Parents' approaches to conversations with their 5– to 18‐year‐olds about the 2024 US presidential election

Neglected Tropical Diseases and the 2012 US Presidential Election

The 2020 US presidential election is still more than a year away, but the media is noisy due to the continuous registration of candidates that will face Trump in the election. Trump has already started to check is rivals through media. So far, Joe Biden and Bernie Sanders seem to have to most possibility to face Trump in the election. Sensitivity analysis was conducted to the data collected from Twitter from the year 2019. The positivity scores have been proved to effect approval ratings, they are estimated to effect the likeliness of becoming the most popular candidate. The data was compared to the past election from 2008, 2012, and 2016. The elections included the past rival background of Obama and McCain, Obama and Romney, Trump and Clinton to show how positive ratings effect the election. Tweets were collected through HTML and Python. The collected data was analyzed using SPSS and MS Excel. Data was defined into three major statuses; positive, negative, and neutral by a lexicon named Valence Aware Dictionary and Sediment Reasoner (VADER). The null hypothesis was rejected through Independent Sample T-Test, Mann-Whitney U Test, Kruskal Wallis Test to show the difference between means. Research results show who will become Trump's estimated competitor for the 2020 election.

ABSTRACTIn recent election cycles, especially during the 2020 US presidential election cycle, individuals displayed a renewed and heightened sense of civic, social, and political involvement. Voter turnout was high in the 2020 presidential election, the highest for any other presidential election since 1900. I submit that the psychological influences of populism and psychological involvement foster this high turnout. Using the 2020 American National Election Study, this article examines their influences on political behavior. It places greater focus on populism because scholars of American elections rarely test it as an individual‐level force in presidential elections and because scholars do not examine it with psychological involvement simultaneously. I find that populism and psychological involvement are distinct concepts, both boost voter turnout, and they shape vote choice and candidate affect.Related ArticlesAguado, N. A. 2022. “When Charismatic Leadership Trumps Social Networking: Searching for the Effects of Social Media on Beliefs of Electoral Legitimacy.” Politics & Policy 50, no. 5: 942–951. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12494Craig, S. C., and J. Gainous. 2024. “To Vote or Not to Vote? Fake News, Voter Fraud, and Support for Postponing the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election.” Politics & Policy 52, no. 1: 33–50. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12577Deegan‐Krause, K., and T. Haughton. 2009. “Toward a More Useful Conceptualization of Populism: Types and Degrees of Populist Appeals in the Case of Slovakia.” Politics & Policy 37, no. 4: 821–841. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00200.x

Themes of gender, gender roles and relations, and sex played major roles in the 2016 US presidential campaign and election. While Hillary Rodham Clinton’s status as the first woman presidential nom...

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the shifts in investor sentiment around the last seven US presidential elections (1988 through 2012).Design/methodology/approachInvestor sentiment is measured by changes in closed-end funds discounts, and the results are corroborated with three robustness tests, including an alternate measure of investor sentiment obtained from the survey conducted by the American Association of Individual Investors.FindingsClosed­end funds discounts are significantly diminished from two weeks before a US presidential election to a week before the election, and persist until the week after the election, suggesting an increase in investors’ optimism during that period, particularly when a Democrat is elected president. More than the particular party prevailing, however, investors appear to be more interested in avoiding the entrenchment of power since the results suggest that they become optimistic when a change in the ruling party takes place, but become pessimistic when there is power continuity in the White House. The increase in investor optimism that is observed around the time of US presidential elections is not replicated during non-election years, which seems to corroborate that the elections are indeed driving the results.Originality/valueThis paper is the first to formally examine the relation between investor sentiment and US presidential elections using closed-end funds discounts as the measure for sentiment.

A commonly held view is that presidential elections are largely personality contests, and that the candidate with the best‐liked personality wins. But is this really the case? Based on a careful analysis of national survey data from the last 11 presidential elections, this article concludes that such a view is unfounded. The most personally popular candidate does not always win in the U.S.—indeed, in recent elections, the most personally popular candidate has generally lost. Much more central to candidate evaluations, and to who emerges victorious, are perceptions of candidates’ stands on the issues.

IntroductionThe 2020 US Presidential Election captivated the US public resulting in record turnout. In the months preceding the elections COVID-19, racial injustice and the economic downturn had a daily impact on the lives of voters. In this research, we analyze the sleep behavior of Americans in the lead up to the Presidential Elections. We examine specifically the nights of the Presidential and Vice-Presidential Debates and Election Night.MethodsWe examined sleep data from the PSG-validated SleepScore Mobile Application, which uses a non-contact sonar-based method to objectively capture sleep-related metrics and self-reported lifestyle data. The data set included 123,723 nights (5,967 users residing in the US, aged 18-85, mean age: 46.6 +/- 16.7 years, 52.3% female). Data from September 1st until November 3rd were included. This covered the nights of the Presidential Debates (Tuesday 09/29/2020 and Thursday 10/22/2020) and the Vice-Presidential Debate (Wednesday 10/07/2020). Election night was Tuesday, November 3, 2020. Self-reported stress level (0-24 scale) and alcohol consumption (0-9 drinks) were measured using digital slider scales. Mixed Effect Modelling was used for analysis.ResultsThe night of the 1st Presidential debate saw a change in sleep-related behavior with users going to bed 9.5 minutes later, as compared to a regular Tuesday Night. This resulted in a decrease in both TST (11.5 mins, p<0.001) and TIB (11.8 mins, p<0.001). Interestingly, neither the the 2nd Presidential Debate, nor the Vice Presidential Debate resulted in significant differences in sleep behavior. On election night users went to bed 14.5 (p<0.001) min later on average, as compared to a normal Tuesday Night. This resulted in a decrease in both TIB (24.3 mins, p<0.001) and TST (19.2 mins, p<0.001). Self-report data showed a 13.3% (p<0.001) increase in stress level on election night and 34.4% (p<0.001) increase alcohol consumption Importantly, election night was two nights after the end of Daylight Savings Time (DST), Sunday, November 1st.ConclusionThis analysis shows the 2020 US Presidential election negatively impacted US population sleep. The impact was most pronounced on election night, but also observed following the first Presidential debate. The effect of DST on these findings is unknown but surmised to be meaningful.Support (if any):

There is growing research interest in the association between parental control and child anxiety. Parental control may enhance child anxiety and parents may exert control in anticipation of their child's anxiety-related distress. Moreover, high levels of anxiety in parents could influence the development of parental control. Whereas past reviews have solely examined the relation between child anxiety and parental control, this meta-analysis focuses on the associations between both child and parent anxiety and parental control. The associations of parent anxiety and child anxiety with observed parental control (k = 23 studies, N = 1,305 parent-child dyads) were investigated using a meta-analytic approach. Moreover, factors were identified that may function as moderators of these relations, such as parent and child gender, family socioeconomic status, child age, and design and measurement characteristics. A substantial association between child anxiety and parental control (d = .58) was found. Moderator analyses yielded the strongest effect sizes for studies with an overrepresentation of girls, for school-aged children, for families from higher socioeconomic backgrounds, and for studies using a discussion task to assess parental control. Although a nonsignificant relation was found for the relation between parent anxiety and parental control (d = .08), small but significant effects were found for school-aged children, for studies using a discussion task to assess parental control, and for samples with an overrepresentation of boys. As the direction of the association between child anxiety and parental control is unknown, future studies should use experimental designs to further explore the causal link between child anxiety and parental control.

Objective : to study the issues related to the appointment, preparation, conducting and determining the results of the elections of the President of the United States of America (by the example of the 59 th US presidential election). Methods : dialectical approach to cognition of social phenomena allowing to analyze them in historical development and functioning in the context of the totality of objective and subjective factors, which predetermined the following research methods: formal-logical, sociological. Results : apparently, Democrats and Republicans have their own views as to which voting procedures should be in place, how votes should be counted, and what a fair and accurate result is. The US history is full of ballot battles that share certain characteristics with what happened in 2020 and with how new laws are shaping the sixtieth presidential election. The US history is also replete with legal and popular efforts to expand voting rights, ensure that voting procedures are fair and objective, and ensure that those who are sworn into office were the ones actually elected. In this regard, an alert, informed, and active citizenry is absolutely essential for an inclusive, transparent, and fair electoral system in any state. The fifty-ninth presidential election reflected an extraordinarily contentious landscape. The next presidential election may be even more polarizing and there is no assurance that democratic institutions and norms of peaceful succession will hold. Scientific novelty : for first time, the article considers and analyses the issues related to the appointment, preparation, conducting and determining the results of elections of the President of the United States of America (by the example of the 59 th US presidential election). Special attention is paid to restricting ballot access, changing the voting rules, counting the votes, attacking the results and election subversion. Practical significance : the main provisions and conclusions of the article can be used in scientific, pedagogical and law enforcement activities when considering the issues related to the appointment, preparation, conducting and determining the results of the US presidential elections due in 2024.

PurposeThis study examines the influence of the presidential elections on the behaviour of US investors according to the trading activity of two of the most popular investment vehicles: exchange-traded funds and close-ended funds.Design/methodology/approachBased on the fact that investors in these two investment vehicles differ by, at least, two demographic factors that influence investment decisions, age and labour status, inferences are made about the degree of interest and the amount of trading activity that presidential elections provoke.FindingsThe evidence demonstrates that, during the last four US presidential elections, exchange-traded funds' investors trade significantly more than close-ended funds' investors during several event windows centred on the day of an election in which a republican candidate is elected. Close-ended funds' investors are more active during the election of a democratic candidate, although the statistical evidence in that regard is weak. Thus, it appears reasonable to conclude that younger investors who are gainfully employed are induced to trade by a presidential election in which a republican candidate prevails. Apparently, a democratic victory does not provoke the same behaviour.Originality/valueAlthough the relation between politics and economics is not an unexplored topic, it is not clear whether the presidential elections themselves constitute an event that triggers the trading behaviour of investors.

The aim of this paper is to make a zealous effort towards true prediction of the 2016 US Presidential Elections. We propose a novel technique to predict the outcome of US presidential elections using sentiment analysis. For this data was collected from a famous social networking website (SNW) Twitter in form of tweets within a period starting from September 1, 2016 to October 31, 2016. To accomplish this mammoth task of prediction, we build a model in WEKA 3.8 using support vector machine which is a supervised machine learning algorithm. Our results showed that Donald Trump was likely to emerge winner of 2016 US Presidential Elections.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether voters consider a candidate’s brand image when evaluating election alternatives. That is, how prominent a role does the candidate brand image have in the decision-making process? As election outcomes are behavior-driven, the goal is to examine the potential relationship between the candidate brand image, the self-brand image and voting intention. Design/methodology/approach Data were collected for the third week of October 2012 and again for the same time in 2016 – three weeks prior to the US presidential election each year. An online-based nationwide survey was leveraged, followed by correlation, regression and mediation analysis. Findings Candidate brand image has a role in US presidential elections. In addition, candidate brand image and self-brand image are significantly related to voting intention. In both elections, the losing candidate’s brand image was more of a factor when it came to voting intention, as both candidates’ brand image mediated the relationships between self-brand image and voting intention for all voters. Research limitations/implications A link between candidate brand image and voting intention was demonstrated for perhaps the first time. With results showing candidate brand image does relate to the voter’s self-brand image and voting intention, future research should investigate what other brand elements are a factor. There are undoubtedly other factors – some branding-related, others not branding-related – that go into voter decision-making. Because results were stronger for a losing candidate than a winning one, research should also examine whether this occurrence was coincidence or consistent voter behavior. Practical implications When voters considered who might best represent themselves, the brand image of the candidate enhanced the likelihood of voting for, or against, the candidate. Therefore, it is highly recommended that campaign managers understand not only the importance of their candidate’s brand image to develop and maintain a positive image among their supporters but also how to highlight what their supporters view as the negative aspects of the opposing candidates’ brand image to increase the lack of affinity for competitors. Originality/value This research demonstrates, for the first time, that candidates’ brand image is considered by voters in a US presidential election. In addition, it discovers the role candidate brand image plays in voting intention. Finally, it provides direction for campaign managers to conduct research into candidates as brands to build brand relationships with the electorate.

Unstructured text data have gained popularity in political science, owing to advancements in rigorous ‘text-as-data’ methods that allow extracting insights into election outcomes, candidates’ appeal to voters, ideologies and campaign strategies. Existing datasets on US presidential election campaign speeches are limited in size or source variation, and often contain speeches of different types (debates, rallies, official presidential events, e.g. inauguration), thus lacking consistency in their rhetorical content. The introduced dataset comprises the campaign speeches of the Democratic and Republican tickets for the 2020 US presidential election (1, 056 in total), covering the period between January 2019 and January 2021. Importantly, the dataset dictates specific criteria for the rhetorical structure of the speech ensuring consistency, critical for quantitative analysis. It has been carefully curated, yet only to the necessary extent to still be able to inform studies that require semantic or grammatical/syntactical structure. The provided corpus is hosted on Zenodo and GitHub under the CC BY-NC 4.0 license, and it aims to enhance timely studies on US presidential elections with high-quality text data.

The note briefly outlines a new model for the explanation of US presidential elections, founded on (a) recent economic growth and (b) a measure of what may be called “’the cost of ruling”. The former is based in changes in real disposable income for the period following a mid-term election, while the latter combines factors of incumbency and terms-in-office. The model is applied to data from the US presidential elections 1932-2008 and has considerable explanatory power for the variation in the incumbent party’s candidate’s share of the two-party vote (R2=0.74). The model is controlled against a number of other frequent explanations and is found to be quite robust. When augmented with approval ratings for incumbent presidents, the explanatory power increases to 83 pct. and only incorrectly calls one of the last 15 US presidential elections. Applied to the 2012 election as a forecasting model the prediction is that President Obama will win 49,6 pct. of the two-party vote.

Sentiment analysis is a technique of analyzing public opinion on a problem. The presidential election in the United States is a hot issue that will affect various aspects of the world. The goal of this analysis is to forecast the outcome of the US presidential election and to compare these results with the actual results of the polls. The sentiment analysis used in this study is the lexicon-based sentiment analysis. The method used in this research is data collection, data preprocessing, data mapping and sentiment analysis. The data in this study were obtained from Twitter taken one week before the United States presidential election was held. The model used in this research is VADER sentiment analysis. The data cleaning mechanism in this study uses a method in text mining, where the data is first cleaned of various things that are not considered important in the analysis. Furthermore, the data that can be used as material for analysis is saved again to make it easier to read the data. In the analysis, tweets from users are mapped and counted by the state of the United States of America. The result of this research is a prediction for the Democratic Party to win 22 votes over the Republican Party which received 19 votes. The results from the BBC show that the Democratic Party won with 24 votes, and the Republican Party only got 20 votes. With these results, the VADER sentiment analysis model can produce predictions following the actual results of the US presidential election.