Organizational and National Aspects of the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine Activities in the Camps for Captured Ukrainians of the Tsarist Army in Germany between 1914 and 1918

Nowowiejski’s new book is, in his words, “an institutional history of the United States Army in Germany after World War I” (viii). Although the author notes that the army’s Rhineland occupation was an important precedent for its much more extensive occupation duties in various nations after World War II, he does not engage the literature written by political scientists on military government or on the military’s involvement in “stability operations” (4). This book instead employs the methods of social, administrative, and political history to draw a detailed portrait of the American army’s experience in its occupation zone centered on Coblenz from late 1918 to early 1923. Topics include the march of the Third Army into the U.S. zone in late 1918, where it largely demobilized and was replaced with new units designated as the American Forces in Germany (afg); the training, social, and recreational life of afg soldiers and officers; the administrative organization of the afg and its relations with the Germans under its jurisdiction; and the political and military activities of Maj. Gen. Henry T. Allen, who served as commander of the afg, military governor of the U.S. occupation zone, and the American representative to the Inter-Allied Rhineland High Commission (iarhc).Nowowiejski emphasizes that Allen, the focus of much of the book’s narrative, was “a model commander and accomplished soldier-diplomat” (9). Uncommonly for American officers, Allen had an extensive background in political–military affairs, having served as the military attaché to Russia and to Germany, the military governor of Leyte in the Philippines, and a division commander in the World War. In the American occupation zone, Allen built a highly trained and disciplined force that garnered respect from both the Allies and the Germans. With the former, he upheld American prerogatives against French encroachments on the American zone; with the latter, “he acted in the role of benevolent military governor,” defending German rights under the Versailles Treaty and protecting German property (153). Often operating without instructions from Washington, he was an effective voice for 1920s-style American internationalism in the iarhc, working against French efforts to separate the Rhineland from German sovereignty while promoting U.S. business interests and Germany’s economic recovery from the war. To a remarkable degree, Nowowiejski argues, Allen succeeded in acting “as a balancer, protecting both the French and the Germans from their own extremes” (237).Given this argument, it is surprising that Nowowiejski spends relatively little time exploring exactly how Allen and the afg perceived and interacted with German politics. To be sure, he notes that the Americans largely relied upon the existing Prussian bureaucracy to administer civil affairs in the occupation zone and “refused to recognize the people’s committees or workmen’s councils that had taken local control during the German revolution” (149). But he is silent regarding Allen’s view of the resurgence of militaristic German nationalism after the publication of the Versailles Treaty and the rise of the “stab-in-the-back” myth explaining Germany’s defeat in the war, a central idea in German politics in the early 1920s. This is a significant issue to ignore, especially since these trends in German politics had much to do with Germany’s failure to meet its treaty obligations, including an obligation to pay the United States for the cost of the afg’s occupation of its Rhineland zone.Overall, however, this book is a useful and interesting overview of the United States Army’s inaugural effort to carry out a military occupation in Europe. Deeply researched and well-written, it contains a wealth of information sure to be helpful to any student of U.S. foreign and military policy in the early 1920s, as well as to social historians interested in ordinary American soldiers of the period.

У статті йдеться про специфіку функціонування громади полонених українців у таборі Вецляр (Німеччина), вересень 1915 – грудень 1916 рр., для висвітлення чого авторами було використано значний масив документів, що зберігаються у Центральному державному архіві вищих органів влади та управління України, а також у Центральному історичному архіві України, м. Львів. Початки організованого українського життя у таборі були позначені великими труднощами через протидію чорносотенців, але завдяки наполегливим зусиллям членів Просвітнього відділу СВУ та активу полонених у Вецлярі було створено кілька гуртків та інституцій (народний театр, хор, оркестр, народну школу, кооператив та ін.). Завдяки інтенсивній культурно-освітній роботі кількість їх членів суттєво збільшилась, після чого стало можливим утворити в таборі громаду полонених українців на чолі з власними представницьким і виконавчим органами.

Reviewed by: They Called Them Soldier Boys: A Texas Infantry Regiment in World War I by Gregory W. Ball Melanie Kirkland They Called Them Soldier Boys: A Texas Infantry Regiment in World War I. By Gregory W. Ball. (Denton: University of North Texas Press, 2013. Pp. 240. Illustrations, notes, endnotes, index.) They Called Them Soldier Boys: A Texas Infantry Regiment in World War I is an impressive addition to the War and the Southwest Series from the University of North Texas Press. Historian Gregory W. Ball provides readers with an in-depth analysis of the recruitment, training, deployment and combat experiences of members of the Texas National Guard’s Seventh Texas Infantry Regiment during World War I. While the literature on the war and the American Expeditionary Force is voluminous, Ball’s contribution with this volume represents the first comprehensive study of a Texas regiment in the war. The author’s extensive research into the demographics of the regiment’s members is impressive. Utilizing primary sources, including census records, newspapers, and military archives, Ball’s study is a valuable blending of social and military history. In the summer of 1917, recruiters in fourteen North Texas counties began enlisting young men for service in the Seventh Texas Infantry Regiment. President Woodrow Wilson soon federalized National Guard units, allowing the Army to reorganize the units along War Department guidelines. Subsequently, the Seventh Texas combined with the First Oklahoma Infantry Regiment to become the 142nd Infantry Regiment of the Army’s Thirty-sixth Infantry Division. Ball’s research follows the experiences of members of the Seventh Texas as they evolved from raw recruits to seasoned combat veterans. Ball’s analysis of the supposition by many contemporaries that the contributions of Texans to the war effort was in some way “unique” will undoubtedly generate controversy amongst historians of the Lone Star State. The author’s extensive demographic data regarding the background and social status of recruits offers compelling support for his analysis. Leaders in Texas spoke of the vitality and rugged endurance that made their men superior to other soldiers. Ball challenges [End Page 94] these assertions and asks the reader to question how “the military experience of Texans in World War I clarify[ied] or sharpen[ed] that perception of a unique Texas military experience” (x). As the author demonstrates, such an analysis becomes difficult to assess due to the Seventh Texas’s merger with the First Oklahoma Infantry. Deployed with the American Expeditionary Force to France in 1918, the 142nd Infantry combined with the French Fourth Army. Ball’s research follows the Texas soldiers as they engaged the enemy. The author demonstrates that soldiers continued to express a strong connection to their local communities and their state throughout the war, effectively blending social and military history. The author makes a valuable, if somewhat limited, contribution to local Texas history as he explores the impact of the war effort on communities both large and small. For example, his research into the development of Camp Bowie and the training of soldiers in Fort Worth supports his examination of the social aspects of military organizations, as community leaders in Fort Worth strove to meet the demands of a burgeoning force. One of the most unique avenues of research the author explores concerns the contributions of Choctaws to the war effort. Assigned to the 142nd Infantry, the Choctaw code-talkers were the first to utilize their linguistic skills in a tactic made famous during World War II. This book will be of interest as much to historians pondering the social implications of war as to military historians of World War I. Ball deserves our admiration for producing a highly specialized monograph based on solid research. Melanie Kirkland Texas Christian University Copyright © 2014 The Texas State Historical Association

This study examines the co-operation between psychiatry and the army in Germany between 1870 and 1914, leading to the establishment of military psychiatry as an independent discipline. Arguing that military psychiatry played a key role in the history of modern clinical psychiatry, the paper points out how the first generation of military psychiatrists developed innovative diagnostic technologies, such as the intelligence test, and established crucial institutional alliances between psychiatric clinics, military authorities, and local and national administrations. The early history of military psychiatry marks the transition of psychiatry from a medical sub-discipline to a more generally applicable "social technology" assessing the borderline between normality and abnormality in multiple social contexts.

might assume that once the guns of the First World War had fallen silent and the armies of the Allied and Associated Powers had moved into the Rhineland to enforce the Armistice agreements, their soldiers no longer faced mortal danger. According to the United States officer corps, such an assumption would have been misplaced. US soldiers continued to face a dire threat: one that not only jeopardized their mission to occupy the Rhineland, but also placed their moral health at risk.

Book Reviews

Parmi les prisonniers de guerre de France détenus en Allemagne de 1940 à 1945 se trouvaient environ 13 000 soldats juifs. Si leur statut de prisonnier de guerre les plaçait aux marges de la Shoah, leur judéité tendait à les singulariser au sein du monde captif, où ils subirent antisémitisme et discriminations. Cette problématique identitaire et ce destin commun tendirent à rassembler ces Juifs au sein de chaque camp militaire, et furent l’occasion de l’éclosion de formes communautaires éphémères aux traits diasporiques.

This chapter focuses on how the First World War represented a major turning point in the history not only of the Jews, but also of Europe and the wider world. The First World War saw the three powers that had partitioned Poland go to war with each other. In spite of deep reservations about the tsarist regime, the Jews supported the Russian war effort in large numbers, and over half a million served in the tsarist army. This did not, however, allay Russian hostility. Changes in Russian anti-Jewish policies came in only after the overthrow of the tsarist system. In Ukraine, the home of the largest Jewish community in the tsarist empire, the development of the revolution and the situation of the Jews had some specific features. Jewish support for Ukrainian aspirations was undermined by the breakdown of law and order and the beginnings of the wave of pogroms, which was to assume massive proportions in late 1918 and throughout 1919. In spite of the appalling bloodshed that had occurred, Jews both in eastern Europe and elsewhere felt that the outcome of the war did have some positive elements. Zionism now enjoyed international recognition, as did the national rights of Jews in Poland and Lithuania and the autonomy that they had been granted in the latter.

У статті йдеться про діяльність Військово-санітарної місії для справ полонених вояків-українців у Німеччині, яка зосередила свої зусилля й на встановленні зв’язків з українськими таборовими громадами та надання їм адресної гуманітарної допомоги від уряду УНР з метою відновлення національно-просвітницької роботи у середовищі полонених українців. Завдяки цьому навесні-влітку 1919 р. у багатьох таборах були засновані аматорські драмгуртки, школи для неписьменних і малописьменних, бібліотеки, кооперативи. Діяльність Місії у таборах мала об’єктивно позитивні наслідки, засвідчивши готовність уряду УНР прийти на допомогу полоненим українцям у Німеччині.

The article is devoted to the phenomenon of the conditions of existence of the sphere of physical culture and sports in the communities of Ukraine after the beginning of the full-scale war of Russia against Ukraine. Information about heavy losses due to the death of coaches and athletes who courageously stood up to defend the Motherland is provided. About the destruction of the sports base and the reduction of the financial capabilities of communities, which all together creates unfavorable conditions for the development of the sphere. The condition is analyzed and the possibilities of improving the financial capabilities of communities are shown, as an important condition for the development of physical culture and sports. It is shown that favorable post-war conditions intensify the development of the field. The content of the existing plans for the post-war restoration of the field of physical culture and sports has been disclosed. It is proposed to draw attention to the improvement of the quality of physical culture and sports by improving the activities of authorities at all levels. After all, the destroyed and damaged sports infrastructure needs to be restored, because the athletes of part of the OTG had a failure in training due to the lack of a training base, which must be made up. The necessary target funds for the development of physical culture and sports at the community level, firstly, should be created through effective management of communal property and the free part of the budget, which depends entirely on the decision made by the leadership of the territorial community. Secondly, from the competent initiatives of the physical culture and sports asset to attract extrabudgetary sources.

The article is devoted to the theoretical substantiation of the conditionality of organizational and economic mechanisms of coordination of interests of the state and territorial communities by the legal mechanism. Based on the analysis of scientific approaches to the concept and classification of mechanisms of public administration in general, the author proposes to ensure the coordination of the interests of the state and territorial communitiesin Ukraine through legal, organizational and economic mechanisms. The scientific publication reveals the content of the legal mechanism for reconciling the interests of the state and territorial communities through such elements as forms and methods of legal regulation. Among the forms of legal regulation of coordination of interests of the state and territorial communities in Ukraine, attention is focused on the Constitution of Ukraine, international acts ratified by the Parliament of Ukraine, competent, general, and sectoral laws of Ukraine, resolutions of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, and regulations of central and local executive bodies, local self- government bodies, the subject of regulation of which is the status of local state administrations and local self-government bodies, as well as the nature of relations between them. The methods of legal regulation include and characterize the permits, instructions, and prohibitions established for legislative acts, established for local state administrations and local self-government bodies. Taking into account the analysis of forms and methods of legal regulation of coordination of interests of the state and territorial communities in Ukraine, it is set that due to them the organizational and economic mechanisms of coordination of interests arise and are realized. In particular, with regard to the organizational mechanism, the legal mechanism creates such organizational elements as organizational entities, which are local state administrations, local governments, advisory, consultative and other bodies, as well as organizational actions, in particular, conciliation procedures, and for economic determines economic resources such as the order of formation and amounts of budget funds, objects ofstate and communal property rights.

A Time of Change for Education and Music Education The twenty-five-year period from 1957 to 1982 was a time of dynamic change for American society and for music education. Our profession matured during that quarter-century to meet the needs of American society. The story of American education in general, though, is not so bright. It is considered to be a period of education reform, but realistically, not much reform actually occurred. The word reform suggests that a problem has been addressed and solved, and that did not happen. Many of the problems that plagued education in 1957 still have not been solved to this day. I prefer to call this a period of change, rather than reform, because it was a time when we kept trying new things--fads that lasted for a year or three years--and then we tried something else, almost always with no significant lasting consequences. But on the bright side for music education, it was an interesting and fruitful period, a time of many new developments when our profession began to give serious thought to how we should and could serve society's needs. It is not possible to describe this period without going back a few years earlier to identify what set the stage for so much change. During this quarter-century three strands of American history stand out for their effect on music education: the Cold War, technology, and the struggle for civil rights. PART I The First Strand: The Cold War At about the halfway point of the twentieth century, following two world wars, the United States found itself engaged in a new conflict, this time against the only other world superpower, the Soviet Union. Until the Soviet Union dissolved in 1992, the Cold War continually threatened to heat up into a real war that conceivably could have destroyed both countries. Fear of war was a major factor in shaping American society during the second half of the century. (1) It was also largely responsible for the United States coming to terms with the inadequacies of its public schools. The country had to maintain constant readiness for actual war in an emerging technological age, but schools were not preparing students to function effectively in a technological society. The public became increasingly alarmed as the shortcomings of the schools became more evident. In fact, government officials made it clear that national security could be at stake if public education did not improve. And so, for the first time, the federal government stepped in and became involved, not only in what was taught in the schools, but also how it was taught. This was the beginning of an extended period of school reform, a period that still has not ended. It was also a time of discomfort for music educators. In the 1950s music education leaders became uncomfortable with the rationales that had historically supported their discipline because they no longer provided adequate justification for music in schools. Spokespersons for other subjects--reading, writing, mathematics, science, and languages--could easily justify their places in the curriculum because those subjects related directly to national security. Although music remained a core subject, it was not generally perceived by the public as a necessary discipline. The Federal Government Becomes Involved The federal government became directly involved in the schools when it created the United States Department of Health, Education and Welfare (HEW), a cabinet-level agency, in 1953. The first secretary of HEW was Oveta Culp Hobby, formerly commander of the Women's Army Corps. Previously the federal government had treated education issues so peripherally that they were channeled through the National Security Council. As the government became more deeply involved in education, HEW eventually evolved into several agencies, and the U.S. Department of Education became a separate cabinet-level agency in 1980. Even though education authority is a state, rather than federal, responsibility, the federal government provides money for schools that the states cannot afford to lose. …

Reviewed by: The Great War Adam R. Seipp The Great War [an abridged version of Out of My Life, published by Cassell in 1920]. By Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg. Edited by Charles Messenger. St. Paul, Minn.: MBI Publishing, 2006. ISBN 1-85367-704-3. Maps. Illustration. Index. Pp. 236. $34.95. When Paul von Hindenburg's memoir, Aus meinem Leben, appeared in 1920, the old Field Marshal's career appeared to be at an end. The monarchy that he had loyally served was gone and Hindenburg seemed content to use his considerable celebrity to condemn the postwar republic. As it turned out, Hindenburg was to spend the final nine years of his life as his country's President and to help clear the way for the disastrous events that followed. This last act of Hindenburg's eventful life is precisely what makes this new edition of his memoir so important and so frustrating. Charles Messenger has produced an abridged version of the 1920 F. A. Holt translation. Messenger is clearly of the opinion that Hindenburg's account provided exceptional insight into the inner workings of the German war machine, and has excised roughly one-third of the text, consisting of "Hindenburg's philosophising, some of which is little more than a rant" (p. 23). There is no doubt that Hindenburg was a vital figure in the German war effort, both as a commander and as an observer of the contentious civil-military relations of the Wilhelmine empire. His accounts of Germany's relationship with her allies, his partnership with Ludendorff, and his conviction that the only way to win the war was to remain on the offensive are important and make for interesting reading. Messenger's edition reads much more smoothly than the original translation, which was encumbered by long sections that spoke directly to Hindenburg's postwar German audience. The problem is that, by cutting out large sections of the text, Messenger has effectively removed Hindenburg's account from its historical context. Ultimately, Aus meinem Leben was intended not as an unfiltered study of Germany's war, but as an exercise in self-justification and mythmaking by a man largely responsible for promoting the notion that Germany had been undefeated in the field but betrayed from within. A stronger editorial hand is badly needed here to help the reader understand Hindenburg's motives and the world in which he was writing. This is evident both in material that was allowed to remain in this edition and in the passages that were cut. The Battle of Tannenberg, which secured Hindenburg's reputation in the early days of the war, is an excellent example of this conscious cultivation of his personal myth. When Hindenburg reminds his readers that Tannenberg was "a word pregnant with painful recollections for German chivalry" (p. 61), he was aware that the triumph had been "relocated" after the fact from the much less euphonious and historically resonant village of Frögenau. Messenger allows Hindenburg to leave the reader with the phlegmatic and very Prussian declaration "I remained at my post" (p. 224). In the original, and in the Holt translation, Hindenburg continued, lamenting that Germany's army was like Siegfried, treacherously slain by "fierce Hagen." Messenger tells us that Hindenburg attributed defeat to those who failed to "support him by a total mobilisation" (p. 23). Seen in his own words, Hindenburg's thoughts were far darker than Messenger allows. The legend that [End Page 549] the Field Marshal helped to foster of Germany stabbed in the back was a pernicious one and we cannot understand Hindenburg's full life, career, and legacy without seeing him in his enduring role as a mythmaker. Adam R. Seipp Texas A&M University College Station, Texas Copyright © 2007 Society for Military History

Let’s Move! Celebrates 5 Years

Introduction: this article is devoted to the problem of an unknown large–scale collision between Soviet troops and the Allied army in Germany near the city of Torgau a few days before the official meeting on the Elbe on April 25, 1945. Materials and Methods: the initial source for the comprehensive study was the memoirs and published diary entries of the real participants in the Spremberg-Torgau operation. The methodological feature of this work is the transition from microhistory to the analysis of information from memoirs and official documents. Everything that was previously considered private, and sometimes accidental, has become the focus of our research interest. In this regard, this approach made it possible to take a different look at long-known events. Results: in April 1945 American troops attacked Soviet military units east of the Elbe, but were defeated and driven back to the west. This event is viewed against the background of other examples of unmotivated aggression by the "allied forces" against Red Army units in territories controlled by Soviet troops. As a result of comparing memoirs with information from memoirs and archival documents, the deliberate nature of these attacks is revealed, with the aim of depriving the Soviet Union of victory in military, political and economic aspects. The outcome of the Spremberg-Torgau operation, with the defeat of German and American troops, had a significant impact on shaping the outcome of World War II, international politics, and the daily lives of millions of people. Discussion and Conclusions: the analysis of published and unpublished sources allows the authors to perceive individual events of the end of the Great Patriotic War in a different way. A true understanding of that historical period became possible only because researchers became aware of unknown or little-known facts about those difficult days that befell our people.