Ordoliberalism, State and Society: A Political Theory of Social Order by Olimpia Malatesta (review)
Ordoliberalism, State and Society: A Political Theory of Social Order by Olimpia Malatesta (review)
- Book Chapter
1
- 10.1007/978-94-009-6995-7_16
- Jan 1, 1983
The book by C. G. Hempel and P. Oppenheim, Der Typusbegriff im Lichte der neuen Logik (1936)1 renders an important service to scientific practice in all disciplines. It prepares a general ’theory of order’ (but not in the sense in which Driesch understands it), a theory that is a constituent part of the whole future ’grammar of science’ and will orient us with respect to the subject of the logical apparatus necessary for characterising and giving a systematic order to minerals, systems of hypotheses, situations of life, fingerprints, social orders or characters.
- Research Article
6
- 10.1353/sip.2005.0015
- Jun 1, 2005
- Studies in Philology
Maternity, Marriage, and Contract:Lucy Hutchinson's Response to Patriarchal Theory in Order and Disorder Shannon Miller Since C. A. Moore's 1927 essay "Miltoniana (1679-1741)," the then-unattributed Order and Disorder has been compared with Milton's Paradise Lost. Moore refers only to the first five cantos, which were published in 1679, thus explaining his comment that this poem of twenty cantos is "very small."1 While assuming male authorship of this poem, Moore describes Order and Disorder as "an imitation" and "also a veiled rebuke of Milton."2 David Norbrook's recent attribution of this poem to Lucy Hutchinson and his edition of the poem, previously unavailable in print, is likely to initiate extensive explorations of the interaction between Hutchinson's and Milton's poems; this project has already begun in Norbrook's detailed introduction to the poem.3 Like Milton's Paradise Lost, published in 1667, Lucy Hutchinson's poem takes as its subject the narrative of Genesis and thus considers the event of and the consequences of the Fall. The points of contact between the two writers suggest that comparisons between their work will be fruitful. Like Milton, Hutchinson was both a Puritan and a parliamentary supporter. In fact, her husband had signed Charles I's death warrant, and [End Page 340] his struggle to regain his freedom after the Stuart Restoration forms a significant segment of her Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson, written during the 1660s. Her extensive body of work also includes a translation of Lucretius's Epicurean poem De rerum natura, a work of theology addressed to her daughter, and a series of elegies. Like Milton, then, her engagement with the political turmoil of mid-seventeenth-century England prompts textual production in the genres of history, theology, and biblically-inspired epic poetry. Order and Disorder is of particular use since it allows a comparison of contemporaneous narratives of the Fall from a male and a female perspective: one's perception of the role of gender and its relationship to social order in seventeenth-century England was largely determined by one's interpretation of the biblical story of the poem. Intertextual studies of these two poems will also allow us to place Milton's poem in conversation with those of his contemporaries, particularly with newly discovered or rediscovered women writers of the period. This essay will begin the productive process of placing Hutchinson's poem in dialogue with Milton's, though I wish to expand the texts and voices with whom Hutchinson seems to be in conversation throughout her poem. It certainly is the case that in Order and Disorder Hutchinson is in part "rebuking" Milton's theological assumptions. She announces in the Preface that "I found I could know nothing but what God taught me, so I resolved never to search after any knowledge of him and his productions, but what he himself hath given forth. Those that will be wise above what is written may hug their philosophical clouds, but let them take heed they find not themselves without God in the world, adoring figments of their own brains, instead of the living and true God."4 Hutchinson does see her poem as a kind of check on Milton's narrative of "things invisible to mortal sight";5 for Hutchinson, the "figments" of his "own brain" deny him access to the "living and true God" whom she can engage through her closer work with the Bible. Yet her twenty-canto-long poem in heroic couplets, modeled closely on the events within Genesis, engages in a conversation with numerous texts, including Milton's poem, seventeenth-century political theory, and motifs from her own translation of Lucretius's De rerum natura. [End Page 341] Hutchinson's poem allows us access to a seventeenth-century woman's perspective on the actions of Eve and the consequences for gender and social order. While Hutchinson may be said to "rebuke" Milton's representation of the Fall and the other events in Genesis, she is explicitly rethinking Milton's representation of a more material topic: the presence of the mother. While critics of Milton's poem have engaged the issue of the elided mother in Paradise Lost, I...
- Research Article
8
- 10.1016/j.geoforum.2020.09.007
- Oct 8, 2020
- Geoforum
Struggling against land loss: Environmental (in)justice and the geography of emerging rights
- Research Article
- 10.1353/phs.2014.0026
- Jan 1, 2014
- Philippine Studies: Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints
Reviewed by: Strong Family, Weak State: Hegel’s Political Philosophy and the Filipino Family by Lukas Kaelin Arjan P. Aguirre lukas kaelin Strong Family, Weak State: Hegel’s Political Philosophy and the Filipino Family Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press 2012. 236 pages. In this novel usage of the “family” in Philippine politics and society, Strong Family, Weak State: Hegel’s Political Philosophy and the Filipino Family presents an interesting take on the complex yet often taken for granted interplay between and among the existing, and perhaps even the emerging, modern institutions in the Philippines today. The novelty of Lukas Kaelin’s work comes from his convincing application of Hegelian political theory on these modern institutions: family, civil society, and the state. Using Hegelian concepts, the book reflects on the conceptual openings and concrete opportunities for social change that can be considered in light of the centrality of Filipino “family” in modern Philippine society. The author, Lukas Kaelin, is a critical theorist and political philosopher. He was assistant professor in the Department of Philosophy of the Ateneo de Manila University from 2006 to 2008. He has written papers and commentaries on the Philippines, which cover topics such as the ethics of organ donation and the migration of nurses, and the family and political dynasties in the public sphere. In 2009 Kaelin became a research fellow at the Institute for Ethics and Law in Medicine of the University of Vienna. He is currently a visiting scholar at Stanford University. Kaelin begins his work by locating the “family” in today’s political theory of modern political order. With the apparent dominance of the Social Contract theory, he interrogates the common understanding of the Social Contract tradition of political order, which privileges individualism, freedom, and constitutionalism in the structure and practice of modern politics, by understanding the unique role of the “family” in the emergence, [End Page 587] dynamics, and outcomes of modern political order. Despite the recognition of some thinkers of the family’s role in structuring and laying the foundations of the state, he claims that the family “remains marginal and structurally insignificant” (12). The author uses Hegel’s political theory to engage and go beyond this Social Contract tradition by examining and understanding how social institutions shape norms or practices. Mindful of the inherent challenge that faces political theorists and philosophers—which speaks of the problem of applying one’s theory to reality—his study contrasts Hegel’s political theory with that of the modern Filipino family so that it “sets itself in the tradition of understanding ethical life in the context of concrete culture” (16). Kaelin saw the “family” in Hegel’s political theory as a core social institution that is both necessary for the “reproduction of society” and “ability to foster freedom” (19), and he uses this political theory as his framework to think about the Philippines in terms of the “strong family, weak state” thesis. The use of the Hegelian idealization of family, civil society, and state provides a philosophical grounding to the centrality of the Filipino family vis-à-vis the state. Readers will easily notice the structure of Kaelin’s application of Hegel’s political theory through two discussion points: first, the points of divergence between the empirical accounts of the twenty-first century Philippine case and the Hegelian conceptualization of a nineteenth-century European society; and, second, the points of convergence between the Filipino family–state–civil society relations and Hegelian thinking on family–state–civil society relations. For the first point, Kaelin’s creative conceptual comparison between contemporary Philippine society and Hegel’s depiction of nineteenth-century European society involves the identification and elaboration of the differences in the institutions, dynamics, and outcomes of these two social orders. His intent is to draw insights from their unique and distinct characteristics, features, and tendencies, which to him might be useful in coming up with new possibilities and conceptualizations for modern-day society. As he points out, we can identify seven more or less related points on which the Hegelian conception of social organization can be compared to the Filipino one. Almost all of them point to the different weight, arrangement and interaction of the...
- Research Article
- 10.1525/sfs.15.1.0012
- Mar 1, 1988
- Science Fiction Studies
American SF writers have always confronted a dilemma with roots in three contradictory circumstances surrounding its existence as commercial literature. SF is about change, yet most of the writers who produced it were adherents of at least the mythology of US political and economic values, and believed that these ought not to change. SF is supposed to extrapolate plausibly from known science, yet the writers wrote for magazines that initially placed no commercial value on serious extrapolation or speculation. And the modern science of the 20th century—the physics of Einstein and Heisenberg—could place serious scientific limits, like the “universal speed limit” represented by the speed of light, on the range of the adventurous imagination so necessary in commercial SF. The most important SF editor. John W. Campbell, Jr, and many of his most influential writers did try to resolve. some of these contradictions in their own fashion, and extrapolated theories of history and social order from the concept of entropy articulated in the Second Law of Thermodynamics—Theories that emphasized the inevitable decay of existing societies (within, of course, the immediate context of the worldwide Depression and growing international conflict that existed as they wrote). Campbell himself (as “Don A. Stuart” drew an explicit analogy between entropy and social order in “Twilight” and “Night,” which, along with his later trilogy, “The Teachers,” established the outlines of a world-view that will later appear in more developed form in the fiction published in ASF by Isaac Asimov, A E. van Vogt, and—most significantly—Robert A. Heinlein. The common threads that run through the increasingly self-conscious ASF stories dealing with issues of history and social order are: a belief that scientific and technological development is the prime mover of human history unless thwarted by irrational, emotional human fear; an expectation that the vast majority of human beings will succumb to such fear—and to their own self-indulgence; an assumption that only a narrow elite of the rational and courageous will refuse to succumb, and that they will be able to choose only between self-exile and authoritarian rule in governing their relations with the majority; a theory that elite control is the only way in which human society can develop with stability, in combination with a pessimistic attitude regarding lhe possibilities of such stable development over any extended period of time. Such ideas provided—implicitly, but also essentially—a brief for authoritarian forms of political rule. And even at that, their exponents were unable to resolve some of the paradoxical consequences of scientific and technological developments first identified by Campbell in his “Stuart” stories. (AIB)
- Research Article
- 10.1163/25900587-12340001
- Aug 20, 2020
- Brill Research Perspectives in Sociocybernetics and Complexity
Many of the basic concepts of political science and law were conceived during the Middle Ages, but were not adapted to the current times. The purpose of this study is to address this incongruity by incorporating ideas of cybernetics and complexity theory with political and constitutional theory in order to reconstitute it. In this process, the author offers a basic model of human sociability and alternative frameworks to the idea of the state, the constitution and the way it is applied in the separation of powers, the public/private distinction and constitutionalism.
- Research Article
3
- 10.1111/ejop.13028
- Nov 8, 2024
- European Journal of Philosophy
Political epistemology has become a popular field of research in recent years. It sets itself the ambitious task to intertwine epistemology with social and political theory in order to do justice to the relationships between truth and politics, or reason and power. Yet many contributions either expand arguments and concepts from traditional epistemology to political phenomena or use existing theories and frameworks from social and political theory to address the politics of epistemological questions. The former approach (prominent, e.g., in the epistemic injustice debate) leads to an epistemisation of political phenomena and concepts coupled with their de‐politicization, the latter approach (prominent, e.g., in Frankfurt School critical theory) leads to a politicization of epistemic phenomena and concepts coupled with their de‐epistemisation. Instead, it is argued that political epistemology requires reworking even basic concepts, due to its three foundational commitments: It is committed to the claim that socio‐material conditions of existence matter epistemically (minimal materialism), to the self‐reflection of the socio‐material conditions of political epistemology's own arguments and theories (radical self‐reflexivity), and to a specific form of epistemic humility (epistemic non‐sovereignty). Using the notion of normativity as an exemplary problem, the article closes by highlighting the difficulty of maintaining these three commitments.
- Book Chapter
14
- 10.1108/s0733-558x20220000079010
- Mar 29, 2022
From a Clash of Social Orders to a Loss of Decidability in Meta-organizations Tackling Grand Challenges: The Case of Japan Leaving the International Whaling Commission
- Research Article
65
- 10.1080/14697017.2011.586951
- Jun 17, 2011
- Journal of Change Management
This article explores literature on middle managers and the competing roles they play during implementation of change, and presents theory of negotiated order as a framework for further understanding these challenges. Theory of negotiated order highlights social order as emerging from the process of negotiation regarding how work is organized on a day-to-day basis. The article builds upon existing middle management studies by focusing on how roles are negotiated and, in particular, explores the negotiation processes through which middle managers move to manage competing roles. The article argues that management scholars seeking to use theory of negotiated order should focus specifically on characteristics of the negotiation context, as well as social and structural contexts in which order is negotiated. It is also argued that empirical research take specific contextual factors into consideration as well as be conducted at three levels in which middle managers negotiate order: new ways of working, negotiation within the self, and negotiation of boundaries in which middle managers can legitimately negotiate. This information could provide insight into why middle managers engage in the decision-making strategies or activities that they do, or why they do not take a certain course of action in implementing change allowing management researchers to better tailor management strategies to specific organizational environments. Although theory of negotiated order promises new insights into middle management challenges during change, the challenges associated with using this approach are also acknowledged and discussed.
- Research Article
- 10.1353/hph.1993.0077
- Oct 1, 1993
- Journal of the History of Philosophy
BOOK REVIEWS 641 Philosophy; in its metaphysical depth it iscomparable to DieterJ~ihnig's study of the 1799 System of Transcendental Idealism, which also pursues the thematic of art.~ Barth follows the general structure of Schelling's lectures: a metaphysical introduction to the phenomena of art, a consideration of art's absolute content (mythology, the divine shapes of the new Olympian divinities), then a consideration of its 'form', the productive activity of artist ('genius') and critic. The presentation is complicated, not inaccurate though sometimes prosy. Citations from Schelling's lectures did help to clarify for this reader the author's conceptual drift, but is it outdated or undialectical to expect the reverse? Philosophically, the first section of the study is the most important. It is devoted to a systematic "placement" of art in the whole, a derivation of it from metaphysical first principles; this is what Schelling terms "construction." Barth does a finejob of explaining Identity Philosophy, bringing to bear litde-read texts from the period such as Fernere DarsteUungen aus dera System der Philosophie (t 802) and Aphorismen zur Einleitung in die Naturphilosophie (i 8o6). But the clarity of the exposition in this most abstract and conceptual section of the book is undercut by the author's tendency to adopt a neutered Hegelian terminology of "mediation" and "reflexion" to express the conceptual workings of Schelling's static Identity Philosophy. Barth makes clear that the result of Hegefian dialectic (self-mediating negativity) is analogous to Schelling's nonprocessive and nontemporal self-affirmation of the Absolute (56-57n.), but to this reader it seems both unnecessary and confusing to concoct a hybrid terminology--mediation sans negativity, intellectual intuition explained in terms of reflection rather than the reverse--to express the analogy. Schelling and Hegel did share a common philosophy from 1801-18o3; they shared a common conceptual vocabulary, including "reflexion," "construction," and "potency." Afterwards, Hegel evolves a dynamic and negative concept of reason's function of intellectual intuition, one which locates it in a thisworldly discursive process of conceptual specification and transcendence. Schelling looks back to the history of philosophy to model his own solution to the paradox of intellectual intuition (the identity of discursiveness and unmediated wholeness) with his frankly metaphysical talk of Ideas and their "fall" into time and history. Hegel achieves a theory that connects empirical and metaphysical frames of discourse, Schelling leaves them disconnected. This is a difference which is hard to ignore. MICHAEL G. VATER Marquette University Virginia Sapiro. A Vindication of Political Virtue: The Political Theory of Mary Wollstonecraft . Chicago: University of Chicago Press, x992. Pp. xxviii + 366. Paper, $16.95. In this carefully researched book, Virginia Sapiro argues that the history of political philosophy shortchanges Mary Wollstonecraft. The canon consigns Wollstonecraft to sSee Dieter J~ihnig, Die Kunst in der Philosophic. Bd. I: SchellingsBegriindung yon Natur und Geschichte.Bd. a: Die Wahrheitsfunktion derKunst (Pfullingen, 1966/69). 64~ JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY 31"4 OCTOBER a993 the associate status of founder of feminism. No one recognizes her broader legacy in political theory. Rewriting Wollstonecraft, Sapiro hoPes to right Wollstonecraft. In prose often playful and irreverent, she reintegrates Wollstonecraft's political theory into the systematic body of knowledge Sapiro believes Wollstonecraft possessed. She offers a comprehensive analysis of Wollstonecraft's political theory in order to educate political philoso~ phers as to the practical wisdom and sensibility of one of the eighteenth century's most important thinkers. She has succeeded in doing so very admirably, and A Vindication of Political Virtue Will be a welcome addition to the library of anyone interested in the history of political philosophy. Sapiro organizes Wollstonecraft's ideas into an argument intended to canonize her. She asserts that Mary Wollstonecraft stretched the "liberal temperament to incorporate into political thinking explicit concern for the quality of the personal relations and dayto -day conditions of the lives of citizens" (xiv). Assiduously reconstructing Wollstonecraft 's life and work, Sapiro maintains that she possessed not only a famous theory of the "unnatural distinctions" arising between men and women, but also theories of the "reasoned, passionate self," the state and the family, politics and language. These chapters deserve the close attention of all who teach...
- Research Article
- 10.12677/ve.2018.71003
- Jan 1, 2018
- Vocational Education
促进就业、服务发展是高等职业教育的办学宗旨,但近年来就业形势严峻,大学生创新创业成为新的趋势,创新意识、创新精神、创新思维的培养就变得十分重要。而大学生接受思想教育的主要平台就是思想政治理论课程,所以,如何对思想政治理论课进行合理的改革以适应当今社会的发展至关重要。本文从创新创业教育融入高职院校思想政治理论课教学改革的意义、措施和注意点三个方面,进行了详细的阐述,为高职院校思想政治理论课提供一些参考。 Promoting the development of employment and service is the aim of Higher Vocational Education. But the employment situation is grim in recent years. College Students’ innovation and entrepreneurship have become a new trend. The cultivation of innovation consciousness, innovation spirit and creative thinking becomes very important. The main platform for college students to receive ideological education is the course of Ideological and Political Theory. Therefore, it is very important to reform the course of Ideological and Political Theory in order to adapt to the development of today’s society. This article from the three aspects of innovation and entrepreneurship education into Vocational Colleges Ideological and Political Theory teaching reform significance, measures and attention points, has carried on the detailed elaboration, providing some reference for the Higher Vocational Colleges Ideological and Political Theory class.
- Research Article
4
- 10.1086/intejethi.30.3.2377667
- Apr 1, 1920
- The International Journal of Ethics
Previous articleNext article FreeThe Theory of Property, Law, and Social Order in Hindu Political PhilosophyBenoy Kumar SarkarBenoy Kumar Sarkar Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Volume 30, Number 3Apr., 1920 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/intejethi.30.3.2377667 Views: 106Total views on this site Citations: 1Citations are reported from Crossref Journal History This article was published in The International Journal of Ethics (1890-1938), which is continued by Ethics (1938-present). PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Milinda Banerjee The Partition of India, Bengali “New Jews,” and Refugee Democracy: Transnational Horizons of Indian Refugee Political Discourse, Itinerario 46, no.22 (Sep 2022): 283–303.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0165115322000092
- Research Article
- 10.31436/ijohs.v3i1.192
- Jun 30, 2021
- IIUM JOURNAL OF HUMAN SCIENCES
Theories of social order discussed by Western sociologists and anthropologists are based on their philosophical paradigms and the purview of their geographical settings. These theories on social order are limited within the confinement of the human eye, and hence, underscore the revealed knowledge and other contemporary Islamic teachings. It is observed that these scholars appear to criticize each other's work, opening doors for better interpretations based on the Quran verses and hadith. This paper reviews the classic discussions of social order theories by Talcott Parsons, Robert Merton, Kingsley Davis and Wilbert Moore, Bronislaw Malinowski, Alfred Redcliff Brown and Herbert Blumer within the scope of Islamic perspectives. To understand the contemporary social order theories in this 21st century, modern illustrations were also applied. This paper believes that the Western sociological and anthropological theories were incomplete and required beyond human discussions. It means that only revealed knowledge can explain the exigencies of social order
- Research Article
- 10.33094/ijaefa.v17i2.1210
- Oct 19, 2023
- International Journal of Applied Economics, Finance and Accounting
The principle objective of this study was to employ political economy theory in order to examine the determinants that impact the corporate disclosure of listed companies in Sri Lanka. Data was gathered from 122 companies over a period of eight years, from 2012 to 2019. Corporate disclosures of Sri Lankan listed corporations were analysed using Partial Least Square Structural Equation Modelling (PLS-SEM). Determinants of corporate disclosures have been examined in light of political economy theory, namely legitimacy, isomorphic effects, and stakeholder power. The amount of corporate disclosure was quantified using an unweighted index in this research. This study found that legitimacy, isomorphic influences, and stakeholder power are positively associated with the level of corporate disclosure. Findings suggest that managers use corporate disclosures as a strategy to legitimize themselves, manage stakeholder power, and cope with isomorphic influences. This is the first research so far to utilize the PLS-SEM to identify the determinants of corporate disclosures. Considering emerging economies across the globe, the findings of the study provide valuable insights for companies to understand how political economy theory affects the level of corporate disclosures.
- Research Article
4
- 10.1111/1467-9248.12059
- Aug 2, 2013
- Political Studies
This article compares variants of republican and liberal theory in order to assess which can make a stronger proprietary claim to the new democratic practice of citizens' assemblies (CAs). I argue that in respect of the categories of representation, liberty and citizenship, CAs are primarily republican in character. The argument is significant for three reasons. First, the political theory terrain is remapped, affirming clear differences between liberal and republican theories while maintaining an appreciation of what they share. Second, a complex intertwining of negative, positive and republican forms of liberty emerges, which runs contrary to an established tendency where modes of liberty are conceived according to excessively narrow parameters. Finally, supporters of the republican revival in political theory acknowledge that its future success depends on real institutional innovations. Yet this challenge has been taken on ‘timidly and inadequately’ in the judgement of one prominent republican. This article presents the CA model as an ideal existing institution worthy of full republican support.
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