Poetry as a logic in desire economies: on commodity capitalism and beyond

This essay claims that the rejection of Lukács's realism is quite problematic, in the sense that his opponents such as Adorno and Althusser symbolically used the name of Lukács and perpetuated the suspicion of Lukács's compromise with Stalinism. The essay argues that Lukács's model of reflection is not couched in Stalin's socialist realism, a theory that assumes the transparency between aesthetic forms and reality, but rather raises the essential problems of the condition of writers in capitalist society. Lukács's realism aims at providing a practical strategy to overcome cultural reification, focusing on the mediation between an author and his material condition. An investigation of Lukács's realism reveals that Lukács's way of understanding realism arises from his emphasis on objectivity rather than subjective reflection such as Kantian philosophy. The essay claims that this is the kernel of Lukácsean reflection theory signified by an aesthetic of realism definitively opposed to Stalin's socialist realism. From this perspective, the essay takes Althusserian Marxism as the occasion to stage a wide consideration of anti-realism. I propose to elucidate the implicit assumptions behind the decline of Lukács's realism, and the reification of cultural fields that gradually came to dominate Western literary apparatuses.

Previous articleNext article No AccessMead's Voices: Imitation as Foundation, or, the Struggle against MimesisRuth LeysRuth Leys Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Critical Inquiry Volume 19, Number 2Winter, 1993 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/448675 Views: 27Total views on this site Citations: 43Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1993 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article: References, (Sep 2022): 123–136.https://doi.org/10.1108/978-1-80382-827-520221011Patrick R. Parsons The Lost Doctrine: Suggestion Theory in Early Media Effects Research, Journalism & Communication Monographs 23, no.22 (May 2021): 80–138.https://doi.org/10.1177/15226379211006119Matthew DelSesto People–plant interactions and the ecological self, PLANTS, PEOPLE, PLANET 2, no.33 (Dec 2019): 201–211.https://doi.org/10.1002/ppp3.10087Christian Borch Social Avalanche, 4 (Jan 2020).https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108774239JENNIFER S. LIGHT Students as Economic Actors, Past and Present, Harvard Educational Review 89, no.11 (Mar 2019): 85–108.https://doi.org/10.17763/1943-5045-89.1.85Vincent Miller, Keith J Hayward ‘I Did My Bit’: Terrorism, Tarde and the Vehicle Ramming Attack as an Imitative Event, The British Journal of Criminology 59, no.11 (Jul 2018): 1–23.https://doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azy017Miriam Feuls Understanding culinary innovation as relational: Insights from Tarde's relational sociology, Creativity and Innovation Management 27, no.22 (Jan 2018): 161–168.https://doi.org/10.1111/caim.12257Matthew C. Watson Imitation and society: How Boasian anthropology reassembled the social, Anthropological Theory 17, no.22 (Jun 2017): 135–158.https://doi.org/10.1177/1463499617705288Christian Borch Tensional individuality: a reassessment of Gabriel Tarde’s sociology, Distinktion: Journal of Social Theory 18, no.22 (Oct 2017): 153–172.https://doi.org/10.1080/1600910X.2017.1378690Tom Boellstorff For Whom the Ontology Turns: Theorizing the Digital Real, Current Anthropology 57, no.44 (Jun 2016): 387–407.https://doi.org/10.1086/687362Martijn Konings The Spirit of Austerity, Journal of Cultural Economy 9, no.11 (Aug 2015): 86–100.https://doi.org/10.1080/17530350.2015.1054415Ricardo Roque Mimetic Governmentality and the Administration of Colonial Justice in East Timor, ca. 1860–1910, Comparative Studies in Society and History 57, no.11 (Jan 2015): 67–97.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0010417514000607Tony Bennett, Francis Dodsworth, Greg Noble, Mary Poovey, Megan Watkins Habit and Habituation, Body & Society 19, no.2-32-3 (May 2013): 3–29.https://doi.org/10.1177/1357034X13485881Micael Björk Contours of an Interaction Sequence in Rioting: The Gothenburg Disturbances of 2009, Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention 14, no.11 (May 2013): 24–42.https://doi.org/10.1080/14043858.2013.773682 The Grounds of Politics, (Jan 2013): 1–16.https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822399056-001 Leftist Beginnings, (Jan 2013): 17–38.https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822399056-002 Reinventing the Political, (Jan 2013): 39–76.https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822399056-003 Contemporary Leftist Thought, (Jan 2013): 77–110.https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822399056-004 Organizing Politics, (Jan 2013): 111–134.https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822399056-005 Eurocracy and Its Publics, (Jan 2013): 135–156.https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822399056-006 Affective Politics, (Jan 2013): 157–186.https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822399056-007 Epilogue, (Jan 2013): 187–200.https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822399056-008 Notes, (Jan 2013): 201–210.https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822399056-009 References, (Jan 2013): 211–228.https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822399056-010Martijn Konings Imagined Double Movements: Progressive Thought and the Specter of Neoliberal Populism, Globalizations 9, no.44 (Aug 2012): 609–622.https://doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2012.699939Felicity Callard, Daniel S Margulies The Subject at Rest: Novel conceptualizations of self and brain from cognitive neuroscience's study of the ‘resting state’, Subjectivity 4, no.33 (Aug 2011): 227–257.https://doi.org/10.1057/sub.2011.11Anna Gibbs Affect Theory and Audience, (Apr 2011): 251–266.https://doi.org/10.1002/9781444340525.ch12Celia Jameson The “Short Step” from Love to Hypnosis: A Reconsideration of the Stockholm Syndrome, Journal for Cultural Research 14, no.44 (Oct 2010): 337–355.https://doi.org/10.1080/14797581003765309Christian Borch Organizational Atmospheres: Foam, Affect and Architecture, Organization 17, no.22 (Sep 2009): 223–241.https://doi.org/10.1177/1350508409337168Christian Borch Body to Body: On the Political Anatomy of Crowds, Sociological Theory 27, no.33 (Sep 2009): 271–290.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9558.2009.01348.xLisa Blackman Affect, Relationality and the `Problem of Personality', Theory, Culture & Society 25, no.11 (Jan 2008): 23–47.https://doi.org/10.1177/0263276407085157Jakob Arnoldi, Christian Borch Market Crowds between Imitation and Control, Theory, Culture & Society 24, no.7-87-8 (Jun 2016): 164–180.https://doi.org/10.1177/0263276407084702Christian Borch Crowds and economic life: bringing an old figure back in, Economy and Society 36, no.44 (Sep 2007): 549–573.https://doi.org/10.1080/03085140701589448Andrew Barry, Nigel Thrift Gabriel Tarde: imitation, invention and economy, Economy and Society 36, no.44 (Sep 2007): 509–525.https://doi.org/10.1080/03085140701589497Lisa Blackman Reinventing psychological matters: the importance of the suggestive realm of Tarde's ontology, Economy and Society 36, no.44 (Sep 2007): 574–596.https://doi.org/10.1080/03085140701589455Nigel Thrift Re-inventing invention: new tendencies in capitalist commodification, Economy and Society 35, no.22 (May 2006): 279–306.https://doi.org/10.1080/03085140600635755Christian Borch The Exclusion of the Crowd, European Journal of Social Theory 9, no.11 (Jul 2016): 83–102.https://doi.org/10.1177/1368431006060464Christian Borch Urban Imitations, Theory, Culture & Society 22, no.33 (Jun 2005): 81–100.https://doi.org/10.1177/0263276405053722 EDITORIAL: GABRIEL TARDE, Distinktion: Journal of Social Theory 5, no.22 (Mar 2011): 5–7.https://doi.org/10.1080/1600910X.2004.9672886Hans Bernhard Schmid EVOLUTION BY IMITATION, Distinktion: Journal of Social Theory 5, no.22 (Mar 2011): 103–118.https://doi.org/10.1080/1600910X.2004.9672894Mary Esteve The Aesthetics and Politics of the Crowd in American Literature, 90 (Sep 2009).https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511485497John M. Memory Teaching patrol officer problem solutions in academic criminal justice courses, Journal of Criminal Justice Education 12, no.11 (Aug 2006): 213–228.https://doi.org/10.1080/10511250100085131 John Neu Current Bibliography of the History of Science and Its Cultural Influences, 1993, Isis 84 (Oct 2015): 1–297.https://doi.org/10.1086/356724

The Pragmatics of Fiction: Literature, Stage and Screen Discourse

In an era of global economic expansion, the harsh underside of capitalism clearly affects human subjectivities and consciousness.1 Emotions, which both express and structure subjectivity and consciousness, reflect and manifest the social reality of human life in its various globalized dimensions. My argument in this chapter thus concerns the ways in which the contradictions as the harsh underside of capitalism affect the subjectivities of racial minorities. For this reason, the relationship between emotions and commodity capitalism is an especially pressing concern for the formation and expression of racial identity in the United States today. To understand the social reality of race in the U.S. capitalist system is to take seriously the affects that express and constitute the critical social thought of racial minorities. As African Americanist scholars such as Cornel West (1994, p. 42) have argued, the ideology of unregulated capital in corporate consumerism creates market moralities and market mentalities that “erode civil society.” The critical thought of black Americans, West (1992, p. 42) avers, suffers irreparable damage by images that relentlessly commercialize the so-called good life:These seductive images contribute to the predominance of the market-inspired way of life over all others – and thereby edge out nonmarket values – love, care, service to others – handed down by preceding generations. The predominance of this way of life among those living in poverty-ridden conditions, with a limited capacity to ward off self-contempt and self-hatred, results in the possible triumph of the nihilistic threat in black America.Corporations thus capitalize on civil rights gains while commodifying the activist politics of communities and governmental organizations. In effect, the “status quo” of government that promotes economic justice and civil rights protections is fragmented and replaced by corporate domination and the rule of the free market. Instead of turning to non-commercial avenues of civil society to change oppressive relations of power, Americans opt for consuming social change in a laissez-faire economy that equates individualism and free choice with purchasing merchandise. In her powerful critique of class privilege and consumption-based individualism, Bell Hooks (2000, p. 81) explains how the media's use of race to promote a “shared culture of consumerism” vitiates community values and deflects attention from class antagonism. Such consumerism, Hooks maintains, promotes ambitions for lifestyles of conspicuous consumption and celebrity that renders incoherent and undesirable a democratic sensibility that made civil rights gains for women and minorities possible in the first place (Bell Hooks, 2000, p. 77).

Travelling Noodles and Migrating Pieces of Raw Fish

This review essay on economist Thomas Piketty's Capital and Ideology argues that the role of financial professionals as ideologues is a necessary yet missing component of Piketty's analysis. Using the history of capitalism in the United States as a connective thread, the essay synthesizes examples from a broad array of studies to trace the role of financial professionals from the counting houses of early republic New Orleans and New York through the professionalization of stockbrokers and investment bankers in the late-19th century Gilded Age to modern-day Wall Street white-collar workers. Throughout U.S. history financial professionals and their allied media institutions have been ubiquitous and essential advocates for a “proprietarian” ideology which prioritizes the sanctity of property rights over ameliorating inequality. Thomas Piketty's Capital and Ideology offers a sprawling history of how conditions of economic inequality advance or constrain human progress. Casting aside arguments that economic growth lifts all boats, Piketty urges looking instead to political and ideological structures for a robust explanation of social development. The book's 17 chapters seek to establish a unified theory of social evolution at the nation-state level, developing a chronology and a terminology that proceeds from “ternary” systems of nobles, clerics, and peasants (a model Piketty fits to medieval and early modern societies from Western Europe to Japan) through the bourgeois capitalist regimes established in the eighteenth century and the social-democratic societies that arose in the wake of World War I, finally ending in a present-day surge in oligarchic populism that decries inequality while doing little, he argues, to reverse it. Particularly tragic, in Piketty's eyes, is that in recent history this shift has been accompanied by a “distinctive” meritocratic ideology which “blame[s] the poor for their poverty.” (Piketty, 2020, p. 710) Given Piketty's sociopolitical goals, Capital and Ideology's political vision suffers from often being free of ideologues. I argue that we might fill this gap by examining financial sector professionals as critical actors in establishing and defending “inequality regimes” (as Piketty terms them) throughout the past two centuries. Tracing the ideological work of financial professionals' in the United States from the early republic forward, I suggest we might discover fruitful continuities linking the development of new systems of capitalist knowledge in the Age of Revolutions with the social role of the present-day meritocracy.1 While Piketty's earlier book Capital in the Twenty-First Century was built on the argument that unregulated capitalism “automatically generates arbitrary and unsustainable inequalities,” (Piketty, 2014, p. 1) the villain of the sequel is not capitalism per se but “proprietarian” ideology, a way of making sense of the world and shaping a given political regime to justify these inequalities whose first premise is “the sacralization of property rights,” as explained in the new book's brief glossary (1044). The first section of the book traces a long tradition of political arguments in many parts of the world devoted to refuting the idea that elites held unique responsibilities to the polity as a whole under the social contract. The third section of Capital and Ideology describes the “Great Transformation” which saw most of the North Atlantic democracies abandon the nineteenth-century liberal variation in the face of World War I and the Great Depression, followed by the steady return of inequality under neoliberal auspices from the 1970s onward. In the present day, Piketty is anxious about a possible move to a more malevolent “market nativism” which exploits xenophobia to dampen the appeal of redistributionist policy while entrenching tax systems which privilege existing wealth. In the final chapters, Piketty seeks to argue that only “exceptional taxes on private capital” can fund the reinvigoration of social democracy and ensure progress (886–891). Piketty, in other words, is interested in capital—whether vested in control over economic outputs through ownership rights or represented in the (usually monetized) returns on those outputs, rather than capitalism—the systems of extraction, negotiation, coercion, and cooperation that produce those returns and ownership structures (Levy, 2017). Piketty devotes particular attention to French history to examine the intertwining of income inequality and the defense of property rights. In the fourth chapter, he offers a counterintuitive argument that the French Revolution, notwithstanding the toppling of the monarchy and the landowning nobility, entrenched property relationships more firmly than they had ever been before by severing ownership (particularly of land) from civil authority, enhancing the legitimacy of “modern property rights.” (105) The removal of “privileges and charges” and “establish[ing] equal access to different occupations and to property rights” were considered sufficient to ensure the desired goal of an egalitarian society (118). Changes in the sources of wealth of the country's largest fortunes, and the absence of political pressure to redistribute the country's prosperity through the tax code, however, meant that by the late nineteenth century income inequality had already risen to levels like those of the pre-revolutionary era. Nonetheless it was important for Third Republic politicians to insist that France was “a country of ‘smallholders’” (139) yet Piketty's detailed quantitative studies of income and property show the distribution of wealth barely budged for the poorest 90% of the country from 1780 until 1910, and that their cumulative total rarely reached above 50% of income or 20% of property (130–131). In shifting focus from capitalism to property, Piketty seeks to trace the longer history of the ideological argument that the social conditions capitalism creates can be justified by the resulting distribution of property. Piketty describes ideology as “attempts… to impose meaning” from above. To study ideology, he focuses on formal political speech, found in party platforms and governmental debates; he also turns to “theorists and political actors to see how inequalities were justified.” (14) His attention is drawn most, as in the 11th chapter (the book's longest), to those political parties which were in the vanguard of creating the “incomplete equality” regimes that triumphed in Western democracies in the mid-twentieth century, from the German Social Democratic Party to the Democratic Party in the United States to the workers' parties of Scandinavia (486–508). Piketty is clearly more sympathetic to these political groups, and seems fascinated, for example, by the transformations that have taken the Democrats from a party dominated by southern slaveholders to the vehicle for supplanting the inequality regime of industrial ownership societies through the New Deal to, eventually, a party of the “brahmin left” identified with “serving the interests of the highly educated rather than the disadvantaged.” (834). This choice of focus, however, means that attentiveness to the conditions of inequality proprietarian ideology creates in everyday life, and how these conditions hold together a broad coalition of supporters, is largely missing. The lack of this analysis seems to be an important gap in Piketty's mission to overturn inequality in mass-suffrage societies. At the end of the book, he offers an outline of a new “participatory socialism” (1016–1022) operating through government action alongside transformations in workforce relationships, judicial systems, and global institutions to overturn the prevailing inequality regime. An analysis of how what might be called “proprietarian” coalitions” are assembled would seem to be an important task to determine what set of political conditions might overturn proprietarian ideology. Without understanding how political movements which prioritize the preservation of the wealth and privilege of a tiny elite organize larger followings, it seems likely Piketty's political mission will fail. Building political power and momentum for proprietarian coalitions depends, in other words, on ideologues. I would argue that we can find these ideologues who are so important for Piketty's argument if we focus on the financial professionals and clerks who mediated global and local exchange. By “financial professionals” I mean actors as varied as the attorneys of the bankruptcy bar, the stockbrokers who developed new genres of literature to reach potential investors, the real estate agents who facilitated international property development schemes and pioneered local housing markets, and the mortgage bankers who created new forms of securitized finance (Coffee, 2006; Glotzer, 2020; Hornstein, 2005; Hyman, 2011; Knight, 2016; Ott, 2011; Skeel, 2001). Financial professionals' livelihood depended on innovation with respect to property: they were ever developing new instruments to represent claims on property and new ways of negotiating, verifying, and asserting these claims. Self-interest led them to be the vanguard of the proprietarian coalition. Financial professionals' reliance on income from intangible services and fees for dealing in abstract negotiable instruments paradoxically reinforced their devotion to proprietarian ideology. The appeal of proprietarian ideology to financial professionals can be traced back to the information problems of bourgeois capitalism in the Atlantic world. Absentee ownership of slave plantations, long-distance trade relationships, and interregional land development schemes all required investors to place significant trust in their partners and subordinates. Under these conditions, information asymmetries acted as a form of property; the ability to sell or trade “secrets” was an important element of building trust relationships that might lead to future profitable cooperation. The expertise necessary to keep accurate, reliable accounts, and the use of account books as a form of oversight, created a precarious dependence between business collaborators who might be separated by thousands of miles and communicated only over the course of weeks or months (Ditz, 2000; Rosenthal, 2018). Global reputation networks built on hierarchies of place knit together global ports and backwater outposts, ranging in scale from multi-branch banking houses to solitary speculators. From the circulation of information hierarchies of merit in turn emerged, adhering to individuals and eventually quantified in the records of credit agencies (Baskin, 1988; Beckert, 2014; Olegario, 2006). An account of proprietarian meritocracy in the United States might begin with considering how the early American republic, like the post-French revolution political settlement, sought to preserve property rights while removing “privileges and charges” and equalizing occupational opportunities. In practice, this depended on protecting investors who financed capitalist projects while encouraging a new cadre of risk-bearing entrepreneurs. Investors benefited from what Woody Holton has described as the “procreditor” Constitution, which ensured they would be able to recoup their loans by emboldening federal courts to strike down debtors' relief legislation (Holton, 2018). The launching of the new political system crystallized meritocracy along racial lines; in other words, rather than Piketty's argument that meritocracy arose in the industrial era “to justify social differences on the basis of individual abilities,” (710) the intertwining of ideas about racial capacity and economic capacity shaped a hierarchical vision of society which could encompass a wide range of prejudices from the individual merchant to the debt practices of foreign nations (Flandreau, 2016; Garrett-Scott, 2019; O’Malley, 2012; White, 2015). In the borderlands of bourgeois capitalism, ideologies of personal and financial risk were intertwined with the implantation of an economic culture arranged around finance. Opportunistic speculators in the Deep South benefited from the willingness of investors from Boston to Britain to fund land speculation and benefited from social hierarchies in the early republic that eased their infiltration as economic actors, enabling them to swindle native Creek families and other Indians who obtained little redress from the federal government (Saunt, 2019). The availability of credit and access to social networks to negotiate problems and overcome business stumbles were deeply rooted in ideologies which favored white, Protestant men, yet even among white men merit could be framed in embodied terms: as Kathryn Olivarius explains, “immunocapital” accrued to New Orleans businessmen who had survived yellow fever and served as “an explanatory tool for success or failure in commodity capitalism.” Northern clerks similarly measured their physical and digestive health against their peers to index their chances for success, with institutions like the Young Men's Christian Association providing opportunities for physical self-improvement alongside moral improvement (Lupkin, 2010; Olegario, 2006; Olivarius, 2019, quote p. 442; Zakim, 2018). The racially embodied meritocracy would continue to be an important component of career success even as new technologies like the telegram and the stock ticker modified the geographic scope of capitalism, and the scale of the potential profits, while the types of expertise men were expected to deploy in pursuit of such opportunities became more and more specialized. Eventually, embodied meritocracy would be transformed into educational meritocracy through the propagation of the undergraduate “college man,” preferably an athlete, as the ideal “corporate professional” (Bjelopera, 2005; Clark, 2010; Davis, 2000). An increasing number and variety of experts held themselves out as agents who could help resolve principals' monitoring problems. Professional associations provided one way of overcoming the problem of a proliferating number of experts while simultaneously serving as a launchpad for proprietarian coalitions. Members of these associations sought to establish their credibility through the production of broadly-circulating representations, or “technologies of trust” as Marc Flandreau has phrased it, creating forums for demonstrating and recognizing each other as honorable, reliable men. Because questions of how knowledge would be divided amongst different experts were still up for grabs, these associations were often marked by conjunctions of expertise which seem incongruous from present-day perspective: the Anthropological Society of London, for example, also served as a nexus point for the creation of the Corporation of Foreign Bondholders, an organization established by “debt vultures” to win British government backing for their campaigns to restructure payments on distressed foreign debt on profitable terms. The affinity between the two associations was derived from the idea that the kind of knowledge necessary for understanding foreign cultures was congruent with the kind of knowledge necessary for understanding foreign finance (Flandreau, 2016). Placing the financial sector at the center of the analysis of Capital and Ideology would make clearer the emergence of global hierarchies of merit. The expansion of capitalism depended on agents who commanded increasingly specialized bodies of knowledge, such as geologists advising on the location of lucrative coal and oil deposits (Lucier, 2008). The telegraph and the creation of a global communication infrastructure transformed capitalism by enabling an exponential shift in the projection of information across long distances and the scale of financial markets. It enabled communities of investors to congregate in newly imagined spaces and facilitated oversight across oceans and continents, whether British families invested in Baltimore real estate or American bankers who reshaped the Caribbean sugar industry (Glotzer, 2020; Hudson, 2017). New professions such as accountancy developed and the status hierarchy within existing professions, such as law, reshuffled as the most lucrative incomes were gathered by law firms whose senior partners specialized in putting together complex merger agreements and banking syndicate contracts while their entry-level associates fought to quash cases involving minimum wages, injury compensation, and social welfare more broadly in the name of protecting property rights (Auerbach, 1976; Preda, 2009; Wilkins, 1989). Economic growth within the United States also changed the hierarchy of relationships between different parts of the country. A larger number of financial centers developed but their orientation toward New York City grew over time. Increasing industrial prosperity threw off larger and larger profits, enabling the wealthiest investors and entrepreneurs to step aside from active management while generating salaries for an ever-wider range of professionals who asserted and protected claims on property. Bank directors in large cities no longer evaluated borrowers themselves but turned to credit experts; bank officials also made common cause with small-town commercial associations to win stronger creditor protections in the 1898 federal bankruptcy act. After the law's passage, credit professionals shared techniques to ensure debts were collected and that those who had not respected property rights were punished for failing “to protect the sanctity of the credit relation” (Hansen, 1998; Lamoreaux, 1994; Skeel, 2001; Smith, 2010, quotation p. 218). The widening and deepening of financial professional communities was matched in other professional sectors, such as medicine, creating opportunities for financial professionals to make alliances and expand the proprietarian coalition. All professionals faced the fact that much or all of their “capital” was their intangible intellect. The proliferation of professional associations made it possible to convert this intellectual property (so to speak) into state-sanctioned credentialing systems (licensing authorities, medical boards, etc.) with barriers to entry that preserved their advantages. In medicine and other fields these practices typically replicated existing hierarchies of gender and race (Schafer, 2014; Wiebe, 1962). Many elite financiers used philanthropy to preserve white, Protestant men's places in the colleges producing the new professional meritocracy, as Susie Pak has shown using the example of Thomas Lamont of J.P. Morgan & Co.; indeed, young college men could be found intervening as strikebreakers to uphold proprietarian ideology (Norwood, 2002; Pak, 2013). Professionals increasingly saw themselves as part of a worldwide meritocracy and used international expositions and literature exchanges as opportunities to circulate ideas for both reform and self-protection (Rosenberg, 2012). Financial professionals were key advocates for proprietarian ideology because its abstract premises dovetailed with their pragmatic priorities of protecting assets from taxation and promoting government policies to ensure asset liquidity—and thus transaction fees (Allen, 2015; Hansen, 2009). From time to time Piketty catches sight of the importance of systems of professional knowledge for creating and justifying global systems of inequality. Examining the portfolio composition of the top 1% of French estates during the belle époque, for example, Piketty notes the preponderance of foreign investment, including in French colonies, and alludes to the use of the mission civilisatrice to justify the economic these profitable A of the information infrastructure used to these however, is largely and other for example, to on their and on a foreign policy to ensure a robust for their p. In the United alongside like the and Financial which ideology, not only local but also used their to and proprietarian ideology in their as in and in made the for to protect their and 2019). and were an important of financial other of and back and between financial and The and Financial in was both the of choice and a for of transformed the and of professional communities into arguments that could be explained and justified as in the culture This ideological work became important in the face of about proprietarian given the inequality of the 2016; 2016; Piketty, 2020, for example, how New York sought World War I to establish the idea that ownership was within reach and would a whose and could government of business and finance In a more example, account of the describes the creation of a coalition of small-town elites in to a significant federal tax whose were and often local bank the tax would make their more than but made their arguments on proprietarian the tax would ensure was for investment in The and were in a for the quote p. this barely a the Great and the of the New Deal created a for proprietarian them from their in the of their explains, assembled a new between their and Democrats to protect the tax of in the name of “a vision of that the of financial their argument through both and the new of 2019, p. Piketty's on the New Deal rather than the proprietarian ideologues means he an to how this became the launchpad for ideology. like and built media and political professional that up the cause of back taxation and that might The proprietarian coalition was able to and expand by making a meritocratic appeal to new professions established to the of the government and the from management and government to drawn to like and at who and The and of an American tradition of was critical to this in the success of the business and in their and their of taxes on the 2019; 2006; 2009; 2009). Nonetheless financial professionals to this the Wall Street section the role as the and Financial in the past as the most media for proprietarian ideology. is about social Piketty regimes from to to is ideological and because the and of inequality is not a however, not the that the professionals whose is at the of its not see their as of present-day financial the of young professionals who have from elite into entry-level on Wall on the of the meritocracy, notes that young the of and in and in part because of their of a with a much more 2009). a to how such through professional cultures not as but as a to precarious conditions be an important step for those to organize against and overturn the prevailing of wealth inequality. access enabled and by is a and at the German His fields of the history of Wall the history of the professions, and the history of

Introduction Capitalism is a production system established on the widening of commodity production. This means that it tries to transform everything possible into commodity forms and capital has an everlasting effort to succeed and render sustainable this transformation. Nowadays, what is happening in cultural production sphere indicates that capital has been expanded in this domain as well. Consequently, there is a widespread industry that mediates culture and posits it as a commodity. In order to understand this industry, it is necessary to comprehend the commodity production processes in it. This brings on an inevitable discussion on whether these cultural products and practices are commodities or not. In this study, it is discussed whether the cultural products and practices we consume on daily basis, such as music we listen; news, articles and books we read; television dramas and movies we watch, are commodities or not. The relationship between culture and commodity, shaped by the logic of capitalist production, is explored in the studies focusing on Marx's theoretical and conceptual set. The initial works related to cultural production were produced in the early 20th century by members of the Frankfurt School such as Walter Benjamin ([1936] 2010), Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer ([1947] 2002). In addition to these works, between the 1970s and 1990s, the issue was also discussed by British communication theorists such as Nicholas Garnham (1977; 1990), Graham Murdock and Peter Golding (1973), as well as by French scholar Bernard Miège (1979; 1989), from the perspective of political economy of communication. Nowadays, the subject is discussed in the recent studies of these theorists (Miège, 2011, Murdock, 2006; 2011, Garnham, 2000; 2011; Wayne, 2003) and in some other works (Louw, 2001; Mosco, 2009; Hesmondhalgh, 2011; Bolin, 2011). In this discussion, Dallas Smythe's thesis is important from several perspectives. Smythe (1977), a Canadian communication theorist who had a background of economist, broke the ground in the field with his influential thesis of "audience commodity". The thesis has become the main discussion axis related to the subject since its appearance in the late 1970s. It sparked a vivid and important debate between Smythe (1978), Murdock (1978), Bill Livant (1979; 1982), Sut Jhally (1982) and Eileen R. Meehan (1984). Smythe's audience commodity thesis continues to be the case today. Contemporary studies on the commodification processes in communication regularly make reference to Smythe's work, as is the case in the works of Christian Fuchs (2012; 2013; 2015), Fernando Bermejo (2009), William H. J. Hebblewhite (2012), Brice Nixon (2014), Brett Caraway (2011), Micky Lee (2011), Philip M Napoli (2003), Robert Prey (2012), Earn Fisher (2012), Jernej A. Prodnik (2012). It must be stressed that new technologies of communication have played an important role in the revival of the commodification discussion in the field given that activities of users in the Internet or in social networks are subjected to commodification. Together with this, new concepts are emerging such as prosumption or prosumer. In this study, the commodification processes in communication will be investigated from a different perspective in order to contribute to the literature. Commodity in Marx's Theory There is a valid reason to have this discussion in commodity framework. Above all, commodity is the mean of production of the "surplus value", which is the anchor of the capitalist production system. Briefly, it can be said that accumulation in capitalist societies occurs with the transfer of a piece of this surplus value, which is acquired by means of commodity production and exchange, into production once again. Thus, it is extremely important for capitalism the commodity form of anything. In this framework, it is also essential whether cultural products and practices are commodities. Given the importance of commodity, Marx (1992: 125) starts his analysis in the Capital with commodity. Just after mentioning the importance of commodity, Marx stresses the qualities of a commodity. Accordingly, a commodity has simultaneously a use value and a value in exchange. This quality is mentioned as the necessary feature of any single commodity without giving further details. So, it is difficult to understand why commodity has to have these values. However, in subsequent chapters, rendering various concepts comprehensible, Marx offers a comprehensive analysis of capitalist production process. Thus, it becomes clear why and how a commodity has this quality. It must be noticed that Marx takes firstly a result of the capitalist production in the beginning of his analysis. In other words, commodity is the starting point in Marx's analysis but is not more than a result in the general framework. Behind this stress on commodity, whole capitalist production system is standing. It can be said that Marx starts first and foremost from a result, which is commodity, and analysis comprehensively the mode of production which creates it. This is the reason why commodity can only be understood in the framework of capitalist mode of production and by considering the wholeness of this production. In communication field, while discussing the commodity form of cultural products and practices, there is a general tendency that ignores this matter. In the literature, the wholeness of capitalist production, or the process that shapes "capitalist commodity", is usually ignored. Rather, qualities acquired by things after their commodification is brought into the forefront, and the commodity character of cultural products and practices is analyzed from this perspective. In this kind of analysis, the problem is not addressing these qualities. As a matter of fact, these are necessary qualities of any single commodity has to have. The main problem is paying no attention to the fact why and how a commodity has gained these qualities in the capitalist production process. As a result of this, cultural products and practices, at the first glance, seems to be commodities to researchers but why and how they are transformed into commodities stay in obscurity. Therefore, it can lead us to wrong conclusions. Given that commodity has more dimensions than it seems to have at the first glance, these kinds of conceptualizations must be addressed carefully. Hence, Marx (1992: 163) states that though commodity appears something that is easily comprehensible, a detailed analysis shows that it is more complex than it appears. In the light of Marx's analysis, we know that not all but some things can gain commodity form in capitalist societies. Why it is so? Marx (1992: 273) indicates certain necessary conditions to produce a product as a commodity. It is obvious that things can gain commodity form and have aforementioned qualities when some factors get together in the historical-social process of capitalist production. To determine these factors, we must first look at the whole capitalist production. Let's take Capital of Marx as an example of cultural product. While Marx was writing or producing Capital, any capitalist appropriated the value produced by him. As a matter of fact, Marx did not even produce a surplus value. He did not encounter a direct exploitation. His labor was qualitatively different; he was exerting an intellectual labor. Moreover, this intellectual labor was not commodified because it was not bought by a capitalist as a labor-power. At the same time, Capital was not the bearer of a surplus value, contrary to any commodity. From this perspective, instead of conceptualizing arbitrarily cultural products and practices in order to put them in commodity form, just like stretching them in "Procrustes bed", it is wiser to analyze them in the context of the peculiarity of their producers and their own "uniqueness". In this study, following this way, we will explore firstly why and how things acquire commodity forms by paying attention to whole capitalist production. Then, based on this first analysis, we will try to determine whether cultural products and practices gain commodity forms according to their production processes in different production relations. If it is so, we will also try to explain why and how they gain this form. Basically, it is argued that the idea of cultural products and practices as a commodity must be addressed cautiously. This is not a denial of the fact that they are commodities indeed. This is to say that not all but only some parts of this products and practices transform into commodities in some certain conditions. The reason of this is the production of these products and practices in very different relations of production and the fact that they are not general but special products and practices (Wayne, 2003: 21). Given that it is the main assumption of the study, this matter must be explained in detail. Commodification of Cultural Products and Practices Nowadays, cultural products and practices are mostly produced within cultural industry. First of all, we must consider these cultural products and practices produced in this industry through "content" and "medium" as a way of materialization and mediation for the content. In other words, the products and practices require certain type of medium for their production, distribution and consumption. For example, a piece of music can be listened with a radio or mp3 player; a television drama or movie can be watch with television or in a movie theater; news can be read on papers or internet; theatrical works are performed on stage that can be considered as a medium in that point. Content and medium cannot be separated easily from each other in "essence" and in "form". Content, which can exist in the absence of medium, can only transform into a general consumption object solely when it becomes "objectified" through medium. Similarly, medium can also exist in the absence of content but its transformation into a general consumption object requires content. Briefly, each one transforms the other into a consumption object by means of its existence; content provides internal object whereas medium constitutes external object of the consumption related to cultural products and practices. The medium that offers a milieu for cultural products and practices is commodity. Diversification and variation that come with the commodification mostly result from the content. It can be said that cultural products and practices have two different dimensions; on the one hand there is content and on the other hand there is the combination of the content with the medium. When we focus on content, commodity character of the majority of cultural products and practices is questionable. However, despite their differences they all become commodities peculiarly when they are combined with a medium, or a technology, that offers them a milieu. For instance, a piece of music turns into a commodity when it is finished by its composer and recorded afterwards on a CD or DVD. Likewise, a book becomes a commodity when it is send from the writer to the publisher to be published. Here, we can indicate a "two step production". In the study, this situation will be conceptualized as "dual production". The first step is the materialization of the content. In this step, mainly intellectual or "creative" labor is performed. In the second step, there is the combination of the first step product with a technological medium, causing mainly a commodity production. My argument is that cultural products and practices gain their commodity form in the second step, and turn into cultural commodities. I also argue that, in cultural production, the integration of the ideological (content) and the economical (medium) is materialized in this second step. If we take again the aforementioned example, the writing Capital corresponds to the first step. In this phase, the production process contains such a great diversity, to the point that we must have a Procrustean bed to qualify the end product as a commodity. However, the editorial process and the publication of Capital correspond to the second step. After this phase, there is no reason not to qualify the book as commodity. Notably, there is the production of use values in the first step and the production of exchange values in the second step. Conclusion This character of cultural products and practices underscores the reason why we must cautiously approach to the idea of cultural commodity. But it is important not to have a generalization on the issue. What is at stake here is just a general tendency. On the other hand, we must not consider the two steps of production as wholly separated and independent domains. In other words, it cannot be said that use values are always generated in the first step and their transformation into exchange values always happens in the second step. There can be other kind of transformations. It is important to emphasize here that capital tries to commodify these products and practices despite of all differences they have. References Benjamin, W. The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction, London: Penguin Books, [1936] 2010. Bermejo, F. "Audience manufacture in historical perspective: from broadcasting to Google", New Media & Society, 2009, V. 11, No. 1-2, pp. 133-154. Bolin, G. Value and the Media: Cultural Production and Consumption in Digital Markets, London: Ashgate Publishing, 2011. Caraway, B. "Audience Labor in the New Media Environment: A Marxian Revisiting of the Audience Commodity", Media, Culture & Society, 2011, V. 33, No. 5, pp. 693-708. Fisher, E. "How Less Alienation Creates More Exploitation? Audience Labour on Social Network Sites", tripleC-Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society, 2012, V. 10, No. 2, pp. 171-183. Fuchs, C. "Dallas Smythe Today - The Audience Commodity, the Digital Labour Debate, Marxist Political Economy and Critical Theory. Prolegomena to a Digital Labour Theory of Value", tripleC-Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society, 2012, V. 10, No. 2, pp. 692-740. Fuchs, C. Digital Labour and Karl Marx, New York: Routledge, 2013. Fuchs, C. Culture and Economy in the Age of Social Media, New York: Routledge, 2015. Garnham, N. "Towards a Political Economy of Culture", New University Quarterly, 1977, V. 31, No. 3, pp. 341-357. Garnham, N. Capitalism and Communication, London: SAGE Publications, 1990. Garnham, N. Emancipation, the Media and Modernity: Arguments about the Media and Social Theory, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. Garnham, N. "The Political Economy of Communication Revisited", in J. Wasko, G. Murdock and H. Sousa (eds.) The Handbook of Political Economy of Communications, Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2011, pp. 41-61. Hebblewhite, H. J. W. "Means of Communication as Means of Production" Revisited", tripleC-Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society, 2012, V. 10, No. 2, pp. 203-213. Hesmondhalgh, D. The Cultural Industries, London: Sage, 2011. Horkheimer, M., Adorno, W. T., Dialectic of Enlightenment: Philosophical Fragments, California: Standford University Press, [1947] 2002. Jhally, S. "Probing The Blindspot: The Audience Commodity", Canadian Journal of Political and Social Theory, 1982, V. 6, No. 1-2, pp. 204-210. Lee, M. "Google Ads and the Blindspot Debate", Media, Culture and Society, 2011, V. 33, No. 3, pp. 433-447. Livant, B. "The Audience Commodity: On The 'Blindspot' Debate", Canadian Journal of Political and Social Theory, 1979, V. 3, No. 1, pp. 91-106. Livant, B. "Working At Watching: A Reply To Sut Jhally", Canadian Journal of Political and Social Theory, 1982, V. 6, No. 1-2, pp. 211-215. Louw, E. The Media and Cultural Production, London: SAGE Publication, 2001. Marx, K. Capital: Volume 1: A Critique of Political Economy, New York: Penguin Books, 1992. Meehan, E. R. "Ratings and the institutional approach: A third answer to the Commodity Question", Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 1984, V. 1, No. 2, pp. 216-225. Miège, B. "The Cultural Commodity", Media Culture Society, 1979, V. 1, No. 3, pp. 297-311. Miège, B. The Capitalization of Cultural Production, New York: International General, 1989. Miège, B. "Principal Ongoing Mutations of Cultural and Informational Industries", in D. Winseck and D. Y. Jin (eds.) The Political Economies of Media: The Transformation of the Global Media Industries, London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2011, pp. 51-65. Mosco, V. The Political Economy of Communication, Los Angeles: Sage, 2009. Murdock, G. "Blindspot About Western Marxism: A Reply To Dallas Smythe", Canadian Journal of Political and Social Theory, 1978, V. 2, No. 2, pp. 109-119. Murdock, G. "Marx on Commodities, Contradictions and Globalisations Resources for a Critique of Marketised Culture", E-Compós, 2006, V. 7, pp. 1-23. Murdock, G. "Political Economies as Moral Economies: Commodities, Gifts and Public Goods", in J. Wasko, G. Murdock and H. Sousa (eds.), The Handbook of Political Economy of Communications, Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2011, pp. 13-40. Murdock, G., Golding, P. "For A Political Economy of Mass Communication", The Socialist Register, 1973, V. 10, pp. 205-234. Napoli, P. M. Audience Economics and the Audience Marketplace, New York: Columbia University Press, 2003. Nixon, B. "Toward a Political Economy of 'Audience Labour' in the Digital Era", tripleC-Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society, 2014, V. 12, No. 2, pp. 713-734. Prey, R. "The Network's Blindspot: Exclusion, Exploitation and Marx's Process-Relational Ontology", tripleC-Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society, 2012, V. 10, No. 2, pp. 253-273. Prodnik, J. "A Note on the Ongoing Processes of Commodification: From the Audience Commodity to the Social Factory", tripleC-Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society, 2012, V. 10, No. 2, pp. 274-301. Smythe, D. W. "Communications: Blindspot Of Western Marxism." Canadian Journal of Political and Social Theory, 1977, V. 1, No. 3, pp. 1-28. Smythe, D. W. "Rejoinder To Graham Murdock", Canadian Journal of Political and Social Theory, 1978, V. 2, No. 2, pp. 120-127. Wayne, M., Marxism and Media Studies: Key Concepts and Contemporary Trends, London: Pluto Press, 2003.

The article reveals the organization of industrial parks, as an independent development business, which should be economically prosperous. For many projects parks small and medium business will be the target sector and can provide a complete filling of the site, which is quite possible, taking maximum account of the characteristics and needs of small manufacturing businesses. The article focuses on the organizational and economic relations arising from the integration of small and medium business in the structure of industrial parks. The purpose of this paper is to develop theoretical foundations and methodological tools in the field of realization of the mechanism of formation of industrial parks for small and medium businesses. The research was carried out using the methods of systematization, analysis. The scientific contribution of the research results is to develop theoretical foundations and methodological tools in the implementation of organizational-­economic mechanism of formation of industrial parks for small and medium businesses. Interest in the creation of industrial parks is actively stimulated by the authorities of all levels, rightly considering them as one of the effective instruments to promote new industrial enterprises and accelerate the re-industrialization of the territories. Budget investments in industrial infrastructure are carried out both through development institutions, and through state programs. At the same time industrial policy of the Russian Government pays scant attention to the development of the industrial enterprises of small and average business. Conclusions. Regional authorities new industrial parks is, first and foremost, the ability to create new jobs, increase the tax base, solving problems of complex development of territories. Production small and medium business in the face of industrial parks has a powerful infrastructure support to enable rapid deployment of production and the possibility of realizing entrepreneurial ideas. The scope of the results are industrial enterprises. The direction of research consists in possibility of use of the results by Executive authorities of subjects of the Russian Federation and representatives of state corporations and subjects of private business in the framework of existing targeted programs of industrial development of territories. Solution of these issues is possible through the establishment of industrial parks (PP), which are a special type of contractual inter-firm production networks of small and medium economic entities (residents PP) located on the specially created and managed an industrial area with a single engineering infrastructure, and technology-related large enterprise (integration PP), engaged in the development and production of the final product [1].

This paper is a cultural studies analysis of the Microsoft computer video game, ZooTycoon™. Through a critical reading using the "circuit of culture," questions of the gamer's subject position, the role of wildlife and implicit and explicit messages about contemporary attitudes toward the environment are explored. Drawing on Susan Davis' book, Spectacular Nature: Corporate Culture and the Sea World Experience (1997), this paper unpacks the virtual theme parks created in Zoo Tycoon™ for their (dis)continuities with Davis's findings. The virtual animals are found to serve as both labor and products in this game that teaches capitalist business strategy and managerial skills. This popular culture text is an example of a product that harnesses the environmental impulse and redirects that impulse back into commodity capitalism.

The article is devoted to economic analysis’ conceptual framework in the tax law. The author examines modern aspects of the correlation between Law and Economics, the content of the principle of the economic basis for tax, expresses her opinion on the matter of the possibility to verify the economic feasibility of taxes and fees in the context of constitutional proceedings. Special attention is attributed to the issues of application of economic analysis’ methodological tools in tax law. In 2012, while considering tax disputes arbitration courts focused on the application of economic analysis. Based on the analysis of law enforcement practice, the author identifies problematic issues in the use of economic analysis in the tax law interpretation, defines the scope of economic analysis and its specific features. The article introduces concepts of “economic and legal impact area” and “economic and legal impact coverage area”, identifies their characteristics and specific features of a regulatory nature.

While Stalinism destroyed the Bolshevik Revolution completely by replacing Marx’s idea of communism as the ‘association of free people’ with a dictatorship of the despotic Oriental version of state capitalism that masqueraded as socialism, liberalism, fascism, and authoritarianism (the three axes of modern capitalist societies) have led not only to the collapse and destruction of reason, but also to the destruction of the very basis of critical thinking itself. This essay claims that Slavoj Žižek’s idea of the Denkverbot (‘prohibition against thinking’) is an important idea that raises the importance of philosophy to not only counter the rise of global versions of authoritarianism, but also to critique late imperialism in permanent and terminal crisis. It talks of the apocalyptic idea of the ‘end of time’, a biblical theme that is now being put into practice in Ukraine with the Russian invasion and fueled by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) bloc of nations which, like Russia, can only exist with the help of images of the apocalypse. What must be mentioned is that while Stalin replaced Marxism as critical theory with authoritarian dogma and while fascism completely repressed classical German philosophy to create a nationalist mytho-politics of the ‘Aryan race’, the discipline of rigorous philosophy was banished in universities by neoliberal capitalism for whom philosophy as critical thinking had to be supplemented by the principles of hyper-consumerism and the corresponding ‘complete regression of thinking’. This essay is on the very important questions ‘What is called philosophical thinking?’ and ‘How can revolutionary thinking transcend the domain of the counterrevolutionary repressed mind?’ and, most importantly, the very burning question: ‘What is philosophy?’

This essay challenges recent attempts by influential scholars to rationalize the existence of the corporate income tax. The corporate income tax has long been considered unjustifiable on traditional tax policy grounds. The new justifications recognize that, yet argue that the tax is still desirable because it promotes other goals, such as improvement of corporate governance and restraint of undesirable corporate management power accumulation. The essay demonstrates that the existence and magnitude of these alleged benefits of the corporate income tax are doubtful. Yet, the essay argues, even if taken as correct, the recent rationalization of the corporate income tax cannot support its retention since it misses certain crucial steps in the analysis. First, it does not compare the effects of the corporate income tax with its alternatives. This essay demonstrates that once such comparison takes place, the corporate income tax proves to be less desirable than its alternative on the very grounds promoted by its proponents. Secondly, the support of the corporate income tax completely ignores the social costs of the tax. This essay argues that once taken into account, such costs may overwhelm the alleged benefits, if any. Finally, the essay claims that the recent support of the corporate income tax is based on a strong, yet unproven, popular intuition that the tax is fair. The essay goes on to explain the uncertainty that governs the economic analysis of the burden of the tax, which results in confusion and the inability to assess the fairness of the tax as a whole. This understanding should pull the carpet from underneath the very basis of the arguments in support of the corporate income tax. The essay concludes by asserting that the tax not only should, but also could, be repealed consistent with accepted tax policy principles.

This study delves into the intersection of Natural Language Processing (NLP) and human poetic composition, focusing on the development and implementation of real-time support systems designed to enhance the creative process of poetry writing. The rapid advancement of NLP technologies has opened new avenues for artistic expression, particularly in the realm of poetry, where linguistic nuance and emotional depth are paramount. This research aims to investigate the capabilities of NLP-based systems in facilitating poetic composition, providing writers with tools that can assist in generating ideas, suggesting stylistic improvements, and enhancing overall creativity. The investigation begins with a thorough review of existing literature on NLP applications in creative writing, highlighting the evolution of these technologies and their implications for the literary arts. Key methodologies employed in the study include qualitative analyses of user interactions with NLP tools, case studies of poets utilizing such systems, and a comparative examination of various NLP algorithms—such as transformer models and recurrent neural networks—in their capacity to understand and generate poetic language. A critical aspect of this research is the exploration of real-time feedback mechanisms that allow poets to interact dynamically with the system. By employing machine learning techniques, the study evaluates the effectiveness of NLP tools in providing contextually relevant suggestions that align with the poet's intended themes, styles, and emotional tones. The findings indicate that real-time NLP support not only aids in overcoming writer's block but also fosters a collaborative relationship between human creativity and machine intelligence, ultimately enriching the poetic form. Furthermore, the study addresses ethical considerations and the implications of relying on technology for artistic expression. It discusses the potential risks of homogenization in poetic voice and the importance of maintaining the unique, subjective experience that poetry embodies. Recommendations for future research include the development of more sophisticated models that can better interpret the subtleties of human emotion and intent in poetic language. In conclusion, this investigation underscores the transformative potential of real-time NLP-based support systems in the domain of poetic composition. By bridging the gap between technology and creative expression, these systems offer new tools for poets, enabling them to explore uncharted territories of language and aesthetics. The study contributes to the broader discourse on the role of artificial intelligence in the arts, advocating for an integrative approach that respects and enhances the human spirit of creativity.

Jalal al-Din Muhammad Rumi, a 13th-century Persian poet, Sufi mystic, and Islamic scholar, remains one of the most influential spiritual figures in contemporary times. His poetry and mystical teachings transcend religious, cultural, and linguistic barriers, resonating deeply with modern seekers of spiritual wisdom. Rumi’s works emphasize love, unity, and inner transformation, themes that align with contemporary spiritual movements, mindfulness practices, and the search for personal meaning beyond traditional religious frameworks. His ability to express complex spiritual truths in deeply personal and poetic language has contributed to his widespread appeal, making him one of the best-selling poets in the English-speaking world today. A significant factor in Rumi’s modern influence is the accessibility of his poetry through popular translations, particularly by Coleman Barks, which have introduced his wisdom to Western audiences. These translations, though sometimes criticized for omitting Sufi and Islamic elements, have played a crucial role in making Rumi’s teachings relevant to a broad audience, including those who identify as "spiritual but not religious." His emphasis on divine love as the ultimate force of transformation continues to inspire self-help movements, meditation practices, and even leadership philosophies, reinforcing his relevance in the contemporary world. Rumi’s concept of love as a bridge to the divine has profoundly shaped modern spiritual thought. His depiction of love as an all-encompassing force aligns with contemporary ideas of interconnectedness, self-discovery, and transcending the ego. His poetry often illustrates the soul’s longing for divine union, a theme that speaks to modern individuals searching for deeper meaning in their lives. His vision of love as a means of dissolving the self resonates with the contemporary emphasis on mindfulness, meditation, and holistic healing. Furthermore, his teachings on silence, stillness, and surrender to the divine parallel modern contemplative practices, reinforcing his influence in spiritual retreats, wellness communities, and self-development programs. In addition, Rumi’s impact extends into interfaith dialogue, where his vision of unity beyond religious labels serves as a bridge between diverse spiritual traditions. His famous words, “I am neither Christian, nor Jew, nor Muslim, nor Hindu… I am the soul of love,” encapsulate his belief in a universal spirituality that transcends religious dogma. His poetry continues to inspire artistic and creative expressions, from music and dance to visual art, further embedding his spiritual philosophy into global culture.

Methods. In the process of research, the methods of system analysis and synthesis were used to determine the key directions and relevant tools for implementing methodological tools within the framework of organizational and economic mechanisms for supporting the innovative development of a transport enterprise, comparative analysis was used to compare methodological approaches to organizational and economic support for the innovative development of enterprises, the generalization method allowed us to identify the main directions of innovative development of transport enterprises. Results. Based on the conducted research, the key directions for implementing methodological tools within the framework of organizational and economic mechanisms for supporting the innovative development of a transport enterprise were determined. Methodological approaches to organizational and economic support for the innovative development of enterprises in foreign and domestic theory and practice were generalized, and their comparative analysis was conducted. The directions for developing methodological approaches to organizational and economic support for the innovative development of transport enterprises, adapted to the specifics of the national economy and industry environment, were substantiated. Novelty. In the process of research, it was substantiated that the methodological tools of organizational and economic mechanisms for supporting the innovative development of transport enterprises should primarily focus on such priority areas as reducing transportation costs, improving the quality of services, ensuring sustainable development and attracting investments. Effective tools in this regard include strategic planning, management of innovative projects, economic analysis and assessment of efficiency, organizational design, information systems and technologies, and personnel motivation, which require mandatory adaptation to modern requirements. Theidentification of methodological approaches to organizational and economic support for the innovative development of enterprises provides an opportunity to choose the most effective one, taking into account the industry specifics of a particular enterprise in accordance with its strategic objectives. Practical value. The identified features of the methodological tools for organizational and economic support for the innovative development of transport enterprises will allow them to ensure stress resistance, adaptability to modern crisis challenges, and the ability to implement advanced technologies.