become agents of social and political change, including in the process of constructing social problems and representing ways to solve them. Based on an empirical analysis of discursive practices of two online communities (“The Greenhouse of Social Technologies”, “Science | Science”), the authors determine clusters of structuring the problems of the public agenda and discursive models that reflect sustainable and contextual interest of community members in social and political problems. The results of the study showed that the studied online communities demonstrate different models of the public agenda, which represent not only the system of their value priorities in relation to the perception of social and political reality that take shape in ideological constructions, but also behavioral practices in public space. The study confirms that the public agenda is the result of collective self-determination of network communities, and not a reflection of objective social and political conditions, in which social actors put forward their own claims, claims and try to keep them in public space. Thus, the category of public agenda applicable to the empirical analysis of network communities allows you to go beyond the boundaries of understanding the process and effects of network communication in public space. The analytical tools and methods of empirical research proposed by the authors open new possibilities for studying the relationship between institutional practices and the subjective space of politics (political identity, political picture of the world, political culture, ideology).

The present work aims to understand the process of the emergency of the young mozambicans in the experience of the armed hand assault in the city of Lichinga. In this case, were used interviews, direct observation and journalistic news articles as analytical tools. The study is composed of two complementary axles of analysis: macrosociological and microsociological. The first axle approaches social, economic and political changes between the periods from 1975 up to 1990. Having as objective to understand how these changes influenced the standards of the young people behavior and the emergency of the young people in the experience of the armed hand assault. The second axle is centered in the construction of the careers profiles in the criminal life of six young assaltants arrested in the provincial penitentiary of the Niassa, located in the city of Lichinga, with intention to perceive who are these young people that opt in this criminal modality and why the same ones follow the world of the crime and violence, more properly the armed hand assault. The reflection that goes into the two axles places in discussion the circulation of firearms used in the civil war, the police corruption and the social inaquality as central clarifying factors for the emergency of the young mozambicans in the experience of the assault by armed hand.

Reviewed by: African American Workers and the Appalachian Coal Industry by Joe William Trotter, Jr. Cicero M. Fain (bio) African American Workers and the Appalachian Coal Industry. By Joe William Trotter, Jr. (Morgantown: West Virginia University Press, 2022. Pp. 176. $34.99 cloth; ebook $34.99) Joe William Trotter, Jr., ranks among the pantheon of America's most influential historians. For more than forty years, beginning with his 1985 work Black Milwaukee: The Making of an Industrial Proletariat, 1915–1945, he has chronicled the African American experience, most profoundly on the centrality of the Black working class to America's economic, industrial, cultural, and political development. His pioneering and provocative work examining the intersections of race, class, labor, urbanization, and gender within diverse urban- and rural-industrial settings has challenged prevailing historiography and expanded our understanding of Black migration, labor relations, and community formation. It has also added important dimensionality, complexity, and agency to Black workers, families, and communities within the historical narrative. Arguably, Trotter's most enduring contribution to our understanding of the African American urban experience was his employment of the proletarianization model in Black Milwaukee as an alternative theoretical framework to the long-standing "ghetto synthesis" model. That study animated important dialog and debate in its prioritization of class over racial identification as the defining consciousness of the Black working-class experience. In a 2007 Journal of Urban [End Page 67] History essay, Trotter acknowledges some of the limitations of his proletarianization model. In it, he concludes, "were I to write Black Milwaukee today, I would seek to synthesize past and present intellectual currents in African American urban and labor historiography, pay closer attention to the relationship between different eras in the transformation of African American life, and offer a broader and more comprehensive case study of the Black urban experience."1 The culmination of these objectives are the five essays comprising his most recent book, African American Workers and the Appalachian Coal Industry. Encompassing nearly thirty years of research on the African American experience, class, and race relations, in the Appalachian coal fields, the collection reiterates the continuing relevancy of the proletarianization model as an analytical tool—in this instance, primarily in its examination of the working-class experience of Black coal miners within his homeplace of the southern West Virginia coal mining region. Here, as a boy, Trotter experienced the disproportional impact of technological, social, and political changes on Black workers, families, and communities after World War II, which caused unemployment and out-migration. This reassessment of the field since Black Milwaukee's publication embraces innovations in scholarship on racial, class, and gender dynamics of working-class formation as ways to reformulate the proletarianization model. In presenting the coronavirus as one of the rationales for its publication, the essays historicize the continuing vulnerability of poor and working-class Blacks and people of color who work and live in dangerous, racialized, and unhealthy environments. This collection cement's Trotter's status as the foremost historian on U.S. labor and working-class studies. Its summary of the history and historiography of Black coal miners in Appalachia posits the continuing theoretical applicability of the proletarianization model in the twenty-first century, points to new pathways to pursue to explore its utility, and underscores the continuing resonance of his [End Page 68] southern West Virginia upbringing on his scholarship. Highly readable, meticulously researched, and skillfully rendered, African American Workers is a worthy addition to Trotter's remarkable legacy. Cicero M. Fain CICERO M. FAIN, III is visiting diversity scholar at Marshall University and the author of Black Huntington: An Appalachian Story. His current book project is entitled Buffalo Soldier, Deserter, Criminal: The Remarkably Complicated Life of Charles Ringo. Footnotes 1. Joe William Trotter, Jr. "Black Milwaukee: Reflections on the Past Twenty Years," Journal of Urban History 33 (May 2007): 567. Copyright © 2022 Kentucky Historical Society