Passing the mic: black/queer/femme poetics in New Orleans bounce music

Theorize for What? Reading Black Queer Film and Popular Culture Jennifer DeClue (bio) Still and moving images of black queer sexuality abound in our contemporary moment and bountifully elicit black queer theories of embodiment, temporality, and desire.1 The condition of non-heteronormativity that coheres to national black belonging is a conduit for the imminent, pervasive, and insidious vulnerability to state violence that imperils all black people. The vector of blackness bends, shapes, and refracts violences that circulate through the brutality of gender production, the myriad traumas of sexuality, the virulence of class stratification, and the occlusion of black needs around ability and care. The cultural consumption of blackness makes inescapable the history of black valuation and commodification and makes unmistakable the ties between black worthiness, black pain, and black fascination. These conditions produce a queer blackness of being made evident in films and works of popular culture that conjure scenes of black resistance, black queer desire, and black love and tenderness.2 Black queer cultural production allows for luster, sensuality, and pleasure to not simply rest in our imaginations but be made material, felt and seen. The way that images of black corporeality are made delectable and voraciously consumed is beyond the control of the makers, but all is not lost, this is where black queer theory can issue a measure of redress. In the most capacious and insightful ways, black queer theory names and meticulously analyzes targeted, covert, and free floating anti-black heteronormative impositions that mean to limit our recourse, mistake our glamor for digestibility, and threaten our lives with impunity.3 As Cathy Cohen explicates in her foundational article, “Punks, Bulldaggers, and Welfare Queens: The Radical Potential of Queer Politics?,” “queer” lives into its radical potential when it refers not simply to sexuality and gender, but describes a political commitment full of coalitional possibilities [End Page 43] and strategies that join together to dismantle mechanisms of systemic oppression and upend limiting conceptions of freedom.4 My understanding of the urgency of black queer theory is informed by the ways that it carries with it that unabashed defiance of dominant power that has given “queer” its radical charge. In considering the stakes of black queer theory and its relationship to black queer film and popular culture, attention to black trans theory and representation is essential. It must be stated, unequivocally, that the vulnerability of trans visibility is lethal. The murders of black trans women and men continue, with no end in sight. To theorize visual culture and black queerness is to theorize visibility and black transness and contend with the bind of representation that puts black trans and queer people’s lives in jeopardy. This analysis of black queer theory, film, and popular culture is meant to work in concert with black trans theory. The anthology Trap Door: Trans Cultural Production and the Politics of Visibility, edited by Reina Gossett, (Tourmaline), Eric Stanley, and Johanna Burton, brilliantly and incisively theorizes the trap of trans visibility.5 C. Riley Snorton’s Black on Both Sides: A Racial History of Trans Identity brings black trans history into contact with a black trans present through a theoretical treatment that produces a rigorous and imaginative intervention into black studies and trans studies.6 Both Trap Door and Black on Both Sides balance their examinations of the racialized gender terror of the past and the racialized gender terror of the present with a world-making impetus that shapes trans futures. The radical world-making possibilities that emerge in black trans and queer theory call to me, and I reel with a desire that lurches toward the future as I reach back toward a beckoning past. The fiftieth anniversary of the Stonewall Rebellion, celebrated in the summer of 2019, is a stirring reminder of the indelible truth that trans women of color inaugurated our contemporary queer movement with their acts of resistance. The trans coalitional movement building work of S.T.A.R, founded by Sylvia Rivera and Marsha P. Johnson in 1970, imagined a future that included gender self-determination, the end of police violence, the end of exploitation by the medical industry, and food, shelter, and education for all; we...

This review examines the relationship between exogenous sex steroids and cardiovascular events and surrogate markers in trans (transgender) people. Data from trans populations is compared to data from postmenopausal women and hypogonadal men when appropriate. In an age-adjusted comparison with cisgender people, trans people appear to have an increased risk for myocardial infarction and death due to cardiovascular disease. It is uncertain whether hormone therapy in trans people affects their risk of stroke. In studies that followed trans people on hormone therapy, the rates of myocardial infarction and stroke were consistently higher in trans women than trans men. There is strong evidence that estrogen therapy for trans women increases their risk for venous thromboembolism over 5 fold. Extrapolating from studies of hormone therapy in postmenopausal women, transdermal estrogen likely carries a lower risk for venous thromboembolism than oral estrogen. Regarding red blood cells, testosterone therapy increases hemoglobin in trans men, and lowering testosterone in trans women has the opposite effect. Regarding blood pressure, the effects of hormone therapy on systolic blood pressure in trans women are inconsistent, with most studies showing an increase. In trans men, testosterone therapy consistently increases systolic blood pressure and may increase diastolic blood pressure. For lipids, hormone therapy may increase triglycerides in both trans women and men. In trans men, testosterone therapy also may increase LDL-cholesterol and decrease HDL-cholesterol.

A narrative systematic review of sexualised drug use and sexual health outcomes among LGBT people.

IntroductionEducational workshops are a promising strategy to increase healthcare providers’ ability to provide gender-affirming care for transgender (trans) people. This strategy may also reduce healthcare providers’ stigma towards trans people...

IntroductionInternationally, trans women are disproportionately impacted by HIV, encounter specific barriers navigating safer sex and face inequities accessing HIV prevention, including pre‐exposure prophylaxis (PrEP). Aotearoa/New Zealand (hereafter Aotearoa) was one of the first countries internationally to publicly fund PrEP in 2018, including for trans people. However, few data exist on PrEP awareness or sexual negotiation among trans populations to guide implementation. We present the first Aotearoa data on trans people's ability to negotiate barrier protection and awareness of PrEP efficacy and availability.MethodsWe used data from a large, diverse community‐based nationwide survey of trans (including non‐binary) people in Aotearoa: Counting Ourselves (N = 1178) conducted from 21 June to 30 September 2018. Generalized regression analyses were carried out among participants who have had sex (n = 704; Mage = 32.5) to identify associations between demographic factors (age, gender and sexual attraction, ethnicity, income, education qualification and current sex work involvement) and the Trans‐Specific Barrier Negotiation Self‐Efficacy (T‐Barrier) Scale and PrEP awareness.ResultsThe mean value of a 40‐point T‐Barrier Scale was 33.45 (SD: 6.89), suggesting a relatively high perceived ability among our participants to negotiate protective barrier usages in different situations. Asian participants scored 3.46 points lower compared to Pākehā (White) participants, and trans women attracted to men (cisgender and/or trans men) scored 2.40 points higher than trans women not attracted to men. Three‐fifths (59.7%) were aware that PrEP reduced HIV risks and did not prevent sexually transmitted infections (STI) transmission, and only two‐fifths (40.2%) knew PrEP was publicly funded for trans people. In multivariate models, we found participants who were older, trans women or those with lower education qualifications were less likely to have increased levels of PrEP awareness.ConclusionsParticipants attracted to men have a higher potential need for PrEP and were more likely to report PrEP awareness and that they could negotiate protective barrier usage. However, trans women and those with lower educational qualifications reported lower levels of PrEP awareness. More trans‐competent sexual health education, drawing on the newly released PrEP guidelines, is needed to promote the benefits of PrEP in the Aotearoa HIV epidemic context, particularly for trans women.

On June 7th, 2019, Layleen Xtravaganza Cubilette-Polanco, a transgender woman from New York, died at Rikers Island while in solitary confinement. According to officials from the Department of Corrections, Layleen’s death was a result of a series of interrelated health problems. . Trans, queer, and gender non-conforming people, especially youth of colour and Black trans women, face heightened rates of homelessness, violent victimisation, barriers to housing, employment, and healthcare. These social conditions are tied to heightened engagement in survival sex work, over-policing, and surveillance of their communities. As a result, Trans and queer people are disproportionately impacted by mass incarceration, and must contend with the nexus of a system that functions on racist and colonial legal construction of gender, making carceral spaces sites of (in)visibility and death. The death of Trans people within these carceral spaces are followed by multiple discursive deaths, including the use of dead names in media, misgendering, and transphobic political debate. This paper aims to highlight and explore carceral settings as sites of death and (in)visbility for Trans and queer people and how reframing allows us to identify how (neo)liberal reforms meant to protect Trans people only entrench mass incarceration in the United States.

Review: <i>Transforming Prejudice: Identity, Fear, and Transgender Rights</i>, by Melissa R. Michaelson and Brian F. Harrison

Background Common and unique experiences of internal barriers (e.g. feeling anxious about others reactions), external barriers (e.g. inadequate bathroom/changing facilities), and gender-based bullying (e.g. from venue staff, other patrons, team members) have been observed among trans and gender diverse (trans) people in sport and fitness settings though little research has considered the potentially deleterious mental health outcomes associated with these experiences. Methods Data was derived from a national, online cross-sectional survey of trans people aged ≥16 years, currently living in Australia open between February and April 2023. Multivariate logistic regression models and postestimation orthogonal polynomial contrasts tested (dose-response) associations between sport and fitness-specific internal barriers, external barriers, and bullying experiences with mental health (past 30-day psychological distress; past 12-month self-harm and suicidal thoughts and behaviors), controlling for age and gender. Results Non-binary respondents reported the highest average number of internal barriers, external barriers, and bullying experiences relative to trans men and trans women. Trans people who reported ever being bullied or excluded based on their gender by sports team members and parents/guardians of other team members reported between 5.5 to 8.4 times increased odds of reporting a suicide attempt in the preceding 12 months, regardless of age and gender. Levels of psychological distress proportionately increased with the number of internal barriers, external barriers, and bullying episodes experienced by participants, each in a dose-response fashion. Conclusions Internal barriers, external barriers, and bullying experiences, commonly and uniquely faced by trans people in sport and fitness settings are significantly associated with increased levels of psychological distress and odds of self-harm and suicidality. Strategies to promote inclusion of trans people, particularly non-binary people, should be considered by sport and fitness organizations, especially when making policies for the inclusion of trans people in elite and community-level sport. Keywords Trans; gender diverse; sport; physical activity; mental health

The Consequences of Conflating Trans-ness and Vulnerability

Transgender Healthcare Does Not Stop at the Doorstep of the Clinic

Reports an error in "The Development and Psychometric Evaluation of the Trans Discrimination Scale: TDS-21" by Laurel B. Watson, Luke R. Allen, Mirella J. Flores, Christine Serpe and Michelle Farrell (Journal of Counseling Psychology, Advanced Online Publication, Jul 23, 2018, np). In the article "The Development and Psychometric Evaluation of the Trans Discrimination Scale: TDS-21" by Laurel B. Watson, Luke R. Allen, Mirella J. Flores, Christine Serpe, and Michelle Farrell (Journal of Counseling Psychology, 2018, Advance online publication. http://dx.doi.org/10 .1037/cou0000301), there were two errors in the Methods section of the article. In Study 1, Participants paragraph of The Development and Psychometric Evaluation of the Trans Discrimination Scale: TDS-21 for the Methods section, the gender listed at birth was incorrect in the following sentence, The majority of participants in this study identified as trans women and along a trans feminine spectrum, were assigned male at birth, White, had attained some college but no degree, and were employed full time. The correct gender assigned at birth was predominantly female. In addition, the gender coding procedures was incorrectly described. Specifically, those who identified as FAAB and AFAB were actually coded as trans men or along a transmasculine spectrum, whereas those who identified as MAAB and AMAB were coded as trans women and along a trans feminine perspective. In Study 3, Participants paragraph of The Development and Psychometric Evaluation of the Trans Discrimination Scale: TDS-21 for the Methods section, the gender identity listed in the following sentence was incorrect, The majority of participants identified as trans women and along the trans feminine spectrum, were assigned female at birth, White, had attained some college but no degree, and were students. Rather, participants primarily identified as non-binary trans. (The following abstract of the original article appeared in record 2018-35350-001.) To date, researchers assessing the role of discrimination in trans peoples' lives have relied upon measures that were developed and normed on LGB populations, culled specific items from large-scale survey data, or used more generalized measures of discrimination that do not specifically assess the unique forms of discrimination that trans people may encounter. Thus, the purpose of this three-part study was to develop and provide psychometric support for a measure of trans peoples' discrimination. In Study 1, a five-factor model emerged, which included: Microaggressions and Harassment, Restricted Career and Work Opportunities, Maltreatment in Health Care Settings, Harassment by Law Enforcement, and Bullying and Harassment in Educational Settings. Internal consistency estimates for subscale and total scale scores ranged from acceptable to excellent. Results from Study 2 revealed that a bifactor model provided the best fit to the data, revealing that the scale is essentially unidimensional. In addition, convergent and concurrent validity was supported, demonstrating significant positive correlations with another measure of trans discrimination, internalized transphobia, nondisclosure, negative expectations for the future, psychological distress, and perceived stress. In Study 3, results revealed excellent test-retest reliability up to a three-week period. Collectively, results suggested that the Transgender Discrimination Scale-21 (TDS-21) is a psychometrically sound measure that may be used to advance research on the role of discrimination in trans peoples' lives. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

[Correction Notice: An Erratum for this article was reported in Vol 66(1) of Journal of Counseling Psychology (see record 2018-66276-001). In the article "The development and psychometric evaluation of the Trans Discrimination Scale: TDS-21" by Laurel B. Watson, Luke R. Allen, Mirella J. Flores, Christine Serpe, and Michelle Farrell (Journal of Counseling Psychology, 2018, Advance online publication. http://dx.doi.org/10 .1037/cou0000301), there were two errors in the Methods section of the article. In Study 1, Participants paragraph of The development and psychometric evaluation of the Trans Discrimination Scale: TDS-21 for the Methods section, the gender listed at birth was incorrect in the following sentence, The majority of participants in this study identified as trans women and along a trans feminine spectrum, were assigned male at birth, White, had attained some college but no degree, and were employed full time. The correct gender assigned at birth was predominantly female. In addition, the gender coding procedures was incorrectly described. Specifically, those who identified as FAAB and AFAB were actually coded as trans men or along a transmasculine spectrum, whereas those who identified as MAAB and AMAB were coded as trans women and along a trans feminine perspective. In Study 3, Participants paragraph of The development and psychometric evaluation of the Trans Discrimination Scale: TDS-21 for the Methods section, the gender identity listed in the following sentence was incorrect, The majority of participants identified as trans women and along the trans feminine spectrum, were assigned female at birth, White, had attained some college but no degree, and were students. Rather, participants primarily identified as non-binary trans.] To date, researchers assessing the role of discrimination in trans peoples' lives have relied upon measures that were developed and normed on LGB populations, culled specific items from large-scale survey data, or used more generalized measures of discrimination that do not specifically assess the unique forms of discrimination that trans people may encounter. Thus, the purpose of this three-part study was to develop and provide psychometric support for a measure of trans peoples' discrimination. In Study 1, a five-factor model emerged, which included: Microaggressions and Harassment, Restricted Career and Work Opportunities, Maltreatment in Health Care Settings, Harassment by Law Enforcement, and Bullying and Harassment in Educational Settings. Internal consistency estimates for subscale and total scale scores ranged from acceptable to excellent. Results from Study 2 revealed that a bifactor model provided the best fit to the data, revealing that the scale is essentially unidimensional. In addition, convergent and concurrent validity was supported, demonstrating significant positive correlations with another measure of trans discrimination, internalized transphobia, nondisclosure, negative expectations for the future, psychological distress, and perceived stress. In Study 3, results revealed excellent test-retest reliability up to a three-week period. Collectively, results suggested that the Transgender Discrimination Scale-21 (TDS-21) is a psychometrically sound measure that may be used to advance research on the role of discrimination in trans peoples' lives. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

> What message are we sending to young people who are trans or gender nonconforming when we don’t even count them? We suggest their identities don’t even matter. > —Laverne...

In March of 2017, best-selling Nigerian author and feminist Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, in an interview with Britain’s Channel 4, was asked whether being a trans woman makes one any less of a ‘real woman?’ In the clip, which went viral shortly thereafter, Adichie responded by saying ‘When people talk about, “Are trans women women?” my feeling is trans women are trans women.’ Echoing the essentialist, predominantly white Global Northern, feminist politics of trans-exclusionary feminists (TERFs), by implying that trans women are not ‘real’ women because, as she assumes, they benefited from male privilege, Adichie set off a social media maelstrom. The publicised responses to her comments largely came from feminists and trans women in the Global North, and though many trans people from the African continent responded, with hashtags such as #ChimamandaKilledME, very few of these received any attention. As the hashtag suggests, for trans people living on the African continent, given the general lack of recourse to rights, Adichie’s words as an African writer carry considerable weight. Given this, the absence of media attention is curious. This article offers a recentring, by focusing on those voices, maligned in the broader debate – trans people from the African continent. I argue that while Adichie might be stumbling over the questions that lie at the heart of TERF politics (what does it mean to be a woman? and does it matter how a person arrives at being a woman?), trans women on the African continent have been busy reconstituting the terms of the terrain.

This paper proposes a new account of gender identity on which for A to have gender G as part of their gender identity is for A to not take G not to fit them (or to positively take G to fit them). It argues that this subjective fit account of gender identity fits well with trans people’s testimony and both trans and cis people’s experiences of their genders. The subjective fit account also avoids the problems that existing accounts of gender identity face. Existing accounts face broadly two types of problems. First, they seem to imply that trans people have gender identities different from those that they in fact have. For instance, they seem to imply that some trans women do not have a female gender identity or have not always had that gender identity, contrary to their testimony and experiences. I argue that the subjective fit account avoids this problem. Second, many existing accounts of gender identity seem to conflict with the idea that our gender identities merit respect. I argue that the subjective fit account avoids this problem because it understands gender identities to consist in normative experiences and judgments and normative experiences and judgments merit respect.