Pancasila Ideology as a Field of Interpretation

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This paper aims to challenge his studies (Bonotti and Seglow, 2017; Eiedat, 2017; Fenton, 2016; Kaul, 2017; Kraidy and Krikorian, 2017; Nachi, 2016), which see religion and public sphere, but minus the context of Pancasila ideology. And perfecting his study Asrori (2016) who saw religion-in this case religious education in the context of the Pancasila ideology, but minus the study of public sphere in his study. Thus, this paper seeks to synthesize the position of religion in public sphere of Indonesia which has the ideology of Pancasila, and what is the policy alternative of the religious dilemma that is brought into public sphere of Indonesia? By using a qualitative approach, the library research method with a review of various international and national journal articles, and book reviews, this study produces at least two important findings, namely, first, religion and the state cannot be dichotomized in the ideology of Pancasila. Freedom of expressing religiosity in the public sphere becomes an embedded principle in the ideology of the Pancasila. Its implications for religious freedom in the public sphere are absolutely regulated fairly and wisely based on the principles of Pancasila. Secondly, the State and internal Religion needs to synergize in building freedom of expression in the public sphere; every religion in expressing its religiosity in the public sphere needs to pay attention to values. That is, language religion expressed in public sphere must have a universal framework that can be accepted by other citizens

Health on the agenda in Scottish independence referendum

Objective — This study aims to reconstruct the concept of Good University Governance so that it is free from the hegemony and domination of neoliberalism, which is promoted through the concept of New Public Management. Design/methodology/approach — Problem-solving in this study will use the Critical Paradigm, by applying the Pancasila ideology as a tool for solving problems. Pancasila as the original ideology of Indonesia is used as an effort to counter-hegemony and domination of ideological consensus that occurs as a result of false awareness created and disseminated through universities. Findings — Researchers developed the concept of Good University Governance (GUG) based on Pancasila as an attempt to counter the hegemony and domination of neoliberalism in the field of higher education governance. Using four domains namely General Characteristics, Funding, Research, Leadership, and Academic Staff Pancasila as the original ideology of the Indonesian nation as a tool for the restoration of praxis GUG so that it becomes a more ideal GUG. Practical Implications — This study emphasizes the importance of the original ideology of the Indonesian nation as a tool to carry out counter-hegemony actions on the ideological consensus that has occurred in a society that has been assimilated due to false consciousness indoctrinated by neoliberalism in the field of higher education. Originality/value — This study cites the essence of the theory of hegemony from critical thinker Gramsci as an entry point to understanding various inequalities that occur in the field of education. The Pancasila ideology is used as a critical analysis tool, to fight the hegemony of ideological consensus that occurs as a result of false consciousness created and disseminated through educational means. Through a critical approach, researchers want to understand how neoliberalism practices domination and hegemony in the field of higher education management, giving rise to false consciousness in society. In this way, researchers can develop this concept as an effort to fight against existing hegemony in the field of higher education governance, namely using Pancasila as the original ideology of the Indonesian nation. The GUG concept based on Pancasila is grouped into four domains, namely General Characteristics, Funding, Research, Leadership, and Academic Staff. Keywords: GUG, Pancasila ideology, Hegemony Theory, False-consciousness, New Public Management. Research Papers: Types of Paper.

This article aims to explain the values of historical consciousness and national character education as a basis for shaping social behavior to defend the nation's ideology. This research is a literature study. Pancasila ideology is an inspiration of the character and personality for the Indonesians. Nevertheless, Indonesian people are starting that ideology. If this is allowed to drag on, it will threaten the loss of the ideology of the nation. Enhancing historical consciousness values and national character education for all could help to overcome this problem.Historical consciousness consist of sense of awareness, self-knowledge about what has happened to one selves and the nation that makes humans want to self-reflect and imitate, and implement the values contained in the Pancasila ideology, namely being able and willing to have good social behavior. Meanwhile, national character education is a reflection of the Pancasila ideology. So, it is very important to provide national character education from an early age so that it is accustomed and easy to behave according to Pancasila values, namely being willing and able to have good social behavior. The values of historical consciousness and national character education have been deeply embedded in a nation indirectly reflect the strength of the Pancasila ideology. Thus, maintaining the nation's ideology can be done by forming good social behavior which is instilled through historical consciousness values and national character education

The national ideology is often utilized as a tool to legitimize governmental actions. This study seeks to examine how government elites use the Pancasila ideology to legitimize public policies in the era of the COVID-19 pandemic. Employing a grounded reflective interpretive methodological approach within the framework of postfoundational discourse, this study shows that several controversial policies implemented during the COVID-19 pandemic tended to be bolstered and justified by their alignment with the Pancasila ideology. These endeavors are chiefly undertaken by governmental actors who espouse these policies. Representing the ruling regime, these government actors consistently assert adherence to the fundamental tenets of Pancasila or self-identify as the most “Pancasilaist”. This strategy is the main characteristic of the utilization of Pancasila in legitimizing public policies during the pandemic era. Nonetheless, it is imperative to note that the prevailing political regime tends to interpret the tenets of Pancasila in accordance with their own interests. The results of this study confirm that within the context of policies aimed at managing the COVID-19 pandemic, the resultant measures have tended towards being pro-capitalist, anti-democratic, and even anti-intellectual. Nevertheless, for the ruling regime, these policies are perceived to be congruent with the Pancasila ideology. This study concluded that Pancasila is predominantly employed as a means of legitimizing actions that uphold these values.

Being a master of metaphors

“Ideology and simultaneously more than mere ideology”: On Habermas’ reflections and hypotheses on a further structural transformation of the political public sphere

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This article argues that nationalism is an essentially dual phenomenon with its crucial loci in the formal organization of the state on the one hand, and in civil society on the other. Formal nationalism is connected with the demands of the modern nation‐state, including bureaucratic organization and meritocratic ideology, cultural uniformity and political consensus among the inhabitants. Informal nationalism is identified in collective events, such as ritual celebrations and international sports competitions, taking place in civil society. Both these aspects of nationalism have been discussed in the recent literature, but it has not been common to distinguish between them. It is argued here that the two nationalisms are not reducible to each other; both are equally ‘authentic’, but they can be contradictory. Although the discussion is intended to have general relevance for theories of nationalism, it draws its empirical material from nationalist ideologies in two recently invented, poly‐ethnic nations, the twin‐island state of Trinidad and Tobago, and Mauritius.

In this chapter the account of the historical development of leisure policy of chapter 1 is linked with the discussion of contemporary policy developments at national and local levels in Chapters 3 and 4 respectively, through a discussion of the nature of political ideologies and their implications for leisure policy. There are two principal reasons for approaching the task in this manner. The first is that, while leisure policy development and innovation in social policy may have been initiated predominantly by the Labour governments of the post-war years, such measures were not rescinded by the Conservative governments which succeeded them. The politics of the post-war period up to the early 1970s have been described as the politics of consensus, or pragmatism; it was a period in which the ideological differences between the parties were marginalised. The emergence of ideological splits within and between the two major parties are a feature of the period since the mid-1970s. Although the relationship between ideology and policy goals is not straightforward, nevertheless there is a real need to clarify the implications of certain ideological positions for leisure policy. The second reason for prefacing an analysis of contemporary leisure policy in Britain with a discussion of political ideologies and their policy implications is to underline the notion that leisure cannot be insulated from politics.

This paper explores the use of the for nation-building in Nagaland by groups which have been engaged in a power struggle with the union of India. It looks at the perpetuation of Naga nationalism in the framework of Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory and Gramsci's concept of hegemony. Building upon earlier studies that have established the potential of the to promote nationalist ideologies, it brings to light how particular political are constructed and reinforced through the to address issues intrinsic to the Nagas who have historically lived independently with little interaction with non-Naga groups. The nationalist ideology placed in the context of discourse theory is methodologically approached through analysis of texts in political web sites dedicated to the Naga issue. demand for a union of all the Naga inhabited areas surrou din the present so-called neocolonial structure of Nagaland as recognised by the government of India, presents i self as a problem which has largely been ignored by the owers that be as well as the mainstream media [Bezboruah 2006]. Historically, the Naga with limited interaction with nonNaga groups re ained an independe t entity until they were annexed, first by the British and later by India (ibid). When the Naga intellect d cided to invoke nation ood, there began a power struggl that has by and large remained unm nitored by the rest of the world, including the dominant media in India. It is in this con ext that a study of Naga nationalism perpetuated through the use of the becomes significant. Today the internet as been restructur d a a generic label that refers to the electronic sys em and space where many people can present their idea to produce a new computer 're lity' which is the sum of the variou opini ns, ideas, practices and ideologies generated by millions w o use this medium [Mitra 1997]. The data has now taken the shape of perceivable messages converting the into a mass medium where are expressed, ideas are formed and opinion is generated a part of Habermas' public sphere which delineates opinion with its consequent transformation and creation of identity and identity politics.1 Drawing from B Anderson's seminal work, Imagined Communities, this paper explores the hegemonic articulation and the antagonistic dynamic between the Indian nation state and the minority Naga nationalism online [Anderson 1991]. Among the host of Naga nationalist web sites a purposive sample of three has been selected for rhetorical analysis.2

This article aims to examine the political thoughts of Islamic Nusantara Said Aqil Siraj in the Mass Media. His various ideas in introducing peaceful, polite and cultured Islamic teaching in accordance with the character of Indonesia society through the mass media received negative attacks from group in the name off Nahdlatul Ulama Garis Lucu, caliphate fighters and religious figures who lost in the 2019 presidential election. Said Aqil Siraj’s open resistance against the onslaught of haters of Islam Nusantara as a from of Islamic politics in order to introduce the essence of Islamic teachings in multicultural, ethnic, tribal and religious society through his thoughts in the mass media. This research takes the form of a research library, namely collecting data related to said aqil siraj’s statements in the mass media, carrying out classification, analysis and drawing conclusions. The research result; first, Islam Nusantara which was developed by Said Aqil Siraj is an Islam that can coexist with culture and needs each other in certain ways. This problem will have implicatiions for the understanding and characteristics of the Indonesian Islamic community in behaving, speaking and behaving according to Indonesian culture wthout giving up their identity as a muslim who is obedient to Allah. Second, Islam Nusantara has implication for the political views of Islam Nusantara, which is Said Aqil Siraj’ strategi to introduce to the public that the Indonesian political system with the ideology of Pancasila and the concept of a Nation State in the form of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia does not conflict with Islamic law.

Energy is essential for economic development of South Africa. All areas for development and economic growth i.e. reducing poverty and improving quality of life require affordable access to reliable energy services. When the challenges of energy provision to the population of a state remain unresolved, the resulting misery often leads to conflicts and violence, which in turn affect development efforts and impact on regional and global stability.The Integrated Resource Plan 2010 (DoE 2010) allocates 9.6 GW electrical generation capacity to nuclear technology. At the date of writing this paper –almost 5 years later‐ this allocation has not yet been committed to a build program. This situation is perhaps not surprising, since the National Development Plan, generally viewed as a vision and master plan for South Africa's economic development, is not supportive of the nuclear option (NPC 2011). The plan calls for further investigation into the need for nuclear electricity, citing gas and shale gas as possible alternatives for base load power generation.Against this background, the paper presents a framework for moving towards political consensus on the generation of electricity using nuclear technology. The framework builds on the notion that a “political system” can be characterized as a Complex Adaptive System (CAS). It defines political consensus by applying seven criteria which should be met for successful consensus building. These criteria, originally developed by Innes, (Innes and Booher 2009) have been thoroughly tested, and are increasingly used as a strategy to achieve consensus amongst stakeholders on complex and controversial planning and policy tasks. (Innes and Booher 2009).This paper presents a set of principles on which a political alignment framework should be founded, for example: that South Africa's economic development vision and long term economic development plan should be elevated above party political considerations; that people power is the lifeblood of a democratic society. Give the people the power of knowledge, and allow them to make their own informed decisions ‐ in this case regarding nuclear.A description is presented as to how the criteria for consensus building could be met in the South African political system. This description is informed by the development of nuclear lectricity in other political systems in both the eastern and western worlds. It further draws on the views of key political parties in respect of nuclear electricity, and proposes that political parties should implement within their own ranks, their own consensus building initiatives in respect of these national priorities.The paper concludes that if the consensus seeking framework is executed in an honest and transparent way, it could lead to consensus in respect of nuclear electricity, not only on a political but also at a national level.

This article examines the scope of discretionary powers of governor of a state in India from federal perspective and argues that they are against the principle of ‘cabinet responsibility’, an essential feature of parliamentary form of government that India intertwined with the federal constitution. These apparent anachronistic constitutional provisions were inherited from the Government of India Act, 1935, and retained with some modifications in the Constitution of Independent India as an institutional safeguard for the unity and integrity of Union of India that was formed by the merger of more than 500 princely states and a number of British administered provinces. As against the intentions of the constitution makers, the use of discretionary powers by governors has remained short of constitutional propriety, and it has been a major source of tension in centre–state relations. This has been partly because of the scope of powers itself and partly because of political factors. This article adds to various attempts of defining the scope of discretionary powers of the governor. A governor, appointed on political considerations, flippantly sets aside norms, values and constitutional propriety, expected of him in exercise of his/her powers. The lack of tenurial security makes him susceptible to the pressure of the union government. Only through political consensus, a solution can be found out to resolve this tricky issue of Indian federalism.