PECULIARITIES OF CREATION OF THE ASSOCIATION OF UKRAINIAN ORGANIZATIONS IN AMERICA

The article analyzes the genesis and essence of the Ukrainian national idea and defines its state and legal aspects. It is noted that the Ukrainian national idea is considered as an important driving force of the nation's development and should become the main factor in the unification of Ukrainian society, development, establishment, and protection of the Ukrainian state. It is emphasized that the Ukrainian national idea has three basic components: freedom, justice and security, which are important components of national values. Among the features of the Ukrainian national character, the love of freedom, democracy, religiosity, hard work, tolerance, and hospitality of Ukrainians stand out. The national idea matured in the deep layers of the nation's (people's) social consciousness. It is unifying because it always corresponds to the collective aspiration of the national community. It is shown that the Ukrainian national idea is the foundation of national ideology, determines the foundations of national consciousness and contributes to the development and consolidation of the state. The Ukrainian national idea is love for one's people, responsibility, concern for their better fate, well-being and dignity, it is international harmony and harmony. The Ukrainian national idea, especially today, is an important motivating factor in terms of protecting Ukraine from the russian aggressor. The Ukrainian national idea is an important concept of state formation. The Ukrainian national idea focuses on the most significant interests of the state and society, provides for their implementation and protection. The main goal of the Ukrainian nation was the creation of its own state, which would manage public affairs on the principles of freedom, justice, equality, and people's rule. The state is the result, the result of the nation's development. It is worth emphasizing that the process of the nation's realization of the need to create its own state was long and went through a number of important stages. It is noted that the Ukrainian national idea is closely interconnected with the history of statehood. Basically, the national idea and statehood came down to the struggle against national enslavement, the assimilation of Ukrainians, the struggle for independence, national self-determination, and the formation of a sovereign cathedral state. Activity aimed at forming a high level of development of the Ukrainian nation, national identity, national character, national consciousness and national character was and is a component of the Ukrainian national idea. This is also an activity for the preservation and development of the national language, culture, literature, for the creation of a national school, national intelligentsia, i.e. national revival and consolidation, improvement of the Ukrainian state. It is emphasized that the Ukrainian national idea should be realistic and concrete. It is defined in Article 1 of the current Constitution of Ukraine: "Ukraine is a sovereign and independent, democratic, social, legal state" and in its Preamble, which enshrines "the irreversibility of Ukraine's European and Euro-Atlantic course" Building such a state is the goal of the modern Ukrainian people. But today our most important goal is the protection and preservation of the Ukrainian state, victory over the russian aggressor for the sake of Ukraine's happy future. It is argued that today it is important to develop and approve at the state level the Concept of the development of the Ukrainian national idea, identity and unity, in which to define the most important tasks of the modern Ukrainian state. In this Concept, the basic vector should be the Ukrainian national idea, which forms national identity, unity and harmony in society. The components of the modern Ukrainian national idea are: the victory of Ukraine; establishment of an independent and democratic Ukraine; national unity, equality and harmony in society; high level of spirituality, culture, unity of language, history, culture; economic growth of Ukraine based on the development of agriculture, industrialization, innovation; the development of a labor society in which diligence, honesty, and the cult of education are valued, which is the basis of well-being; national security and Ukraine's participation in the EU, NATO, other authoritative international organizations, as well as participation in solving global and regional problems. Keywords: Ukrainian national idea, state formation, state, law, Ukraine.

The question, if and to what extent the Ukrainian nationalists murdered Jews in Volhynia and eastern Galicia during the Holocaust, has haunted Jewish and Ukrainian communities in various countries of the Western world during the entire Cold War. It also puzzled German historians of Eastern Europe and Nazi Germany. Historians, although in theory responsible for investigating and clarifying such difficult aspects of the past, have for various reasons not investigated them or they investigated only other aspects of the Holocaust in Ukraine. This article briefly explains how factions of the Ukrainian diaspora invented a narrative that portrayed Ukrainian nationalists as anti-German and anti-Soviet freedom fighters who did not kill or harm any Jews during the German occupation of Ukraine. In the next step, it shows how testimonies and other sorts of documents left by survivors from Volhynia and eastern Galicia can help historians understand the role that ordinary Ukrainians and the OUN and UPA played in the Shoah in western Ukraine. Finally, it asks why it took Ukrainian, German, Polish, Russian, and other historians so many years to investigate and comprehend the anti-Jewish violence of the Ukrainian nationalists, if relevant documents were collected and made accessible as early as in the middle 1940s.

This article deals with Steshenko's practical activity as General Secretary of Education. In developing the concept of the Ukrainian school, I. Steshenko took into account the state of education and those priority tasks that were put on the agenda by the advanced Ukrainian community, educational and student groups. The researcher notes that during the development of the concept of the Ukrainian school, I. Steşhenko took into account the state of education and those priority tasks that were put on the agenda by the advanced Ukrainian community, educational and student groups, the immediate Ukrainianization of education, the creation, especially in villages, of the Ukrainian Ukrainian schools of all types, about the earliest possible introduction of compulsory general education, the release of Ukrainian-Ukrainian teachers from the military service. In accordance with the educational developments of I.Stešenko, supported by the pedagogical community and the government, already in the 1917–1918 academic year, obligatory subjects were introduced in all schools – Ukrainian language and literature, history and geography of Ukraine. According to the results of the research, the author notes that in all schools the study of subjects of Ukrainian studies in the Ukrainian language was introduced and concurrently there should be organized circles for extracurricular study of literature and history of Ukraine, and the libraries of Ukrainian literature were created. Taking into account the influence of the theater on the consciousness of youth, it was proposed to arrange Ukrainian performances regularly at schools, involving students, to hold literary and musical evenings devoted to Ukrainian writers. According to the results of the research, the scholar presents factual materials on the contribution of I. Stešenko to the development of educational institutions. With the participation of I. Steshenko in September 1917, the Ukrainian Gymnasium of the Cyril and Methodius Brotherhood was opened. In the autumn of 1917, 53 secondary schools were opened by the population, including 3 Ukrainian high schools in Kyiv. These were new educational institutions, as the resistance of the Ukrainianization of existing schools on the ground was so significant that it was easier to organize a new one. In October 1917, the Ukrainian People's University, which consisted of historic-philological, physical-mathematical and legal faculties, was opened in Kiev to meet the needs of the Ukrainian people in higher education in Kyiv. The total number of students is 1,400. In November of the same year, the second higher educational institution - Pedagogical Courses was established, which later grew into the Pedagogical Academy. The new secondary school in Ukraine appearead in Ukraine thanks to his activity. The school of that period survied different intentnces cjnnectet with hetman's rule of Seoropatskiy and Rada of Peoples Commissars and in spite of hard political period, thanks to I. M. Steshenko the school of Ukraine passed the period of formation.

The lethal intentions of the Nazi Final Solution to the Jewish Question through mass murder adds a special dimension to the common and banal phenomenon of collaboration between sections of the popu...

The domestic and foreign policy circumstances of the consolidation aspirations of Ukrainians in Western Ukraine in the first quarter of the twentieth century is analyzed. The search for a common path, unification of political parties and their consolidation for the common goal of protecting the socio-economic and national-political rights of Ukrainians formed on both sides of the Dnipro River awareness of the need for unity, independence and unity in creating their own state. The ways and means of political struggle of various parties and organizations indicated the search for a common course in overcoming the denial by international structures of the existence of young sprouts of Ukrainian statehood. The reasons for its failures and the consequences for further consolidation of national- patriotic forces in Western Ukraine have been clarified. At the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth century’s, political parties and organizations in Eastern Galicia clearly outlined the program of their activities: protection of socio-economic and national-political rights of Ukrainians in the Austro-Hungarian Empire and consolidation of the Ukrainian people and intellectual structures to restore state independence and unity. Depending on the domestic and international situation, the program of actions of political parties was improved and concretized. This is the time of the First World War and the Ukrainian national-democratic revolution in the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires, with the proclamation of the Ukrainian People’s Republic and the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic, during the struggle against Poland’s attempts to annex Eastern Galicia in 1918–1923. After the decision of the Council of Ambassadors of the Entente on March 14, 1923 on the transfer of Eastern Galicia to Poland, the national and patriotic forces of the region, deeply analyzing the reasons for the defeat of national liberation struggles, tried to understand the real situation and determine further action. It is clear that various political parties and groups have assessed the causes of the defeat in their own way, as well as ways and means of overcoming this situation, offering their vision of resolving the Ukrainian issue in Galicia and all Ukrainian lands enslaved by foreign states.

After Ukraine gained independence, Ukrainian historians adopted a new approach to assessing interwar period. There appeared comprehensive monographs by L. Aleksievets, M. Kuhutyak, S. Kacharaba, O. Krasivsky, M. Lytvyn and K. Naumenko, V. Marchuk, O. Malyarchuk and many other Ukrainian scholars. Having conquered Eastern Halychyna and Western Volyn, Polish government resorted to terror and a policy of national, religious, and economic oppression. The Ukrainians living in Halychyna refused to recognize legality of Polish government. In return for this, it unleashed a reign of mass terror and arrests. The political views of time reflected deplorable post-war situation. The abuse of power practised by Polish authorities, unemployment, and economic decline enhanced a feeling of hopelessness. The idea of restoring good relations between Ukraine and Poland was becoming more and more influential among older generation. Eastern Halychyna, which was part of Poland, had to support population of Volyn, Polissya, Kholmshchyna, Pidlyashshya, who presented their demands for granting autonomy to all Western Ukrainian lands on 6 June 1920. Under new political conditions, there were no prospects for autonomy, because none of ruling political circles of Poland recognized Western national or territorial autonomy. In national liberation movement in Western Ukraine during interwar period, there emerged five main trends represented both by democratic organizations (which used legal means of struggle) and by two illegal political forces. Ukrainian nationalists and communists had radical views. The leading political forces tried to consolidate national liberation movement and to build their organizational structure. In conditions of state and legislative instability of Halychyna, Polish party tried to foster a spirit of sycophancy in Ukrainian parties. It was necessary to do it so that world could see that Ukrainians had resigned themselves to situation. The Polish political forces tried to involve Ukrainians in autonomy negotiations without actually intending to realize their promise. On 31 August 1920, sergeant majors from Ukrainian Halych Army and Sich Riflemen (Sichovi Striltsi) established Ukrainian Military Organization (UMO), which was region's reaction to Polish occupation. UMO intended to continue armed struggle for Ukraine's The radical views in Ukrainian villages reflected two political trends - Ukrainian nationalism and communism. Ukrainian nationalism was based on feeling of national inferiority, which had dominated for centuries. Both dynamic trends proposed quick and simple solutions to agrarian and political problems. As such solutions were easy for ignorant villagers to understand, it was natural that this very trend enjoyed poorest villagers' support. The opposition of various liberation conceptions testified to crisis of Ukrainian social and political movement. Each of political teams had its own goal, struggle forms and methods. Random civil disturbances had no common objective, which was advantageous for Polish government. The region's difficult religious situation prevented Ukrainian community from consolidating their actions. The fall of Ukrainian statehood, refusal to cooperate with Polish government, and injured feeling of national identity urged active strata of Halych society to consolidate with a view to struggle for state independence. The historical circumstances made national forces search for grounds for political and ideological unification. On 11 July1925, inLviv, there was an all-party congress, where a new political force was created - Ukrainian National Democratic Union (UNDU). The party, which found itself in centre of social and democratic life, displayed a strong opposition to Polish occupation of Western Ukraine and a readiness for a compromise with Soviet Ukraine. It was supported by priests from various faith communities, intelligentsia, students, workers, citizens, villagers. On eve of World War II, Eastern Halychyna and Western Volyn got caught in the crossfire from Poland's imperial policy and myths of communist paradise in Soviet Ukraine. The Bilshovyk policy of modernizing society on class grounds appealed to poorest rural strata. Communist ideology had a certain impact, and tens of thousands of repressed patriots from Halych fell prey to it.

The study analyzed the role and significance of the Ukrainian national idea (UNI) and national ideology for the establishment of independence, in particular, for the spiritual victory of Ukrainians in the Russian-Ukrainian war. UNI is considered not only as a response to socio-political and economic problems of the Ukrainian nation’s development, but also as a multi-aspect – existential, metaphysical, global – challenge. In order to resolve this complex of problems, a fundamental rethinking of views on human and society and the mechanisms of their interaction was carried out. The essence of the author’s theory of stages of the person’s spiritual development has been formulated as a metaphysical theory of personality, that has a historic-philosophical tradition originating from ancient Chinese and ancient philosophy. A person in the process of his socio-political and spiritual development is able to go through the following stages of spiritual formation: dependent, mediocre person, personality and genius, although he can stop at lower stages of development. On this basis, it is proved that there can be only two paradigms of human existence: either impersonal or personal, and their fundamental features are formulated. The concepts of equality and spiritual hierarchy have been carried out. Skovoroda’s idea of unequal equality is interpreted as a combination of equality and hierarchy: civil-political, legal equality and spiritual hierarchy. It was offered to prioritize the spiritual and metaphysical theory of personality as the basis of UNI, in which the last one is the substance, that is, the primary carrier of social existence. UNI appears as a response to the dominance of the mediocre person and the depersonalized paradigm of his existence, as a unity of primary principles and primary sources (personalities), who are their creators and actors. Such understanding of the Ukrainian idea provides grounds for a holistic solution to the socio-political, existential, pedagogical, historical, and metaphysical problems of the nation and has the prospect of spiritual improvement of the covital society. On the basis of metaphysical theory of personality and UNI, the main provisions of the national ideology were formulated, the purpose of which is to form a critical mass of ethnically conscious personalities. It is argued that a military victory requires the establishment in the public consciousness of the fundamental provisions of the UNI and the ideology of personalism. It is offered to put the guiding principles of the UNI and the ideology of personalism as a framework condition of the social contract, that will contribute to overcoming impersonal tendencies in Ukrainian society.

M. Sergeyev’s article “Ukrainian National Idea in the Modern Ukrainian Media Space” states that modern Ukrainian philosophical thought tries to get rid of the flaws and stereotypes of its one-sided orientation “to the East” and tries to establish a European orientation in the minds of Ukrainian citizens. The theoretical proof of the new worldview took place throughout the formation of the Ukrainian state from Little Russia to Ukraine and presents its actual struggle for independence. It is an integral concept that reflects the process of forming theories and views of prominent Ukrainian thinkers on the place and role of Ukrainians in the becoming and development of an independent Ukrainian state. As O. Zabuzhko emphasizes, “all Ukrainian philosophical, historical, sociological thought of the past and our centuries (including the diaspora) is permeated with the sacred idea of nationalism”. The author concludes that the logic of the historical development of the Ukrainian national idea reveals only one model of its socio-political future, which implies the need for Ukraine’s integration into the European and world community. This path requires the moral and political readiness of the entire Ukrainian society for its implementation and prevents the emergence of any other - alternative ideas. Solving this problem is complicated by the need to return to Ukraine the temporarily occupied territories of Crimea, Luhansk and Donetsk regions. Of course, this model will lead to significant political and economic tensions in society (the final severance of economic relations with Russia, the closure of non-competitive industries, the outflow of labor to the west). At the same time, the orientation of the Ukrainian national idea to the west will increase competition in all branches of production and will be a condition for further self-improvement of Ukrainian society.

The article examines the historical prerequisites for the formation of the ideology of Ukrainian nationalism, analyzes its main provisions, and its impact on the foreign and domestic policy of the independent Ukrainian state. The Ukrainian national idea was formed in the late 19th first half of the 20th century. It was based on three fundamental provisions: the Russian state is the enemy of Ukrainian independence and therefore in the interests of Ukraine its weakening, and even better disintegration; the Russian population in Ukraine is a very serious obstacle to the formation of an independent Ukrainian state, and therefore it should be assimilated; the independence of the Ukrainian state can be guaranteed only by close cooperation with European countries, which will help it in defending its independence in the confrontation with “Asian” Russia, as Ukraine is a European country, part of Europe. On the basis of these ideological provisions it was supposed to form a Ukrainian identity. As the article emphasizes, the national Ukrainian idea in this form contains a very large charge of conflict with Russia, inevitably leads to a clash of their geopolitical interests. The proclamation of Ukraine’s independence in 1991 meant the emergence of a second Russian state, whose population had to be transformed into a Ukrainian nation. The ruling political elite of the country with the support of the Ukrainian intelligentsia as the ideological basis for the construction of the Ukrainian nation state and the Ukrainian nation adopted the basic tenets of the Ukrainian national idea, which was formed in the first half of the 20th century and put them at the basis of its foreign and domestic policy. All Ukrainian Presidents, though with varying degrees of determination and consistency, implemented them. Kiev’s policy of strengthening the country’s independence implied independence from Russia, which is seen as the main threat to the national security of the young Ukrainian state. The article states that the presidential elections of 2019 and the defeat of P. Poroshenko showed that the majority of Ukrainian society does not accept such an identity. They need an identity on other principles, which in Ukraine have not yet developed and are not visible. So far, there are no political forces, political party, that could formulate them and put them in the basis of statehood and nation-building. The current President V. Zelensky in his policy is guided by old ideas and visions. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the formation of the New Independent States, Russia did not immediately realize the scale of the challenges and threats to the country’s security from Ukraine. Sobering occurred under the influence of the “Orange Revolution”, when Kiev abandoned the policy of multivectors and began to pursue a pronounced pro-Western policy. At the same time, Moscow begins to realize that it will not be able to enter the community of democratic states on its own terms, and begins to position itself as an independent center of power, opposing the West. Strengthening its positions in this confrontation, it connects with the consolidation of the post-Soviet states around itself within the framework of integration projects, first EvrAzES, and then the EAEU. Moscow linked their successful implementation with Ukraine’s participation in their implementation, because it believed that without it these projects would not be effective. However, Kiev did not want to support these plans, focusing “on entering Europe”. According to the author, from that moment the foreign policy strategies of both countries began to differ in principle and the two countries from strategic partners turned into geopolitical rivals. The West supported Kiev in its pro-Western foreign policy, considering it as an element of deterrence of Russia’s great-power ambitions. Both Moscow and the West tried to drag Kiev to their side. The coup d’etat carried out by nationalist forces in Kiev in February 2014 seemed to mean the West’s victory in this peculiar tug-of-war. In response, Moscow annexed Crimea and supported the struggle of the self-proclaimed DPR and LPR against the Kiev government. As a result, Ukraine has embarked on a tough confrontation with Russia, seeing it as an aggressor and an enemy. The author of the article comes to the conclusion, that overcoming the confrontation between them will take a lot of time and effort and for the foreseeable historical perspective the relations between them will be based on the principles of the zero-sum game. In these circumstances, there is no need to talk about partnership and cooperation, as it is a question of relations between two hostile States. The most that can be expected is to maintain a “cold peace” between them. But such a state can be achieved only if relations between Russia and the West are normalized, and a new Cold War is eliminated.

In the article, the formation of national beliefs of the well-known Ukrainian public and political figure Oleksandr Cherniakhivsky at the end of the XIX-th century has been analyzed. The significance and influence of the Ukrainian Hromada and its most famous representatives, V. Antonovych, O. Konyskyi, on the development of young O. Cherniakhivsky’s outlook and the formation of his attitude towards the ways of solving the Ukrainian issue in the Russian Empire have been considered. Also, the article analyzes the participation of O. Cherniakhivsky in various cultural, educational and scientific projects in which the scientist had an opportunity to realize that the destructive national policy of the Russian Empire hindered the development of the Ukrainian nation as well as other peoples of the state. On the basis of archival materials and unpublished sources it has been revealed that O. Cherniakhivsky perceived his membership in the "Brotherhood of Tarasivtsy", the participation in the Kyiv Old Hromada, and the organizational work at the Ukrainian Scientific Society in Kyiv as a personal contribution to the development of domestic science and, generally, as an opportunity for the Ukrainian people to prove their right to exist as a whole nation in spite of resistance from the Russian power. Furthemore, the social and political convictions of O. Cherniakhivsky and their continuous evolution during the revolutionary period of 1917-1918 and the struggle for independence in 1918-1921 have been investigated. It has been revealed that at that time he gave up the method of revolutionary struggle. Instead, he chose the evolutionary preparation of compatriots to the formation of their own statehood through the establishment of major public institutions such as the Ukrainian People's University, the Medical Faculty, and the Association of Ukrainian Doctors, etc. Moreover, O. Cherniakhivsky considered an established system of scientific knowledge and terminology to be a necessary ingredient of the development of the Ukrainian nation. Therefore, throughout all his life he was engaged in the improvement of scientific dictionaries, terminology and popularization of the Ukrainian scientific language.

In January 1919, the Paris Peace Conference began for the establishment of the world post-war order and solution of territorial conflicts and new national borders. Ukrainians, having proclaimed an independent state, hoped for the legal recognition. The negative attitude of the Entente states to Ukraine aggravated this situation, as well as the retreat of the UNR and ZUNR armies under the pressure of Bolshevik on the east and Polish troops on the west, that were not allies. These states wanted to establish their political domination on the Ukrainian lands. The necessity of the international recognition of the Ukrainian state had required the leadership of the UNR and ZUNR to pursue a common foreign policy. The Ukrainian delegation arrived in Paris very late and without an official invitation. The author determined that united Ukraine was represented by diplomats of different political orientations whose professional background did not suit the level of the tasks of the Peace Conference. A large number of members of the delegation have complicated the situation of Ukrainians at the conference because of different political and ideological positions. The case of Western Ukraine was on the agenda almost all the time, and united Ukraine was mentioned only sporadically. Therefore, the Galicians, hoping for the implementation of the principles of the Woodrow Wilson points, tried to act separately from the joint Ukrainian delegation. They issued their own papers and appeals, which often contradicted the statements of the joint Ukrainian mission. Eventually, the internal confrontation led to a split of the joint Ukrainian delegation, and in December 1919, Galician representatives Vasyl Paneiko and Stepan Tomashivsky dismissed from the joint delegation. As a result, the delegation did not fulfill the task: The Entente had never recognized the sovereignty of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. The pessimistic attitude towards the Ukrainians of the Entente states, the domestic split of the Parisian delegation, and the inability to clearly represent “the Ukrainian issue” did not bring the success. Despite this, Ukrainians denied part of Entente’s stereotypes and were able to outline some issues, especially concerning Eastern Galicia. Keywords Paris Peace Conference, Ukrainian People's Republic, West Ukrainian People's Republic, Eastern Galicia, diplomacy.

According to rough calculations, the Soviet authorities repressed 3-4 times more people than the Nazis in the German occupation zone, where the population was almost twice as large as in the territories annexed to the USSR. The large-scale repressions of Stalinism had all the signs of being classified as a crime against humanity under international law. The unification of Ukrainian lands within the Ukrainian SSR is assessed ambiguously.After the events of September 1939 and June 1940, the western Ukrainian lands of Northern Bukovyna and Bessarabia joined Soviet Ukraine. Politicians and historians of that time assessed this fact as the fulfillment of the eternal dream of many generations of Ukrainians to reunify in a single Ukrainian SSR. The arrival of the Red Army was interpreted by them as «liberating». From today’s point of view, two opposite historical events merged in these fields: on the one hand, the realization of Ukrainians’ aspirations for the concentration of all ethnic Ukrainian lands in a single state; on the other – brutal disregard for the norms of international law, undisguised aggression, which was met with an unfavorable attitude from the Western states. The forced integration of Western Ukraine, Northern Bukovyna, and Bessarabia into the system of «barrack socialism» that prevailed in the USSR was accompanied by unprecedented repression, violations of laws and human rights, and deep social, economic, and spiritual deformations. Starting from the end of 1939, at first slowly, and then with increasing speed, at the end of 1940 and further in the first half of 1941, the flywheel of terror was spun, which became especially brutal in the second stage of Sovietization after the expulsion of the fascist troops, which led to the full Sovietization of the annexed regions.For the first time in several centuries, Ukrainians found themselves within the borders of one state, but the repressive regime convinced most Western Ukrainians that the future did not lay in such a union, but in the creation of an independent, united Ukrainian state. Apparently, with this in mind, the prominent Ukrainian artist O. Dovzhenko noted in his diary in 1942: «Ah, if I had enough strength and time, I would write a novel about the liberation of Western Ukraine, about the reunification of our peoples... And as Ukrainian people, I actually had nothing to do with it...».

In the scientific article based on a comparative study, it was traced how the economic potential of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic, which was to become the basis of Ukrainian Statehood, was distributed and used in geopolitics by the world leaders. The main purpose of the study is to analyze the development and use of the economic potential of the Western Ukrainian lands to ensure the independence and unity of the Ukrainian state. The natural resources of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic did not contribute to the establishment of a united and independent Ukraine. Instead, they became statistics and grounds for the reasoning of independence of the Western Ukrainian lands in diplomatic documents at the Paris Peace Conference. The Unification Act between the Ukrainian People's Republic and the Western Ukrainian People's Republic did not become the basis for the final unification of two parts of Ukraine. Events of the Ukrainian-Polish war, the decision of Council of Ten at the Paris Peace Conference, Warsaw Treaty assisted intruding and claim of Polish power in East Galicia. Since it was to proceed in the dictator of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic Yevhen Petrushevych regardless of Western Ukrainian People's Republic, a diplomatic action, it is created 14 emergency diplomatic representations and legations, in separate countries strategic interests of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic presented the financially-trade representative offices of Western Ukrainian People's Republic. Fight of government Western Ukrainian People's Republic in exile and President of Ukrainian National Advice Yevhen Petrushevych during 1919 - 1924 were sent to proceeding in the independence of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic. The effort of that time building the Ukrainian state system in different parts of Ukraine became a headstone for the revival of the newest Ukrainian state. Western Ukrainian People's Republic's natural resources were attractive in world geopolitics. The economic potential of Galicia allowed bringing ratings at the foreign market. That is why an international association interest was folded by resources, but not unity and independence of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic. Including of Western Region to the Ukrainian People's Republic, which had considerable potential too, was pre-condition to the prosperity of the well-educated state. Fight for a claim of the own state system for the Western Ukrainian People's Republic (Western Region of Ukrainian People's Republic) quickly grew into a fight for survival. Statesmen of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic often were inconsistent in the decision of the "Galician question," and they were connected by a general fight for proceeding in the independence of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic. The diplomatic representations of the Ukrainian People's Republic and the Western Ukrainian People's Republic organized powerful activity for the maintenance of Ukrainian collegiality and independent status, though the international state of affairs was not on a benefit to the young state. The current Ukrainian collegiality and statehood have the durable historical tradition stopped up previous building the states, payment of every fighter for the Ukrainian statehood provided its revival and continued the persistence in the development of the newest Ukrainian state. Keywords legation, diplomatic representation, economic potential, natural resources, Western Ukrainian People’s Republic, Ukrainian statehood.

An activity of the Ukrainian Workers and Peasants Union (UWPU) headed by Levko Lukyanenko in West Ukraine at the end of the 1950s to the beginning of the 1960s was a manifestation of the struggle for independence of Ukraine. Contemporary historiography studies the UWPU’s activity in the context of looking for new forms and methods of the political resistance to the Soviet system in West Ukraine without using the ideology of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists. The result of the struggle depended on the ability to consolidate a whole society by the leaders of the national liberation movement. In the article we shall study the ideas about unity of the Ukrainian society and potential factors of its consolidation in the program documents of the UWPU. A task in hand of the UWPU was “to unmask before workers and peasants an irreconcilable opposite of their interests and the interests of the bureaucratic officialdom as well to compel the direction to comply in the sphere of increasing freedoms of people. Nevertheless an addition complication in the UWPU’s propaganda in West Ukraine was Lykyanenko’s and Kandyba’s, the leading members’ belonging to the system of the Soviet justice which was a part of the party and state structure and estranged deeply from people. The UWPU proclaimed a start of a new stage of struggle for the independence of Ukraine by the most conscientious workers and peasants which are united all over Ukraine and do not communicate with each other. The struggle of the UWPU for Ukraine’s secession from the USSR should be peaceful and according to the Soviet constitution on the tactic and ideological grounds. The UWPU has thought that the idea of the independent Ukraine is only one possible idea which could unite the whole Ukrainian people, exploited by the Russian Soviet colonialist polotics workers and peasants deprived of their rights. The programme of the Union opposed the whole Ukrainian people to the Ukrainian Communists, the representatives of the party and state officialdom, as obedient representatives of the colonial administration. The members of the UWPU, high-principled Marxists, proclaimed their unstinting support the struggle of the Ukrainian Uprising Army for the independence of Ukraine and blamed an armed repression by the Soviet state the Ukrainian underground in West Ukraine. Taking into account the Ukrainian people changed during centuries of slavery and a social oppression the UWPU’s programme does not only presume to challenge the presence of the protest potential of the Ukrainian people but also affirms that in time the Ukrainian people’s aspiration to independence develops widely and its struggle for the independence becomes fiercer. The UWPU suggests to campaign among workers and peasants for the uniting the whole Ukrainian people for the struggle for Ukrainian state independency, as well to win representatives of other nationalities which live in Ukraine, and fight for general democratization of the state structure in the USSR

The report reconstructs how one hundred years ago the world's largest powers, primarily France, Great Britain, Japan, the Kingdom of Italy, and the United States, began to build a new Versailles-Washington system of international relations, which consolidated territorial changes as a result of the First World War and the collapse of the German, Ottoman, and Austrian-Hungarian and Russian empires. The geopolitical prerequisites and consequences of the Resolution of the Council of Ambassadors of March 14, 1923 regarding Eastern Galicia are analyzed. It has been proven that the principle of self-determination of peoples, proclaimed by world leaders, did not become the basis of post-war national-state demarcation, in particular in Central and Eastern Europe. Therefore, with the support of the Entente, the Ukrainian ethnic territory (conciliar Ukrainian People's Republic) was redistributed by Poland, Romania, Czechoslovakia and Bolshevik Russia, which concluded the Peace of Brest with defeated Germany and was in international isolation for some time. The countries of the West did not believe in the state efforts of the disunited political elite of the Ukrainian People's Republic of Ukraine and the Western Ukrainian People's Republic, as well as in the monarchical plans of the Hetmanate, which manoeuvre between German and White Guard post-war strategies. The Entente countries assigned the role of a sanitary border against the possible expansion of Bolshevik Russia (later the USSR) to the revived Poland in 1918, with which France concluded a political agreement and a military convention in 1921. The postwar Eastern European borders, in particular between Poland and the USSR along the Zbruch River, were «legitimized» by the Peace of Riga in 1921, as well as by the resolution of the Entente Council of Ambassadors in 1923, which marked the foreign policy defeat of both the Ukrainian People's Republic and the Western Ukrainian People's Republic, as well as the end of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1914–1923 It was established that Warsaw ignored the international demand to grant national-territorial autonomy to Ukrainians, instead dividing the region into three voivodships even before the specified resolution. Keywords: Ukraine, East Galicia, Poland, countries of the Entente, geopolitics, military occupation, political parties.