On the omnipresence of language in and from actions

Parental Age and Offspring Psychopathology in the Philadelphia Neurodevelopmental Cohort

For each of three samples of 223, 124, and 54 individuals (enlisted personnel) representing military populations of different ability levels, relationships were found between total (mean) scores on achievement examination batteries or on their subtests and corresponding scores on a relatively new test battery entitled General Education Performance Index (GEPI), a comparatively short examination with five subtests essentially parallel in content to five subtests of the General Education Development (GED) test battery that requires about 10 hours to administer. Although composite (mean) scores on the GED test battery could be predicted with a relatively high degree of accuracy from those on the GEPI composite (the correlations varying between .52 and .70), scores on one subtest in either battery could be forecast from those in a corresponding subtest in the other battery with somewhat limited accuracy (the correlations ranging from .28 to .57). Subtests in Reading and Language of the Comprehensive Tests of Basic Skills (CTBS) provided coefficients falling between .40 and .68 in relation to composite scores on the GED and GETI test batteries, whereas the Nelson Reading Test (NRT) and the General Technical (GT) Composite Score of the Armed Services Vocational Aptitude Battery (ASVAB) furnished, respectively, corresponding coefficients ranging between .01 and .30 and between .12 and .36. Demographic variables pertaining to grade level and age of examinees yielded for the most part no signficant relationships with the several test measures.

How to Fit Response to Intervention Into a Heavy Workload

The article reveals the content and structure of the program of the elective course “Methods and means of the prediction of general secondary education development” which is elaborated in order to prepare pedagogical workers for application of methods and means in predicting the development of educational objects. In particular, the author substantiates the expediency of introducing the elective course into the educational process of the institutions of higher and postgraduate pedagogical education. Prediction of the development of general secondary education is considered by the author as a scientifically-organized activity of specially trained specialists, which is based on scientific knowledge about the evolution of humanity, the laws of development of various systems (social, economic, pedagogical, etc.) and on the achievements of science and technology, and is aimed at creating predictions of possible state of education and objects of its development in the near and distant future. The purpose of the article is to test the program of the elective course “Methods and means of the prediction of general secondary education development”, the content of which is based on the results of the scientific research of the methods and means of the prediction of general secondary education development. The author describes the main structural components of the program of the elective course: the purpose, subject, requirements and expected results of training students and participants of advanced training courses, the list and content of modules, the amount of training load and the form of organization of the educational process; the relationship between educational branches and disciplines and the logical sequence of their studying have been established and the conceptual, productive, informational, contextual and communicative competencies have been discovered that ensure the formation of professional competence of pedagogical workers in the process of teaching elective courses. The introduction of the elective course in the educational process of the institutions of higher pedagogical education will promote the professional development of teachers and managers of the institutions and departments of general secondary education and their preparation for productive professional activity in the context of innovative changes in the Ukrainian educational system.

Enhancing GED Instruction to Prepare Students for College and Careers: Early Success in LaGuardia Community College's Bridge to Health and Business Program

Research into why students drop out of school has focused primarily on demographic characteristics like race and family income. After interviewing college students who had dropped out of high school, the authors argue that, regardless of background, what happens to students in school influences whether they will stay and graduate. I just kind of got pushed through the system. I was all behind in my academics. They didn't care; they just sit you inside the class. They never failed me. I never missed school. I wasn't a troublemaker. And it was horrible. There wasn't one person in school that really took an interest--one adult that could see that there was something there. Maybe it was because I was so quiet. I don't know; I just don't feel that they were there for me. I don't think anybody was. I have always felt that teachers have a lot of power to really help or really tear down a person. As a student you really look up to your teachers, especially a kid like me that didn't have much support in life. A teacher's words are tremendously powerful. THESE comments come from college students--successful college students. But as is evident from what they say, they weren't always successful. In fact, each dropped out of high school and later earned the General Education Development (GED) certificate, the high school equivalency diploma, before entering college. We have learned about their high school experiences as a result of the GED Scholars Initiative at Kent State University. We believe their stories may provoke thought among those involved in secondary education. The American Council on Education reports that more than 945,000 U.S. adults took the GED test in 2001, an increase of nearly 32% from 2000. (1) Those who pass the tests (approximately 70%) outperform at least 40% of the high school seniors on whom the tests were normed. Moreover, the number of GED candidates who plan to pursue higher education after completing the test battery increased by almost 20 percentage points over a 13-year period (from 47.5% in 1988 to 65.5% in 2001). Yet very little is currently known about the needs of GED graduates who attend universities. This lack of information may contribute to their limited success, so providing assistance for GED graduates who are motivated to pursue a college education seems an important task. For the past decade, the Ohio Literacy Resource Center (OLRC) at Kent State University has supported adult literacy programs throughout Ohio and beyond. In June 2002, with funding from the U.S. Department of Education, the OLRC began the GED Scholars Initiative, a project whose overall goals are to support GED graduates in higher education, to develop a replicable support model, and to gain a better understanding of who GED graduates are and how to support them in college. In other words, we hope to construct portraits of typical undergraduates coming from a GED background and to develop programs and systems of support for them. To assist in achieving these goals, we conducted individual interviews and focus group discussions with 25 current university students who held GEDs. As part of these conversations, we asked the students to recount their educational experiences. Then we analyzed the data according to widely accepted procedures for qualitative research. Of course, a group of former dropouts might not give completely unbiased views of their years in high school. We are aware of that, but we present a summary of our findings here in the hope that secondary educators will be able to learn something from what these GED Scholars have to say. A WAKE-UP CALL FOR HIGH SCHOOL EDUCATORS The central theme of this article is that specific experiences, policies, and individuals in high schools have a profound impact on students' decisions to leave high school. Historically, reports on high school dropout rates cite demographic factors, including ethnicity, family income, and age, as primary contributors to noncompletion. …

Background Educational expectation has a certain impact on the educational performance of migrant children, which can be achieved through the establishment of expected objectives and educational investment of migrant children, so as to improve the educational performance of migrant children. The education quality of migrant children has many complex factors in both macro and micro aspects. Macroscopically, it is affected by factors such as education policy and social integration, and microscopically by schools and families. In addition, educational expectation is the expectation of parents or children for the future of education, which has an important impact on educational investment. At the same time, with the development of migrant children's education, the changes of children's related emotional behavior are also advancing. Subjects and Methods According to China Education follow-up survey (CEPs) (2014-2015), the subjects were migrant children who lived in the household for more than 6 months and under the age of 16. Based on fcsp-eip theory, this paper analyzes the relationship between educational expectation, investment and educational performance in four environments by constructing structural equation model and using Amos 22.0 statistical software. We also searched the databases of CBM, VIP, CNKI, Wanfang Data, PubMed, web of science and EBSCO based on the computer to collect relevant studies on the characteristics and changes of emotional behavior of older children. The retrieval time limit is from the establishment of the database to December 31, 2019. After two researchers independently screened the literature, extracted data, and evaluated the bias risk of the included study, the results of the included study were summarized by qualitative analysis. Results In the EIP structure, parents' educational expectations were significantly correlated with migrant children's educational performance, and educational investment as an intermediary had a significant impact on educational performance. After adding other environment related variables, it is found that education policy has a negative impact on children's educational performance; Community and school conditions have a positive impact on educational performance; Educational expectation is an important intermediary variable affecting educational performance. Children's anxiety, confrontation, attachment and other behaviors show three different patterns over time. The results of two children's emotional studies show that when parents' educational expectations are too high, children are easy to show negative emotions. Conclusion With the help of Chinese education tracking data and structural equation, this paper draws some conclusions. Through the parents' attention to the education of migrant children, the state strongly supports the education of migrant children, and provides good community and educational conditions to effectively improve the educational performance of migrant children. Firstly, the limitation of education policy is a negative variable that affects the educational expectation and performance of migrant children. At the same time, migrant children may also have unfair psychology, which will also have a negative impact on communication and psychological performance. Secondly, educational expectation is an important intermediary variable affecting educational performance. Parents' educational level and family economic status can help children choose high-quality educational resources, improve educational expectations, and then affect educational performance. Third, quality community and school conditions have a positive impact on educational expectations and performance. The higher the quality of the school, the higher the educational expectations of parents and children. Finally, the family structure dominated by one-child in China will also affect children's emotional changes, resulting in the inconsistency between parents and children's expectations for the future. More social support should be given to children's psychological and emotional changes. Acknowledgments Supported by a project grant from general project of national social science fund: Research on Theory, Path and Practice Model of Healthy China Construction (Grant No. 20BJY014) and from key research project of philosophy and social sciences of the ministry of education: Research on Management Innovation Mechanism of Megacities in the New Era (Grant No. 20JZD030).

The article presents the results of empirical analyses of the relationship between the age of parents and the school functioning of their children from 6th grade of primary school. Previous research does not provide a clear picture of this relationship. In the case of older parents, the results more often indicate a positive prediction of school achievement, while the young age of parents rather increases the risk of problems. The analyses used the data from a large nationwide sample of sixth-grade students. Measures of cognitive functioning included Raven’s Progressive Matrices Test, standardised school achievement tests, and school grades. Social functioning was described by sociometric measures from the Student Integration Questionnaire. To minimise the risk of inaccurate causal interpretation, a rich set of control variables was included in the analyses, including measures of family SES. A MANOVA model with covariates was applied. Standard errors were calculated using the bootstrap method with data grouping (schools) included. The results did not support the hypothesis that older parental age promotes higher school achievement. It can also be stated with high confidence that young parental age is not a significant risk factor for a child’s intellectual functioning in school. The second hypothesis, that young parental age is a risk factor for a child’s social functioning at school, was not confirmed. In contrast, a slightly higher risk of peer rejection was found for students of older parents. Careful statistical control of the variables and a representative large sample allows us to have high confidence in the results obtained. The results support strong recommendation for teachers and educators: either young or advanced age of a student’s parents cannot be treated as a significant educational risk factor.

RTI Progress Monitoring Tools

To assess the interaction between maternal attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) history and young parental age on child's ADHD risk. The study included 321,272 singleton children born between 1995 and 2012 from hospitals within a single integrated health care organization. The children were prospectively followed up through electronic medical record systems from birth until the first date of the following: date of clinical diagnosis of ADHD, last date of continuous health plan membership, death due to any cause, or December 31, 2017. Risks of ADHD associated with a maternal history of ADHD before pregnancy and young parental age were assessed by using Cox regression adjusting for potential confounders. The children were followed up for a median (interquartile range) of 8.9 (6.2, 13.6) years from birth. Among them, 5.1% had ADHD diagnosis, 1.8% had a maternal history of ADHD before the pregnancy, and 4.4% had mothers <20 years and 2.3% had fathers <20 years at date of birth. The hazard ratio (HR) of ADHD in children associated with parental age <20 years varied by maternal history of ADHD (p < 0.005 for both multiplicative and additive interactions). For children without a maternal history of ADHD, the HR associated with at least 1 parent <20 years was 1.14 (95% confidence interval 1.04-1.24). However, for children with a maternal history of ADHD, the HR associated with at least 1 parent <20 years was 1.92 (95% confidence interval 1.31-2.82). High ADHD risk in offspring associated with young parenthood was predominantly observed among children with a maternal history of ADHD.

To investigate whether the General Educational Development (GED) certificate should be considered equivalent to a standard 12-year high school education when performing demographic corrections on neuropsychological performance levels. If the GED certificate and high school diploma reflect comparable levels of educational achievement, then performance on the Test of Premorbid Function (TOPF) and selected WAIS-IV indices should not differ between groups. Archival neuropsychology data were reviewed to identify patients who either (1) did not complete high school and did not subsequently obtain a GED, (2) did not complete high school but subsequently obtained a GED, or (3) completed high school and did not obtain any further formal education. Most patients were programmatic referrals for epilepsy surgery evaluation, although referrals from the general neurology clinic were also included. The primary dependent measures were the TOPF and WAIS-IV Full Scale IQ (FSIQ). High school graduates obtained higher scores on the TOPF (p < .01, partial η2 = 0.16) and FSIQ (p < .01, partial η2 = 0.14) as compared to both GED subjects and subjects withdrawing from high school with no GED. The non-GED group and the GED group did not differ from each other. These findings demonstrate that the GED is not equivalent to a standard 12-year high school education when characterizing educational background. Although these data do not address what the appropriate year equivalent should be for the GED when adjusting performance for educational background, using 12 years will likely identify more areas of neuropsychological weakness simply by suggesting higher levels of premorbid ability.

College Readiness, Early Post-Secondary Academic Performance and the GED Degree: Evidence from Kentucky

To evaluate the impact of demographic parameters, urinary system symptoms in children with spina bifida on their parents' anxiety and depression. This prospective clinical trial included children with spina bifida and their primary caregivers. Demographic data, upper urinary tract (UUT) findings, and parental anxiety and depression were recorded between October and December 2024. UUT damage was defined as the presence of renal scarring, hydronephrosis, or vesicoureteral reflux. Caregivers completed the Hospital Anxiety and Depression (HAD) Scale and BECK Anxiety Inventory, with scores categorized into mild, moderate, and severe. Children and parents were stratified into subgroups based on demographics, anxiety and depression levels, UUT damage, febrile urinary tract infection history, incontinence, and motor deficits, and subgroup comparisons were performed. A total of 64 children (25 [39.1%] boys, 39 [60.9%] girls) with a median age of 7.5 years and their primary caregivers were evaluated. Median HAD anxiety, HAD depression, and Beck Anxiety scores did not differ significantly according to gender, number of siblings, parental or child age, or parental and child educational levels. In the categorical analyses of anxiety and depression scores, younger parental age (<35 years) was significantly associated with higher anxiety levels across both anxiety assessment scales (HADS-A, p = 0.032; Beck Anxiety, p = 0.042). Among clinical parameters, urinary incontinence was linked to higher anxiety and depression scores (respectively, p < 0.045, p < 0.005). These findings suggest that certain parental and clinical factors, particularly younger parental age and the presence of urinary incontinence in children with spina bifida, may be associated with increased anxiety and depression levels among caregivers. NCT06802770.

The General Educational Development (GED) credential is the most widely recognized form of alternative secondary certification in the United States today. Unlike other educational credentials, however, GED certification does not require school attendance or mastery of any specific curriculum. Although the requirements for certification are notably different from traditional high school diplomas, the GED is widely viewed as the functional equivalent of the high school diploma. While surveys of employers have shown that they generally consider the GED equivalent to the traditional high school diploma in hiring decisions, much of the literature on the economic returns to GED attainment indicate that these returns are significantly below those of traditional high school graduates and not much higher than those of other dropouts. This article examines the paradox of strong individual demand and strong institutional support for this credential despite educational and economic returns markedly lower than those of traditional high school graduates. The literature on the history of the GED, as well as the cognitive, educational, and economic outcomes associated with it, is examined through the lenses of several economic and sociological paradigms. This article suggests that the GED's potential as a signal of a recipient's basic cognitive skills may be negated by the inability of a test-based credential to signal at least minimal internalization of institutional norms, particularly those most valued in the workplace. The analysis suggests that the GED serves as a systemic safety valve for a system with comparatively high dropout rates. The GED program is a low-cost way to integrate hundreds of thousands of off-track individuals back into the mainstream of society, while at the same time providing an efficient means for the educational system to appear to meet its goals of equality of educational opportunity.

The General Educational Development (GED) credential is the most widely recognized form of alternative secondary certification in the United States today. Unlike other educational credentials, however, GED certification does not require school attendance or mastery of any specific curriculum. Although the requirements for certification are notably different from traditional high school diplomas, the GED is widely viewed as the functional equivalent of the high school diploma. While surveys of employers have shown that they generally consider the GED equivalent to the traditional high school diploma in hiring decisions, much of the literature on the economic returns to GED attainment indicate that these returns are significantly below those of traditional high school graduates and not much higher than those of other dropouts. This article examines the paradox of strong individual demand and strong institutional support for this credential despite educational and economic returns markedly lower than those of traditional high school graduates. The literature on the history of the GED, as well as the cognitive, educational, and economic outcomes associated with it, is examined through the lenses of several economic and sociological paradigms. This article suggests that the GED's potential as a signal of a recipient's basic cognitive skills may be negated by the inability of a test-based credential to signal at least minimal internalization of institutional norms, particularly those most valued in the workplace. The analysis suggests that the GED serves as a systemic safety valve for a system with comparatively high dropout rates. The GED program is a low-cost way to integrate hundreds of thousands of off-track individuals back into the mainstream of society, while at the same time providing an efficient means for the educational system to appear to meet its goals of equality of educational opportunity.