Abstract
This study examined the parenting goals and practices of Korean transnational mothers (referred to as ‘kirogi’) in order to understand how parents are preparing youth for success within a world of increasing globalization. Data are based on a cross-sectional convenience sample of Korean mothers (M age = 45.88) accompanying their youth (M age = 15.72) in the US and in NZ (N = 153). Results indicated that mothers rated youth’s educational/occupational self-development and humanistic life goals to be as important as educational/occupational achievement. Self-development and humanistic life goals were also found to be the most correlated to parenting strategies that accommodate youth, which, in turn, was the most predictive of outcomes. Discussion focuses on how globalization allows for parents with resources to find opportunities outside of their home country to achieve their parenting goals and to allow their youth to self-regulate their schoolwork successfully.
Highlights
Negotiating the need for autonomy and the need for relatedness is a central concern for healthy individual development and well-being (Deci & Ryan, 2000)
This literature review will show how the kirogi family situation commits each to a family project, and that an examination of parenting goals for youth and an assessment of parents’ endorsement of shared and non-shared agency with youth can help to understand parenting practices
Many kirogi parents have stated that they view an education in the West as one that can give their child a chance to pursue recreational and leisure activities alongside their academic work (Finch & Kim, 2012), which may be important for the development of long-term occupational goals that rely on identity achievement (Blustein, Devenis, & Kidney, 1989).the kirogi family project is focused on the child’s education in the short-term but aimed to maximize their child’s occupational choices in the long-term
Summary
Negotiating the need for autonomy and the need for relatedness is a central concern for healthy individual development and well-being (Deci & Ryan, 2000). Often the mother, accompanies the child/ren overseas to an English-language country while the other parent, often the father, remains in Korea to maintain the family income They are referred to as kirogi families because parents sacrifice their conjugal relationship for the sake of their child’s education – just as ‘kirogi’ (i.e. the word for ‘wild geese’ in Korean) are known for their monogamy and commitment to childrearing (Lee & Koo, 2006). This family context is ideal for the study of shared agency because all family members are invested in a common project over an extended and often open-ended period of time. Many kirogi parents have stated that they view an education in the West as one that can give their child a chance to pursue recreational and leisure activities alongside their academic work (Finch & Kim, 2012), which may be important for the development of long-term occupational goals that rely on identity achievement (Blustein, Devenis, & Kidney, 1989).the kirogi family project is focused on the child’s education in the short-term but aimed to maximize their child’s occupational choices in the long-term
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