Periphery as Context: Enlightenment Influences Towards Conceptual Change in Polish-Lithuanian Political Thinking in the Later 18th Century

Despite the fact that Lithuania is lacking the research in the field of the history of its political thought, which would be devoted to the analysis of the Enlightenment, research in the fields of history, history of literature and philosophy are trying to grasp the main contours of the Enlightened age in Lithuanian Grand Duchy. Historical studies are of particular importance, starting with general history of Lithuania and history of Vilnius University. These studies accentuate the reforms influenced by Enlightenment ideas, particularly the educational reform and political ideas presented through the Four Years Sejm and the Constitution of the 3rd May. The special attention to the Enlightenment epoch is paid in the works of Lithuanian historians Eligijus Raila, Vydas Dolinskas, Ramunė Šmigelskytė-Stukienė. Beside historical studies the research into historic literature contribute to the analysis of the Enlightenment as well. These works present historical texts in the context of the Enlightenment. The scholars Sigitas Narbutas and Kristina Mačiulytė from the Institute of Lithuanian Literature and Folklore are the main contributors in this field. The studies in the Enlightenment’s philosophical thought, forming a singular history of the Lithuanian philosophical thinking are found mainly by the scholars from Lithuanian Culture Research Institute. Steponas Tunaitis and Dalius Viliūnas are the scholars working to reconstruct the philosophical tradition in Lithuania.The main research achievement in the field of Enlightenment in general and in its political ideas should not be measured by the amount of publications and wideness of the research, but by the changing view towards the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and importance of its heritage to Lithuania. The revaluation of Four Years Sejm and the Constitution of the 3rd May as integral part of Lithuanian history and part of Lithuanian Enlightenment opens the door to further research into this complex period of history, as well as an opportunity to reconstruct the tradition of Lithuanian political thinking and its influence on the present state of the mind.

W. R. Lee, in his paper on Robert Baker published in a previous issue of this journal, has described Leeds, the home of both Baker and Charles Turner Thackrah, as 'the cradle of industrial medicine'.1 Leeds was doubtless unique in nurturing two such eminent practitioners of this branch of medicine, but many of the other expanding towns of the late 18th and early 19th centuries could claim to be the dwelling place of doctors keenly interested, if not in industrial medicine, at least in social medicine, in the application of their professional skills and know ledge to the problems of an industrializing and urbanizing society. Thus Manchester could boast Thomas Percival, John Ferriar, James Phillips Kay and Peter Gaskell; Liverpool, James Currie and William Duncan; Edinburgh, William Alison; and Sheffield, George Calvert Holland.2 In London the names were legion but included Southwood Smith, Neil Arnott, William Farr, Thomas Wakley, Edward Smith and John Simon prominent amongst them.3 Amongst smaller towns, Chester had its John Haygarth and Bristol its William Budd, and doubtless similar if less well known examples could be found in most urban communities of any size in this period.4 It is the object of this paper to assess the reasons for the growing interest and involvement of medical practitioners in the problems of social reform created by the first Industrial Revolution. One of the most important, vital and disturbing features of this process was the growth of the industrial town. Manchester, Leeds, Birmingham and their fellows symbolized in many ways the increasing power and wealth of the industrial and commercial middle class, presenting as they did a challenge to the long established social and political supremacy of the landed classes, the aristocracy, the squirearchy and the clergy of the Church of England. The architecture of the new towns, their factories and warehouses, chapels and town halls, and later their railway stations gave expression in concrete form to this increasing wealth, power and self-confidence. Weekly newspapers like the Man chester Guardian, the Leeds Mercury or the Bradford Observer voiced the opinions and demands of the urban middle classes. Literary and Philosophical Societies, Statistical Societies and Chambers of Commerce were formed to promote discussion of problems and to form opinion on them. In these aspects of urban development, the medical profession played a prominent role. In Leeds, it was a paper on 'Town Halls', read to the Leeds Philosophical and Literary Society by the secretary of the Leeds Improvement Society, Dr. J. D. Heaton, which launched the campaign to build a new town hall in Leeds, a development which Asa Briggs has des cribed as a 'case study in Victorian civic pride'.5 Robert Baker was a member of Leeds Town Council in the 1830s, and G. C. Holland an alderman of Sheffield in his later years.6 'Lit. and Phil.' and Statistical Societies were frequently dominated by professional men, with doctors well to the fore. Holland, a member of Sheffield Literary and Philosophic Society, remarked that of its 86 proprietors, subscribing two guineas per annum each, only 19 were commercial men, 'the remainder being generally professional gentle men or persons in easy circumstances'.7 C. T. Thackrah became the first secretary of the Leeds Philosophical and Literary Society after its formation in 1819.8 In Manchester, Thomas Percival and John Ferriar played an important part in the debates of the Literary and Philosophical Society in the 1790s, whilst some 40 years later James Kay was one of the founder members of the Manchester Statistical Society.9 In Liverpool, James Currie helped to revive the Literary Society and became its president.10 Yet, despite their prominent role in the activities of the new industrial towns, many doctors did not subscribe unreservedly to the creed of economic, religious and political freedom which some of their 22

Acknowledgments Introduction The St. Luke Penny Savings Bank: A Change Vignette Purpose, Concepts, and Practices PART I. CONCEPTUAL PERSPECTIVES ON LEADING CHANGE Introduction Ch 1. Causality, Change, and Leadership by Gill Robinson Hickman and Richard A. Couto Barbara Rose Johns Analytical Elements Conclusion PART II. LEADING ORGANIZATIONAL CHANGE Introduction The Environment of Organizational Change Purpose of Organizational Change Change Vignette: Technology Solutions Turns Disaster Into Dividends Ch 2. Concepts of Organizational Change What Kind of Organizational Change Do We Want or Need? Conclusion Ch 3. Concepts of Leadership in Organizational Change What Type of Leadership Do We Want or Need to Accomplish Change? Conclusion Ch 4. Organizational Change Practices Which Practices Do We Employ To Implement Change? Conclusion Applications and Reflections PART III. LEADING COMMUNITIY AND ORGANIZATIONAL CHANGE Ch 5. Community Change Context by Richard A. Couto, Sarah Hippensteel and Marti Goetz Introduction Purpose of Community Change Change Vignette: Citizens for the Responsible Destruction of Chemical Weapons Concepts of Change Concepts of Leadership Change Practices Conclusion Application and Reflection Ch 6. Crossing Organizational and Community Contexts Introduction Change Vignette: Microcredit to Rural Women Concepts of Change Across Organizational and Community Contexts Concepts of Leadership Across Organizational and Community Contexts Change Practices Across Organizational and Community Contexts Conclusion PART IV. LEADING POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CHANGE Ch 7. Political Change Context by Richard A. Couto Introduction Purpose of Political Change Change Vignette: Extraordinary Rendition Concepts of Political Change Concepts of Political Leadership Change Practices Conclusion Application and Reflection Ch 8. Social Change Context Introduction The Purpose of Social Change Change Vignette: OASIS: An Initiative in the Mental Health Consumer Movement Concepts of Social Change Concepts of Social Change Leadership Social Change Practices Conclusion Application and Reflection Ch 9. Crossing Political and Social Contexts Introduction Vignette: The Sikh Coalition Concepts of Political and Social Change Concepts of Political and Social Leadership Change Practices Across Political and Social Contexts Conclusion PART V. LEADING GLOBAL CHANGE Ch 10. Global Change Context by Rebecca Todd Peters and Gill Robinson Hickman Introduction Purpose of Global Change Change Vignette: Chad-Cameroon Pipeline Concepts of Global Change Concepts of Global Leadership Global Change Practices Conclusion Application and Reflection Ch 11. Crossing Global and Social Contexts: Virtual Activism in Transnational Dotcauses, E-Movements, and Internet Nongovernmental Organizations Introduction Change Vignette: Is Global Civil Society a Good Thing? Concepts of Virtual Change Concepts of Virtual Leadership Virtual Change Practices Conclusion Conclusion: Connecting Concepts and Practices in Multiple Contexts Epilogue: Leading Intellectual Change: The Power of Ideas by James MacGregor Burns Index About the Author About the Contributors

Reviewed by: The Cambridge Companion to Early Modern Philosophy Julie R. Klein Donald Rutherford, editor. The Cambridge Companion to Early Modern Philosophy. Cambridge-New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006. Pp. xv + 421. Paper, $29.99. This admirable volume treats the period from Montaigne to Kant. As the editor, Donald Rutherford, promises in his Introduction, the volume reflects the broadly contextualist consensus among scholars in the field over the last few decades. Neither intellectual history nor abstract conceptual analysis, contextualist scholarship looks at the way philosophical ideas develop in concrete settings, within intellectual horizons, and in response to specific philosophical problems. Thus this Cambridge Companion is committed to the idea that a philosopher’s published works must be read in connection with both his or her correspondences, drafts, and other papers, as well as in connection with the thinkers whose works constitute that philosopher’s intellectual environment and matrix. Simply put, contextualist historians of philosophy deny that philosophical work takes place in a conceptual or historical vacuum. Second, this collection reflects the expanding list of important thinkers, works, and issues in the period. The familiar authors Rutherford terms the “canonical seven” (2)—Descartes, Spinoza, Leibniz for the “rationalists” and Locke, Berkeley, Hume for the “empiricists,” all followed by Kant—are joined by, among others, Francisco Suárez, Hugo Grotius, Thomas Hobbes, Antoine Arnauld, Anne Conway, Blaise Pascal, Pierre Bayle, Adam Smith, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. This expanding canon reflects new attention directed toward ethics, political and social philosophy, and theology in the period. If sustained attention to the relationship of early modern philosophy to early modern science was a first contextualist shift in Anglo-American scholarship, and the expansion of the canon a second, then moving beyond metaphysics, epistemology, and logic is the third. To offer but a few examples, one need not look far to see how metaphysics, ethics, and politics are closely linked in Spinoza, or how problems in physics and problems of free will are connected in Leibniz, or how skepticism is closely associated with the history of debates about religious toleration. The authors examine early modern philosophy in terms of what Rutherford terms the “changing shape of philosophical inquiry” (3) in the period. As a result, the book is organized not by accounts of individual thinkers, but rather by areas of inquiry and philosophical histories of problems. Thus the period emerges as one in which the ancient and medieval inheritance (and the early moderns were in possession of a very complete library of their predecessors) is transformed and re-thought in view of changes in science, politics [End Page 645] (e.g., the rise of the nation-state and revolutions), and religion (e.g., the Protestant Reformation and the Wars of Religion fought from roughly 1550–1650), as well as economics and other facets of human culture and society. A great advantage of this way of organizing the books is that readers will come away with a sense of how the early moderns thought about a variety of issues; index entries for Locke, for example, cover everything from the theory of sense perception and cognition to law, sovereignty, and the relationship of faith and reason. After an opening essay on conflicts and tensions in early modern philosophy by Rutherford, the chapters focus on issues of method and conceptual change in natural science (Stephen Gaukroger, Dennis Des Chene); metaphysics (Nicholas Jolley); philosophy of mind and epistemology (Tad Schmaltz); language and logic (Michael Losonsky); ethics, morality, and the passions (Susan James, Stephen Darwall); political philosophy (A. John Simmons); and theology (Thomas M. Lennon). The final chapters discuss early modern Scholasticism (M.W.F. Stone) and suggest a view of the period from the vantage point of Kant (J.B. Schneewind). As all scholars of the period know, the early moderns were remarkable philosophical interlocutors, correspondents, and critics, and each article in the anthology conveys a lively sense of these exchanges. One thinks, for example, of Mersenne’s Paris gatherings, Henry Oldenburg’s role in the Royal Society in London, and the travels of Hobbes, Leibniz, and others. Each essay in this anthology can be read with profit by established scholars as well as students. Each of us, as readers...

The article is devoted to the problem of the demarcation of social sciences from social philosophy. The author proposes to model the relations between these two disciplines as a continuum instead of binary opposition - a continuum in which certain authors and concepts are located depending on the nature of their statements (descriptive or prescriptive/evaluative) and the amount of empirical data involved. To illustrate a number of this continuum’s positions and features, the concept of the sacred is brought: emerging in Modern history as a cultural idea, in the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries in the works of French sociologists it becomes an empirical model that describes both the effect of social solidarity and the particular forms of religious existence. However, later, in the College of Sociology and in the works of such thinkers as G. Bataille, R. Caillois, etc., the concept acquires value meanings and becomes socio-philosophical. The absence of a clear boundary between the two statement formats, it makes possible both the “drifting” from one to another over time (M. Eliade) and the ambiguity of any critics of social science from social philosophy’s position and vice versa. At the same time, the historical “load” of the concept could be discarded in order to use it within the framework of “pure” social science or philosophy.

D. A. F. DE SADE: “DIVINE MARQUIS” OR DEMOLISHER OF THE IDEAS OF ENLIGHTMENT The paper provides a brief outline of the major elements that made up the foundations for the political thought of Marquis D. A. F. de Sade. The author of the paper believes that these elements have not been sufficiently presented in the Polish historiography of political doctrines. The Marquis, being deeply anchored in the Enlightenment ideas and stylistics, was simultaneously the thinker who questioned a remarkable number of elements of these ideas. What he challenged were in particular: the previous descriptions of nature, natural state, location and status of the human being, social contract and the concept of State and law. By questioning these concepts he indirectly challenged also the major articles of the Declaration of Rights of Man and Citizen. His political concepts are detectable in most of his literary production and therefore the author of the paper treats what is detectable as a certain whole which perhaps is not fully consistent of morality and law, both those of ancien régime as well as those promoted by too idealistic concepts of the pre-revolutionary era. An interesting example of the originality of his way of political thinking was his attempt to present to the reader the two extremely different socio-constitutional models – that of classical Utopia and that of Anti-utopia – as included in one literary production. The essay is concluded with a brief attempt at the summarizing and assessing of the discussed concepts as viewed against our present-day reception of de Sade’s production and his location in the history of political thought.

This book challenges the habit of conventional historiography of taking the ‘essential’ state – a ‘bounded entity’ equipped with a ‘sovereign’ central power — for granted in any period and of not taking period political terminology seriously. It refutes the idea, current both in historiography and in International Relations theory (in particular Realism), that the fundamental nature of ‘international’ politics is historically immutable. Nothing akin to what we call the ‘state’ existed before the 19th century: it is a recent invention and the assumption that it is timeless, necessary for society, is simply part of its legitimating myth. The development over the past three millennia of the political structures of western civilization is shown here to have been a succession of unrepeatable but path-dependent stages. In examining structural change, the book adopts a constructivist approach based on the analysis of period political discourse. This approach both reflects and illuminates the evolution of western political thought: on the one hand, political thought is a vehicle of the political discourse of its period. On the other hand, the assumption that political theory must in any age somehow be centred on the ‘state’ has forced our understanding of it into a straight-jacket: abandoning this assumption permits fresh and unexpected insights into the political thinking of earlier eras. Close attention, however, is also paid to the material constraints and opportunities (e.g., ecological and economic factors, or military technology) impacting on the evolution of society.

This chapter outlines the relationship between norms, rules, practices, and official conduct. The historiography on different medieval 'status' groups is used to argue for the value of looking at 'middling' officers as a way into medieval practices of accountability. The chapter also draws a distinction between 'political thinking' and 'political thought' as it is usually applied, here focusing on practices rather than intellectual texts. An argument is made for the need for a new administrative history given the importance of institutions. London chamberlain Andrew Horn's use of Brunetto Latini treatise for podestà, the Tresor, is used as a miniature of the study as a whole, notably its stress on English developments within a European context and the need to look across different sorts of officer and their accountability.

Two great problems of learning confront humanity: learning about the nature of the universe and our place in it, and learning how to become civilized. The first problem was solved, in essence, in the 17th century, with the creation of modern science. But the second problem has not yet been solved. Solving the first problem without also solving the second puts us in a situation of great danger. All our current global problems have arisen as a result. What we need to do, in response to this unprecedented crisis, is learn from our solution to the first problem how to solve the second. This was the basic idea of the 18th century Enlightenment. Unfortunately, in carrying out this programme, the Enlightenment made three blunders, and it is this defective version of the Enlightenment programme that we have institutionalized in 20th century academic inquiry. In order to solve the second great problem of learning we need to correct the three blunders of the traditional Enlightenment. This involves changing the nature of social inquiry, so that social science becomes social methodology or social philosophy, concerned to help us build into social life the progress-achieving methods of aim-oriented rationality, arrived at by generalizing the progress-achieving methods of science. It also involves, more generally, bringing about a revolution in the nature of academic inquiry as a whole, so that it takes up its proper task of helping humanity learn how to become wiser by increasingly cooperatively rational means. The scientific task of improving knowledge and understanding of nature becomes a part of the broader task of improving global wisdom.

In the 18th century, people in Western Europe knew very little about the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which was perceived as an odd and anarchic regime, where not only did serfdom make agriculture inefficient, it was also a pretext for neighbouring powers to interfere in its domestic affairs. Nevertheless, Enlightenment ideas, spreading little by little, raised the question of the status of the peasants in the Commonwealth. Displaying observations made by French travellers or residents (Chappe d’Auteroche, Bernardin de Saint-Pierre, Linguet, Jaucourt, Dubois de Jancigny, Caraccioli, Vautrin, Gilibert) on the Commonwealth’s peasantry, and reflections by thinkers (Mably, Rousseau, Baudeau, Le Mercier de la Rivière), the article intends to show how these authors contributed to raising the issue of serfdom in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the public sphere, and evaluates their influence on readers both in the Commonwealth and abroad. Although the social and political conditions were not yet there for the complete liberation of the serfs, the littérateurs’ reflections were food for thought for the Polish-Lithuanian elite. Had the Commonwealth not been partitioned, progressive ideas would have taken root, little by little, and the peasants would have gained personal and civic rights, becoming full citizens of their country. Our survey aims to set forth little-known authors, expanding the knowledge of French literature devoted to the 18th-century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and broadening the historiography on the peasant question in the Commonwealth. The article encompasses: I. French travellers and residents’ accounts of the peasantry of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth; II. French educators’ intervention in the debate on serfdom in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth; III. The reflections of Philosophes and Physiocrats on serfdom in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth; IV. The reception of French littérateurs’ writings on serfdom in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

Associating the concept of civil society with stakeholder theory has become a common practice. The point of view put forward here attribute paternity of the stakeholder theory essentially to Freeman as a strategic framework for business studies and practices (1981, 1983, 1984, 1985, 1987, 2001, 2004), as a strong framework for political and moral philosophy (1988, 1994, 1998), as an inescapable framework for business ethics (2000). In order to take into account the advancement bringing by Freeman, the intention of this article is to demonstrate the degree to which stakeholder theory can be considered as a theory of civil society, which in turn is a theory of business. The argument will be based on the following points: Stakeholder theory occupies an intermediate position between strategic management and political philosophy in that it presents a new form of sovereignty, the sovereignty of big business; Stakeholder theory is a strategic theory; whether it legitimises, relativises or neutralises the sovereignty of the firm, it conceptualises and situates it in relation to other models; Stakeholder theory can be understood as a theory of civil society for the 21st century but it cannot be a substitute for a civil society theory devised in the 19th century; Stakeholder theory can thus be considered as affording a strategic perspective that, although somewhat unfamiliar, serves as the foundation of business ethics.

In this bibliography “Greek and Roman political philosophy” is taken to mean philosophical reflection on politics in the Greco-Roman world from the 5th century bce to the 5th century ce. More particularly, ancient political philosophy involves reflection on the establishment of political institutions and laws; the nature of political rule; central social and political concepts such as liberty, justice, and equality; the rights and duties of citizenship and its relationship to a flourishing human life; civic education; and the different possible forms of constitutions or regimes. Scholars frequently distinguish political philosophy from political thought. Political thought encompasses any thinking about politics at all and may be expressed through a wide range of media and literary forms, from epistles to comedy to inscriptions. Political philosophy represents thinking about politics that is more specifically theoretical and systematic in nature. Thus, political philosophy may be seen as a subset of political thought. Because this bibliography is concerned with the narrower of the two categories, it focuses primarily on philosophers and theoretical discourse. This focus also informs the general organization of this entry, which adopts a chronological, author-by-author approach rather than the thematic approach sometimes utilized by historians of political thought. This bibliography covers Early Greek, Athenian, Hellenistic, Roman, and Early Christian political philosophy, extending from the Presocratics to St. Augustine.

The article describes the object, subject, main properties, tasks and functions of the science "constitutional innovation". It is a science that studies the implementation of constitutional ideas developed by political philosophy in the life of society. This implementation is carried out throughout the world, in individual countries and at the local level. Based on the subject of the study, the structure of the science "constitutional innovation" is described. Within it, a general theory is distinguished, which studies the laws of the transition of the world and individual countries from the pre-constitutional system to the constitutional one. She answers questions about the possibility of transition of all countries of the world to constitutionalism, about the ways of this transition. In the course of the movement towards constitutionalism, there is usually a stage of imitation of the constitutional system. Part of constitutional innovation should be constitutional deviantology, which studies deviations from the ideals of constitutionalism, the factors that cause them. The General theory develops methods of cognition of this world process. According to the author, the study of the subject of research should be based on dialectics, a materialistic approach using the ideas of Enlightenment, modernization theories, democratic transit, diffusion theory, and conflict theory. Constitutional innovation includes the history of the world's movement towards constitutionalism. On the basis of the known regularities, forecasts of the constitutionalization of the world and individual countries are built. Constitutional innovation performs applied tasks. It helps supporters of constitutionalism to form programs for the promotion of constitutional ideas in the life of society. A separate area of research is the introduction of constitutional ideas through international relations. Constitutional countries are trying to build the whole world in their own image. Science evaluates the effectiveness of the measures applied.

[T]he libertin erudit stance has a natural tendency to undo itself, to speak the truth which it is always hinting at and denying. – Abraham Anderson There is no secret that is wholly secret. – Anne Norton In The Idea of Enlightenment , Robert C. Bartlett offers an interesting account of Montesquieu's “quarrel” with Bayle, the purpose of which is to show that Bayle and Montesquieu really agree on the end (to defang religion) and differ only on the question of means, or on strategies to realize the goal. Bartlett's larger thesis – that modern rationalism, as exemplified by Bayle and Montesquieu, is doomed to ultimate failure – is very puzzling though, for the domestication of religion and humbling of theocratic politics sought by Bayle and Montesquieu have largely come to pass in modern societies. Bartlett's adverse judgment on modern rationalism is founded on a complicated Straussian argument about modern philosophy as a betrayal of the existential supremacy of philosophy itself. This too is very puzzling, for the Enlightenment was a cultural battle between philosophy and religion, the outcome of which was an unconditional triumph for philosophy. How can philosophy not be vindicated by winning a cultural victory of such proportions? I suppose it is possible to think that it was the actual victory of philosophy over religious orthodoxy that diminished philosophy as a comprehensive engagement with the most important alternatives. (That is, ancient political philosophy is existentially superior because it still grapples with civic piety as a genuine alternative, whereas modern political philosophy tends to operate on a less grand plane precisely to the extent that religion is assumed to have been defeated as a rival basis for human self-understanding.) Another possibility is the view that philosophy was diminished insofar as its victory over orthodoxy “piggybacked” on natural science. In any case, it seems paradoxical to interpret what was historically a colossal cultural victory for philosophy as a defeat for philosophy.

Religion has always been central to explanations of the political and ideological causes and course of the English civil war. Where historians once privileged aspects of the conflict that associated it with a broader narrative about the historic development of religious toleration and parliamentary democracy, the 1980s witnessed a shift whereby it was more firmly contained within local and European contexts. More recently, there has been an effort to place the civil war within another broad context, yet one that traces its roots in the Reformation rather than its legacies in the 18th and 19th centuries. However, a question remains as to what the English Reformation meant for the relationship of civil and ecclesiastical power: in many ways this was the key issue that shaped the politics of religion in the English civil war. This essay suggests that we understand the politics of religion more effectively by situating the conflict within the wider contexts opened up by Atlantic and imperial history.