Parenting styles and receptiveness (or otherwise) to children’s emotions in the higher social classes

Background: In addition to physical welfare, reproductive health is also vital for psychological well-being. All stages of reproduction can take place safely if reproductive health is well cared for, and it ultimately leads to the formation of healthy new offspring. The aim of this study is to know about reproductive health-related knowledge and practices in women of reproductive age in an underdeveloped area in Pakistan and to identify the associated factors that give a meaningful impact on reproductive health.Methods: A cross-sectional study was carried out among women of childbearing age in underdeveloped areas in the province of Punjab, Pakistan. A sample of 400 was taken on a random basis. All the relevant data were collected from February 1, 2022, to August 30, 2022, with the help of a structured questionnaire, designed specifically for the study, informed consent was taken from all of the participants before data collection. Questions were asked about their menstrual cycles, use of contraceptives, knowledge about sexually transmitted diseases, screening of cervical cancer, pap test, human papillomavirus vaccine, and related to home or hospital deliveries. Socioeconomic classes were defined by different income ranges per month as lower class, upper lower class, middle class, upper middle class, and upper class.Results: Ten percent of participants with education up to fifth grade have never used any method of contraception while 70% of participants who studied up to eighth grade never used the same. In lower class and upper lower class, the prevalence is 33.3% and 41.7%, respectively. The prevalence of screening for cervical cancer is 50% in married women and 60% in the upper middle class. Of women with education up to eighth grade, 65% answered with No, and the prevalence is 50% for lower-class women. Regarding the human papillomavirus vaccine, 41.7% of married women, 33.3% of women in upper class, and 50% of women in the middle class mentioned that they know about it, while 68.4% of women have education up to eighth grade and 47.4% of lower-class women answered with No. Of women with education up to eighth grade, 92.5% had one to two deliveries at home, and 68.8% of women with education up to fifth grade had three to four deliveries at home. Fifty percent of women from both lower and upper lower classes had one to two deliveries at home. Twelve women from the upper middle class had all of their deliveries at home and 20 had five to six deliveries at home. Of women with education up to fifth grade and eighth grade, 64.3% and 28.6%, respectively, had their all deliveries at a hospital; 22.9% of women from the upper class and 20% of the upper middle class also had all deliveries at the hospital, Thirty-three women who graduated from college had one to two deliveries in the hospital. All of these results are found to be significant with a p-value <0.05.Conclusion: Knowledge about reproductive health is less prevalent in women with low education and the same is for lower and lower middle socioeconomic class. The education level of women and their socioeconomic class is one of the major factors that have a meaningful impact on their reproductive health and practices.

Reports an error in "The social advantage of miscalibrated individuals: The relationship between social class and overconfidence and its implications for class-based inequality" by Peter Belmi, Margaret A. Neale, David Reiff and Rosemary Ulfe (Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Advanced Online Publication, May 20, 2019, np). In the article, the first sentence in the Social class, perceived competence, and status attainment section is incorrect due to a printer error and should read instead as follows: Hypothesis 4 predicted that relative to individuals with lower social class, individuals with relatively high social class would be more overconfident, which in turn, would be associated with higher competence ratings, and ultimately, higher hiring ratings. All versions of this article have been corrected. (The following abstract of the original article appeared in record 2019-25778-001.) Understanding how socioeconomic inequalities perpetuate is a central concern among social and organizational psychologists. Drawing on a collection of findings suggesting that different social class contexts have powerful effects on people's sense of self, we propose that social class shapes the beliefs that people hold about their abilities, and that this, in turn, has important implications for how status hierarchies perpetuate. We first hypothesize that compared with individuals with relatively low social class, individuals with relatively high social class are more overconfident. Then, drawing on research suggesting that overconfidence can confer social advantages, we further hypothesize that the overconfidence of higher class individuals can help perpetuate the existing class hierarchy: It can provide them a path to social advantage by making them appear more competent in the eyes of others. We test these ideas in four large studies with a combined sample of 152,661 individuals. Study 1, a large field study featuring small-business owners from Mexico, found evidence that individuals with relatively high social class are more overconfident compared with their lower-class counterparts. Study 2, a multiwave study in the United States, replicated this result and further shed light on the underlying mechanism: Individuals with relatively high (vs. low) social class tend to be more overconfident because they have a stronger desire to achieve high social rank. Study 3 replicated these findings in a high-powered, preregistered study and found that individuals with relatively high social class were more overconfident, even in a task in which they had no performance advantages. Study 4, a multiphase study that featured a mock job interview in the laboratory, found that compared with their lower-class counterparts, higher-class individuals were more overconfident; overconfidence, in turn, made them appear more competent and more likely to attain social rank. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

[Correction Notice: An Erratum for this article was reported online in Journal of Personality and Social Psychology on Jul 8 2019 (see record 2019-40421-001). In the article, the first sentence in the Social class, perceived competence, and status attainment section is incorrect due to a printer error and should read instead as follows: Hypothesis 4 predicted that relative to individuals with lower social class, individuals with relatively high social class would be more overconfident, which in turn, would be associated with higher competence ratings, and ultimately, higher hiring ratings. All versions of this article have been corrected.] Understanding how socioeconomic inequalities perpetuate is a central concern among social and organizational psychologists. Drawing on a collection of findings suggesting that different social class contexts have powerful effects on people's sense of self, we propose that social class shapes the beliefs that people hold about their abilities, and that this, in turn, has important implications for how status hierarchies perpetuate. We first hypothesize that compared with individuals with relatively low social class, individuals with relatively high social class are more overconfident. Then, drawing on research suggesting that overconfidence can confer social advantages, we further hypothesize that the overconfidence of higher class individuals can help perpetuate the existing class hierarchy: It can provide them a path to social advantage by making them appear more competent in the eyes of others. We test these ideas in four large studies with a combined sample of 152,661 individuals. Study 1, a large field study featuring small-business owners from Mexico, found evidence that individuals with relatively high social class are more overconfident compared with their lower-class counterparts. Study 2, a multiwave study in the United States, replicated this result and further shed light on the underlying mechanism: Individuals with relatively high (vs. low) social class tend to be more overconfident because they have a stronger desire to achieve high social rank. Study 3 replicated these findings in a high-powered, preregistered study and found that individuals with relatively high social class were more overconfident, even in a task in which they had no performance advantages. Study 4, a multiphase study that featured a mock job interview in the laboratory, found that compared with their lower-class counterparts, higher-class individuals were more overconfident; overconfidence, in turn, made them appear more competent and more likely to attain social rank. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

Social class and coronary artery disease in India

In this study, the concept of parental perspective taking is hypothesized to explain relationships between social class and parental childrearing behaviors better than parental value orientations do. Using multiple indicators for all variables in a Dutch sample of 237 mothers and fathers, we identified a structural equation model with latent variables for social class, value orientations, perspective taking, and childrearing behaviors. Results show that the level of parental perspective taking plays a mediating role between social class and parental behavior. Moreover, both value orientations and childrearing behaviors appear to be dependent on parental perspective taking. Key Words: childrearing, parental perspective taking, social class, value orientations. In socialization research, much emphasis is traditionally placed on the mediating role of parental goals and values to explain relations between social class and childrearing (Kohn, 1963, 1969, 1976; LeVine 1974, 1988). The general finding is that parents from lower social strata are characterized by more controlling and less supportive childrearing behaviors than parents from higher social strata. These differences in childrearing behaviors are explained by differences in value orientations. In lower social classes, parents give priority to conformity and obedience, rather than to autonomy and self-determination (Kohn, 1969; LeVine, 1974). Although the relationships between social class and value orientations, on one hand, and between value orientations and child-rearing behaviors, on the other hand, are consistent with these hypotheses, they are rather tenuous (Gecas, 1979). This study examines whether parental perspective taking, as a basic social-cognitive structure underlying parents' values and childrearing behaviors, can explain the hypothesized relationships between social class and childrearing behaviors better than parental value orientations. More than 30 years ago, Kohn (1959a, 1959b, 1963) hypothesized that parental values of conformity and self-determination are mediators between socioeconomic circumstances and childrearing. According to Kohn, differences in life circumstances related to the parents' occupational and social status predict differences in parental values and goals. The way parents exercise their authority was found to be different in higher and lower social classes: Parents from lower social classes were found to refer more often to situationspecific consequences of the child's behavior in discipline situations, whereas parents from higher social classes were more inclined to focus on the child's own intentions and self-control when disciplining their child. This difference in parenting behavior was found to be related to differences in goals and values. Lower-class parents emphasize more conformity to rules, regulations, and norms, and the social expectations of the environment, whereas parents from higher social strata tend to be more oriented toward autonomy and selfdetermination, and act and behave according to internalized norms and principles. These value orientations of conformity and self-determination are hypothesized to originate from the working circumstances of the parents and their occupational conditions. Working-class parents are involved in a work environment that is hierarchical, structured, and routinized. Conformity to requests and assignments is expected. Parents who are not working class, on the other hand, find themselves in a work environment with less emphasis on routine and predictable activities and with more emphasis on their own responsibility and selfdirection (Kohn, 1963, 1969). Kohn did not test the entire model being proposed. Specifically, his work failed to test whether value orientations function as a mediating link between social class and childrearing practices (Gecas, 1979). Results from other studies appear to support Kohn's hypotheses. Studies that examined the relationship between social class and parental values (Wright & Wright, 1976) showed that lower-class parents are more likely to value conformity in their children, whereas parents from a higher social class are more likely to value autonomy in their children. …

ABSTRACT. This article focuses on the analysis of some of the main concepts of social stratification, such as class and status. The paper then examines the particularities of social stratification in the US, including factors leading to the stratification of society (e.g. wealth, income, education, occupation) and the three types of social classes in this country: upper class, middle class and lower class. In comparison, social stratification in Romania is influenced by historic circumstances (e.g. ex-communist elite members identified in the upper class). There are three social classes in Romania, too, but the upper and middle class are still coagulating, while the lower class is well established.JEL Codes: A14; Z13Keywords: social stratification; class; status; US; Romania1. IntroductionThe analysis of social inequality is one of the most important concerns of sociologists, economists, scholars and many others. Inequalities have always existed and will continue to exist in human societies. Even in the most primitive communities, where wealth and property are minimal, there is inequality among individuals, men and women, young and old, and the list can go on. How certain groups in a society have became richer or more powerful than others, how unequal modem societies are, what chance someone coming from a less privileged background would have to reach the top of the economic hierarchy and for what reasons poverty still exists in developed countries - are questions that sociologists are attempting to answer in order to clarify the ways in which societies were stratified and the processes through which status was achieved.In order to draw attention to the unequal positions occupied by individuals in society, sociologists speak of social stratification - structural inequalities between different groups of people. Societies are composed of several layers in a hierarchy, the most privileged on top and the less privileged at the bottom.2. StratificationThere are four major types of stratification systems: slavery, caste, estates and class (Giddens, 2010: 263-309). Slavery is an extreme form of inequality in which some individuals are actually owned by others. Caste is associated with the cultures of the Indian subcontinent. The term caste is not of Indian origin; it comes from the Portuguese word casta, meaning race or purebred. The caste system is highly complex and structurally varies so much from one area to another, that it is not basically a single system, but a diversity of insufficiently linked beliefs and practices. Estates were part of European feudalism and consist of social strata with different obligations and rights, some of these differences established by law (the nobility, the clergy and the commoners).Class differs in many respects from slavery, caste or estates. It can be defined as a large-scale group of people who share common economic resources which strongly influence their lifestyle (Giddens, 2010:267). Unlike other stratification systems, class membership is not based on a position specified by law or by custom. Class systems are more fluid than other types of stratification, and the boundaries between classes are not clearly defined. Class membership is at least partially acquired. Classes depend on economic differences between groups of individuals (inequalities in the possession and control of material resources). Class systems mainly operate through large-scale impersonal links (e.g. unequal working conditions).Specialists in various domains consider that society is made up of a certain number of classes. According to Giddens (2010), in a society we distinguish the upper class, the old middle class, the upper middle class, the lower middle class, the upper working class, the lower working class and the underclass.The Goldthorpe class scheme is more intricate: 1) higher-grade professionals, administrators, and officials; managers in large industrial establishments; large proprietors; 2) lower-grade professionals, administrators, and officials, higher-grade technicians; managers in small industrial establishments; supervisors of non-manual employees; 3a) routine non-manual employees, higher grade (administration and commerce); 3b) routine non-manual employees, lower grade (sales and services); 4a) small proprietors, artisans, etc. …

The literature on women on board of directors provides limited insights on how the social class origins of the women executives influence their selection on corporate boards and their career trajectories. Gender research in management has narrowly focused on the disadvantages women experience in the workplace. However, women's unique and complex social identities with multiple group memberships, such as social class and work status, can lead to paradoxical experiences in the workplace, with women experiencing both advantages and disadvantages. To shed new light on the role of multiple identities for women executives in gaining board directorship, I leverage the social classification based on “caste” in India. I develop a theoretical model to show the influence of social class, work status, and social class mobility in director selection market for women executives. The model predicts four distinct profiles of women executives and their outcomes in the director labor market. By using the intersectionality of social class and work status, I propose that women executives with high work status and low social class will be able to display their authority and dominance in the workplace and craft credible professional executive images at work, and hence will be buffered from the stereotypic bias of incompetence due to gender and social class. In contrast, for women directors with high social class but low work status, high social class will mitigate the adverse effects of low work status by signaling their high social capital through their homophilic kinship ties. Moreover, the director appointments of women executives with lower work status will allow upward mobility of these director profiles and improve their future career prospects in the corporate elite.

Is a child's risk of early onset schizophrenia increased in the highest social class?

The Present study was conducted in the Department of Pediatrics of Lala Lajpat Rai &amp; Associated Hospital GSVM Medical College, Kanpur. All the children aged between 1-5 years, admitted in Department of Pediatrics were asked to participate in this study. Information regarding vaccination, socio-demographic factors was collected from their parents and care takers. Accuracy and validity of information were confirmed by immunization card in possible situation and inspection for BCG scar. Hospital based descriptive cross-sectional study.In upper class, 100% of children were completely immunized. In upper middle class, 80.8% children had complete and 19.1% partial immunization status. No one remained unimmunized in upper middle class. In lower middle class, 33.9% of children were completely immunized, 59.6% partially immunized and 6.4% remained unimmunized.Children who were 1stin birth order, had maximum immunization coverage (44.8%). Minimum immunization coverage was in birth order &amp;#62;4 (3.2%). P value is &amp;#60;0.001, indicates the significant relation between birth order and immunization status. As birth order increased, immunization coverage decreased. In this present hospital based descriptive cross –sectional study, we found that 51.2% children were fully immunized, 45.6% were partially immunized and 3.2% children were unimmunized as per National immunization schedule. Children belonging to upper class were 100% completely immunized. In upper middle class 80.8% children in lower middle class 33.9%, in upper lower class 55.7% and in lower class 50.9% children were completely immunized respectively. In lower class immunization coverage was higher than lower middle class. Droprate for BCG to pentavalent 1 was 10.64%, similarly dropout from BCG to measles was 12.7%. Dropout rate of pentavalent 1 to pentavalent 2 was 1.4%, pentavalent2 to pentavalent3 was 2.6%. It indicates that system is not able to hold the child once registered. Steps for improvement should focus on reducing the drop rate from BCG to pentavalent and measles.

This thesis is an analysis of the novel entitled "The Notebook" by Nicholas Sparks. This novel talks about social class conflicts that occur in the United States. Where two suitors from different classes compete for the one woman they love. This thesis uses a sociological approach and analyzes the distribution of social class in this novel and the social class conflicts that occur in this novel. In this thesis, the writer uses sociology of literature theory and social class theory to analyze the novel. The method used in writing this thesis is a qualitative descriptive method. This class difference is created because of the existence of social class groups, where they classify their social class, namely the upper class and the middle class. Where the upper class does not want to accept the middle class into their class. Differences in social class are measured by power or wealth, privileges and prestige that affect the position, lifestyle, habits and behavior between the upper and middle classes so that the gap between the two classes is so striking. The conflict that occurs is the gap in social status in life or family relationships. This gap affects the thinking of upper families who cannot accept any class group lower than them to enter their family. The theory used is the theory of sociology with experts Max Weber and Karl Max.

Evolución del tabaquismo según clase social en la población adulta de las Islas Canarias durante el periodo 2000-2015: seguimiento de la cohorte CDC-Canarias

Social class, coronary risk factors and undernutrition, a double burden of diseases, in women during transition, in five Indian cities

This paper tries to investigate the use of directive speech acts in different social class. Using the six types of directive speech acts proposed by Ervin-Tripp (1976), which are need statement, imperative, imbedded imperative, permission directive, question directive and hint, this paper focuses on the main male characters’ utterances from two novels; Crazy Rich Asians written by Kevin Kwan which represents upper class society and I am the Messenger written by Markus Zusak which represents lower class society. The results show that both upper and lower social classes mostly use imperative directive (42 utterances or 80%). Lower class male character uses more ‘need statement directive’ than upper class male character. Meanwhile, upper class character uses more ‘question directive’ than lower class character. Generally, upper class people use the directive as commands to their employees while the lower class character uses directive in his work as a cab driver which required him to be more direct in asking and offering the customers

Trends in social inequality in physical inactivity among Danish adolescents 1991–2014

Poverty drove Indonesian poor households (e.g. their family members) to find other livelihoods. One popular choice is becoming an international migrant. This paper describes and analyzes the change in agrarian structure which causes dynamics in agrarian poverty. The study uses qualitative approach and constructivism paradigm. Research results showed that even if migration was dominated by farmer households from lower social class; it also served as livelihood strategy for middle and upper social classes. Improved economics brought dynamics on social reality. The dynamic accesses to agrarian resources consist of (1) horizontal social mobility (means that they stay in their previous social class); (2) vertical social mobility in the form of social climbing; low to middle class, low to upper class, and middle class to upper class; and, (3) vertical social mobility in the form of social sinking: upper class to middle class, upper class to lower class, and middle class to lower class. The dynamic in social classes indicates the presence of agrarian poverty cycle, they are social climbing and sinking.