Abstract
Palatalization of labial sequences is a well-known phenomenon in the Southern Bantu languages. This paper re-investigates the trigger for palatalization in passive and diminutive formation as well as in environments of juxtaposed vowels. It argues for palatalization being uniformly triggered by a palatal glide. The palatal glide is not necessarily present underlyingly, but may arise through the application of two further phonological processes, namely glide formation and labial dissimilation. Thus, the paper argues against / -iw- / as the underlying passive morpheme as well as against any role by an original *y in the diminutive suffix. Both glide formation and labial dissimilation feed palatalization, so they need to be discussed in conjunction with palatalization in Southern Bantu. New data from the Lobedu dialect of Northern Sotho lend support to the otherwise non-transparent process of labial dissimilation in Southern Bantu.
Talk to us
Join us for a 30 min session where you can share your feedback and ask us any queries you have
Schedule a callDisclaimer: All third-party content on this website/platform is and will remain the property of their respective owners and is provided on "as is" basis without any warranties, express or implied. Use of third-party content does not indicate any affiliation, sponsorship with or endorsement by them. Any references to third-party content is to identify the corresponding services and shall be considered fair use under The CopyrightLaw.
