Abstract
This paper compares two accounts of an ambiguity that arises when a comparative phrase containing an exactly differential is embedded under an intensional operator (Heim 2000). Under one account, the comparative phrase is responsible for the ambiguity (the er-scope theory), and, under the other, the ambiguity is attributed to the exactly phrase (the exactly-scope theory). We present converging evidence from the distribution of de re and de dicto readings and real time sentence processing that supports the er-scope theory. Since the er-scope theory presupposes a quantificational analysis of the comparative, such an analysis is ipso facto supported by our results.
Highlights
The syntax and semantics of comparatives have been a source of much debate in linguistic theory
Modifiers were inserted between the differential and the ACE site to create a large enough separation between the two regions of interest so that possible spill-over effects due to a differential would not interfere with the processing of material in the second area of interest
In this paper we asked whether differentials take scope independently of the comparative
Summary
The syntax and semantics of comparatives have been a source of much debate in linguistic theory. Central to this debate is the question of whether comparatives should be analyzed as quantifiers over degrees (see, e.g., von Stechow 1984 vs Kennedy 1997). In support of a quantificational analysis, Heim 2000 presents certain ambiguities which can arise when sentences containing a comparative phrase are embedded under intensional operators. Heim analyzes these as scope ambiguities resulting from the ability of the comparative phrase to be interpreted either above or below the intensional operator. We present empirical evidence that favors Heim’s interpretation, adding further support to a quantificational analysis for the comparative
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