Abstract

AbstractThis paper investigates the relationship between finiteness and clause size, taking Romance varieties with an irrealis subordinator as a case study: che/chi in upper southern Italian dialects (USIDs), cu in Salentino, mi/mu/ma in southern Calabrian, and să in Romanian. The last three of these, but not the first, also replace many uses of the infinitive. On a view of finiteness as the result of anchoring of Tense and Person (Groothuis 2020), these irrealis clauses constitute a different degree of finiteness when selected by a functional verb than when selected by a lexical verb. The question thus arises of whether a reduction in finiteness corresponds to a reduction in clause structure. Tests show that these irrealis subordinators form a non‐homogeneous category. Only USID che/chi and Romanian să can be analysed as regular complementisers. Salentino cu and southern Calabrian mu, in contrast, occupy a v‐related position when selected by aspectuals, a T‐related position when selected by modals, and FinP when selected by lexical verbs. The reduced degree of finiteness thus does not correspond to a reduced clause in all varieties. The conclusion is therefore that the same level of finiteness does not necessarily translate into the same amount of functional structure.

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